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The article questions the advocacy for industrial planning or reindustrialization as a means of restoring the productivity leadership to the U.S. The author believes that advocates of the concept simply mean that government should perform more effectively the functions that people expect it to perform. The advocates stress the need for government to maintain and enhance the network of roads and bridges and to upgrade the education and skills of the work force. The elements of reindustrialization is presented and the author questions whether it is likely to help or hinder in the task of lifting the economy up.

The article presents the research on passports and economic development during the ninteenth century by the elites in the U.S. It states that the differences of the universal decline in the standard of living in the nonmodern America were authenticated for slaves and the dwellers of separated regions. It mentions that the evidence from the applications of passport at present proposes that even in the structured market in the urban northeast, part of the population was almost resistant against the forces that cause the decline of net-nutritional status that the common man went through.

In contrast to many discussions based on annual emissions, this article presents calculations and projections of cumulative contributions to the stock of atmospheric CO2 by the major players, China, Europe, India, Japan and the USA, for the period 1900-2080. Although relative contributions to the climate problem are changing dramatically, notably due to the rapid industrialization of China, long-term responsibilities for enhanced global warming have not been transparently quantified in the literature. The analysis shows that if current trends continue, by the middle of this century China will overtake the USA as the major cumulative contributor to atmospheric concentrations of CO2. This has enormous implications for the debate on the ethical responsibilities of the major greenhouse gas emitters. Effective climate policy will require both the recognition of shared responsibility and an unprecedented degree of cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the importance of race to transport and cultural history in the U.S. The theory of race provides the political-ideological conditions under which systems of maritime and rail transport did their work of moving capital, people, and commodities around the world. It stated that some people has inclined to be characterised as threatening to a social order based on spatial, cultural, and biological segregation of the fictive categories known as races. Furthermore, the author cited that the rise of systems on modern transport would have been impossible without industrialization that required a new and compelling concept of race.

This article presents information related to industrial ethnic-otherness in the U.S. In his classic statement, "Notes on the State of Virginia," the U.S. President Thomas Jefferson makes an argument against both industrialization and immigration. In such an early document of American letters, then, the anxieties articulated are simultaneously directed toward technology and other-ness, or rather, these technologies are embodied in the corrupt body of the other which then infects a healthy self. Against the contamination of the other, Jefferson prescribes the prophylactics available in the industry of the husbandman, labor in the earth and the working of their own soil. The threat posed is the encroachment of an industrial ethnic otherness which is, that of an urban, industrial, European otherness, that is, still, a techno-ethnic otherness. To cite such an early text is simply to mark a moment in which this sort of encroachment had already begun and was to progress steadily through the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The first term of the techno-ethnic threat is perceived as a technological intrusion.

The industrialization of shoemaking occurred in small towns in antebellum New England in which capital formation was severely hampered by currency and credit problems prior to the Legal Tender Act of 1862. In a comparison of two communities, it was discovered that the construction of a railroad had different results depending on the structural ties between the community and the railroad. In one community, the railroad drew external capital to the community that provided the basis for a crucial expansion of scale of shoe production prior to the rise of the factory system. In the other, it depleted local capital, ending the shoe industry and damaging most other local economic activities as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses data from a nineteenth-century industrial community in the U.S. to consider the conditions under which entrepreneurs introduce the technology of steam power. The steam engine seems the quintessential technology of industrialization. Not surprisingly, historians have traditionally assigned a central role to the steam engine in the industrialization of western society. If steam was the critical pivot of industrialization, then the geographical and chronological pattern of the adoption of steam power in manufacturing would have paralleled the spread of U.S. manufacturing activity. But beyond an overall contrast between North and South, this was not so. The multiplication and spread of manufacturing enterprises was first a New England phenomenon and then, by the mid-nineteenth century, became most concentrated in the Middle Atlantic states. The relationship between steam and the size of steam users was much the same in 1870 and 1880 as it had been earlier; value added per industry and firm was nearly substantially higher among steam users. As with cost savings, steam's locational flexibility was more critical to Western manufacturers than their Eastern counterparts.

This article discusses the relation among industrialization, modernization and the quality of life. In the narrowest technical sense, industrialization refers to the process of increasingly shifting the composition of all goods produced by any society in two major respects, first, the share of all products resulting from manufacture rather than from agriculture increases markedly and, second, there is a major shift in the share of all fabrication which is undertaken not by craft hand-labor but by machine processes, especially as driven by inanimate sources of energy. No less important were changes in the character of the population's education and residence. In 1870, no one in the United States lived in a city of a million population, but by 1970 almost 19 million people lived in such metropolitan conglomerations. The potential indicators of a nation's industrialization and modernization are numerous, but they are also highly consistent. To judge the quality of life we have several alternative modes available. The first critical choice is between subjective and objective measures. Within each of these sets a second set of choices can he made, providing us with 4 basic types of potential indicators.

