Search

Educational attainment and gender differences on fluid intelligence (Gf), crystallized intelligence (Gc), and academic skills in reading, math, and writing were analyzed for stratified adult samples ranging in age from 22 to 90 years. The data sources were the adult portions of the standardization samples of the second editions of Kaufman Brief Intelligence Test (N = 570) and the Kaufman Test of Educational Achievement-Brief Form (N = 555). Five univariate analysis of covariance were conducted with age as the covariate. Correlational analysis supplemented the covariate analyses to better understand the relationship of the five variables to education. All variables related significantly and substantially to years of formal schooling, an important finding in view of the key nature of this background variable for conducting neuropsychological assessments, as elaborated by Heaton and his colleagues. Surprisingly, Gf related just as strongly to education as did the school-related Gc. Among academic skill areas, math correlated higher with years of formal schooling than did either reading or writing. Women significantly outperformed men on the writing test and the reverse was true for the math test; other gender differences were not significant. These analyses fill a gap in the literature regarding the nature of gender and education differences in academic skills for heterogeneous samples of normal adults between young adulthood and old age and have practical implications for neuropsychological assessment.

A deeper understanding of the processes leading to problem framing and behind finding solutions to problems should help explain variability in the quality of the solutions to those problems. Using Sternberg's WICS model as the conceptual basis of problem solving, this article discusses the relations between creative, analytical, practical, and wisdom-based approaches as bases for solutions to problems. We use a construct of "meta-intelligence" to encompass understanding, control, and coordination between these constructs. We propose that constraints can act at each of three levels--individual, contextual, and interactive. Individual constraints include the metacomponents (executive processes) that underpin each of the four kinds of solutions. Contextual constraints direct which of the four approaches are preferred under what circumstances. Finally, interactive constraints involve individual and contextual constraints directly impacting each other's actions. The model of meta-intelligence and its functioning helps to explain the variability in the ways that individuals frame problems and, as a consequence, in the solutions that are found. The model of meta-intelligence also helps explain why some solutions to problems are so much more comprehensive, and often better, than others.

To study implicit concepts of creativity in computer science in the United States and mainland China, we first asked 308 Chinese computer scientists for adjectives that would describe a creative computer scientist. Computer scientists and non-computer scientists from China (N = 1069) and the United States (N = 971) then rated how well those adjectives described creative computer scientists using a 5-point Likert Scale. Factor analysis revealed that the concept of a creative computer scientist had four dimensions: (1) smart/effective, (2) outgoing, (3) creative thinking and (4) unsociable. Differences in the implicit concepts across disciplines, ethnicity, gender, age, and working experience were analyzed. We discuss the implications of these findings for our understanding of the domain specificity of creativity.

Self-estimated intelligence is a quick way to assess people's conceptions of their own abilities. Furnham (2001) and colleagues have used this technique to make comparisons across culture and gender and different approaches to intelligence (such as "g" or Multiple Intelligences). This study seeks to build on past work in two ways. First, a large, diverse sample (N = 2309) enables the study of self-estimated intelligence across ethnicity. Second, one of the most prominent accepted intelligence theories is the Cattell-Horn-Carroll (CHC) theory. Can laypeople distinguish between general, fluid, and crystallized intelligence? This study finds evidence for a "modesty bias" in Hispanic Americans. In addition, fluid and crystallized intelligences may simply be seen as general intelligence (particularly by Caucasians and males). (Contains 6 tables.)

Assessing creative potential using a comprehensive battery of standardized tests requires a focus on "how" and "why" an individual responds in addition to "how well" they respond. Using the "intelligent testing" philosophy of focusing on the person being tested rather than the measure itself helps psychologists form a more complete picture of an examinee, which may include information about his or her creative potential. Although most aspects of creativity are not present in current individually based IQ and achievement tests, one exception is divergent production. Although still poorly represented, some subtests show great potential for tapping into divergent production, and hence provide some insight into creativity. The research on the relationship between measures of intelligence and creativity is discussed in this article. The authors also propose a way to use individually administered cognitive and achievement batteries to extract information about an individual's divergent production and general creative potential. (Contains 2 tables and 2 notes.)

The standardization samples for the American Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children-Revised (WISC-R) (n=2,200) and the French WISC-R (n=1,066) were used to compare the intelligence of French and U.S. children. The American sample scored higher on verbal IQ, full scale IQ, and some subtests. Implications of results are discussed. (SLD)

Robert Sternberg's WICS model for identifying gifted individuals broadens the standard conception of giftedness and makes many helpful suggestions on how to conceptualize and assess the relevant dimensions of giftedness. There is one area, however, where the authors would propose an alternate viewpoint. "In a sense, this essay is about how to avoid selecting the "Denny's" of the world", Sternberg writes (p. 5), in reference to a former gifted student who seemed primed for success--but then committed suicide. Their question is whether it really is best to try and avoid selecting the "Denny's". Creativity--one of Sternberg's key elements--often involves the potentially scary and daunting task of "defying the crowd". Perhaps as a result, creativity is often correlated with less desirable traits, such as mental illness. If gifted programmes decide to make avoiding someone like Denny one of their goals, then they run the risk of missing opportunities to provide these gifted, but troubled young people the kind of programmes that will best meet their unique needs. The authors believe that gifted education programmes, and especially those for younger students, should focus on finding "all" students of high ability and helping them develop their talents. (Contains 1 note.)

This paper explores longitudinal links between intelligence measured at age 11 ( N = 1594) and 13 ( N = 255) and creative achievement as tested forty years later (at age 52). Using a dataset from the most recent (fifth: 2015) follow-up to the Warsaw Study (Firkowska et al., 1978), we examined the hypothesis that intelligence forms a necessary-yet-not-sufficient condition for creative achievement. Although the links between intelligence and creativity as estimated with the use of linear (correlations) and nonlinear (segmented regression) analytical methods were generally ambiguous, the recently developed Necessary Condition Analysis (NCA, Dul, 2016a) presented a much clearer pattern demonstrating that high creative middle-age achievement was unlikely with low intelligence in childhood. The strength of the NCA effect size was moderated by the domain of creativity, being higher for cognitively demanding domains (science, inventions, humor, architecture, or writing) than for artistic or everyday domains (cooking, dance, music, visual arts or theatre). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between creativity and intelligence has been explored in many ways, including using the CHC theory's constructs of Fluid Reasoning ( G f ) and Crystallized Knowledge (Gc). Yet the primary CHC broad factor theoretically associated with creativity is considered to be Long-term storage and retrieval (Glr). To test the relationship between Glr and creativity, 116 participants were tested on 4 Glr subtests from the Kaufman Assessment Battery for Children-II (Kaufman & Kaufman, 2004), a Gc subtest from the Kaufman Test of Educational Achievement - II Brief (Kaufman & Kaufman, 2005), and multiple creativity measures including self-assessments and rated creative performance in drawing and writing. Glr was significantly related to creative drawing, but not creative writing or most self-assessed creativity measures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: How people think about their own abilities is an important predictor of educational and work attainment. This study examines group differences in the self-concept of intelligence and creativity. We compared self-concept of ability in relation to ethnic group membership (White, African American, and Hispanic) and social class (working class, middle class) in a large sample of undergraduate students (N =3289). Both ethnicity and social class were related to self-estimates of ability (favoring White and middle class students), with group differences being stronger for intelligence than creative abilities. White middle class students show an advantage in their self-concept of intelligence in comparison to minority working class students. For self-estimates of creativity, however, White middle class students show an advantage only in relation to working class Hispanic, but not African American students. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Self-estimated intelligence is a quick way to assess people's conceptions of their own abilities. Furnham (2001) and colleagues have used this technique to make comparisons across culture and gender and different approaches to intelligence (such as g or Multiple Intelligences). This study seeks to build on past work in two ways. First, a large, diverse sample (N=2309) enables the study of self-estimated intelligence across ethnicity. Second, one of the most prominent accepted intelligence theories is the Cattell–Horn–Carroll (CHC) theory. Can laypeople distinguish between general, fluid, and crystallized intelligence? This study finds evidence for a “modesty bias” in Hispanic Americans. In addition, fluid and crystallized intelligences may simply be seen as general intelligence (particularly by Caucasians and males). [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of School Psychology is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Creative metacognition (CMC) is an understudied component of creative growth. It refers to people's ability to monitor and evaluate their creative functioning. In this study we focus on an important element of CMC, creative metacognitive accuracy: people's ability to recognize and properly assess the creativity of their ideas when solving divergent thinking tasks. More specifically, we explored how creative ability and intelligence interact to explain people's self-ratings of their newly generated ideas' creativity. A large sample of adults (n = 500) completed 3 divergent thinking tasks and immediately after provided general ratings of their responses' creativity. External judges independently rated creativity of all generated responses. Expert-rated creativity was positively linked to participants' creativity self-ratings, yet negatively related to participants' intelligence. More important, creativity and intelligence interacted with each other: self-ratings of creativity corresponded with experts' assessment among more intelligent people, whereas people with lower intelligence overestimated the creativity of their ideas, especially when these ideas were less creative. Thus, a clear effect of metacognitive accuracy was observed among participants with higher intelligence. We discuss the results in the light of potential mechanisms that analytical and creative skills may play for CMC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]