This article comments on the article The U.S. Response to Foreign Industrial Targeting, by Paul Krugman which was published in the January 1984 issue of the journal Brookings Papers on Economic Activity. The paper is an elegant essay in development economics and an exercise in the economics of the second-best. There are three lines of thought which could lead to a case for protection. The first one rests on dynamic scale economies, generated by learning effects. As Krugman recognizes, this is an elaboration of the old infant-industry argument known to Alexander Hamilton and to innumerable nineteenth-century German economists of the historical school. As it behooves the times, the argument is now presented in a sophisticated and algebraic fashion but its essence is similar to arguments used to defend official encouragement of import-substituting industrialization in Latin America. The second line of thought may be called the Manolescu thesis, in honor of the celebrated Romanian fascist economist. Everett Hagen refined this argument for protection, which rests on a wage distortion between urban and rural sectors in developing countries. A third line of argument, murkily foreshadowed in the writings of underground and peripheral economists, rests on the theory of strategic industrial policy.

Public policies are often made without much recourse to economic reasoning. Economists are often unaware of what is happening in the world of public affairs As a result, both the quality of public decision-making and the role that economists play in it are less than optimal. This new feature on current policy issues will offer short articles on topics that are on the current agendas of policy makers and provide nonspecialists with a better understanding of the role of economic analysis in illuminating current debates. Suggestions for future columns and comments on past ones should be sent to Isabel V. Sawhill, c/o Journal of Economic Perspectives, The Urban Institute. 2100 M Street N.W., Washington. D.C. 20037. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The changing function of religion during the age of industrial development in the United States has of late attracted fresh attention. The workingmen's concept of Protestantism in an era of "rapid industrialization and radical social change," for instance, has been examined by Herbert G. Gutman, who is presently engaged in a study of the "shock of industrialization." The Catholics are not deserting the "down-town" districts of New York, nor are they seeking fashionable sites in any of the American cities. To their foresight in this respect is attributed, a large measure the extraordinary growth of Catholicism in the United States. The number of people in need of charity in the United States is very few in proportion to the whole population. They represent one extreme of the body politic; the millionaires and the wealthy class represent the other; and both are about equally numerous and of equal consequence as factors in building up a great nation and a superior race of men. The hope of this nation is not in either, but in the great middle class. The millions who toil on from year to year in the workshops and on the farms are the class whose calibre and development will settle the destiny of the United States.

This article discusses industrialization of the Southwest in the U.S. The outstanding economic problem of the Southwest is to increase the productivity of its labor force. An appreciable part of our labor force is not effectively employed. Inefficiency in the allocation of resources is indicated by the extraordinarily low level of income of the people of the Southwest. One of the reasons for the existence of a surplus farm population has been the continued decline in the total demand for farm products during the last 20 years. The slowing down in the rate of growth of our population has exercised a retarding influence on the domestic demand for food and clothing. An American-British-Chinese-Russian victory would probably result in our regaining some of the lost foreign markets for our farm products although lower post-war tariffs might result in the South American neighbors offering more competition in some of the farm markets. The greatest gain from increased post-war foreign trade would result from the fact that such gain will increase non-farm employment opportunities and thus facilitate a transfer of workers from agriculture to non-farm jobs.

This articles looks at the industrialization of the Southwestern region of the United States. The social significance of industrialization, its spread during the last two decades in the region, and the insufficiency of its scientific treatment specifically for these states, justify a general discussion of the industrialization of Arkansas, even though the results be negative in nature. Such a discussion involves an appraisal of past developments in the state, a cross-cut view of present conditions, and a forecast of future possibilities. Exactitude of thought may be promoted by using the word industry to denote manufacturing, and by including as factories only those establishments embraced by the federal census of manufactures. The first two of these tasks are naturally much less formidable than the last, although even here, because of the paucity of dependable data relating strictly to Arkansas, the task is not easy. As it doubtless true of other states, very little study of a scientific sort has been made. Needless to say, the scantiness has not been much improved by dissemination from propaganda sources of a mass of half-truths or positively erroneous information. Reliance must be placed in the main, therefore, upon the federal censuses, a limited number of state reports, and first-hand information.

This article discusses employment implications of India's industrialization. This article presents estimates of the sectoral direct and indirect employment potential of the 77 sectors of the input-output table. The static input output system is used to arrive at these estimates. No attempt has been made to discuss the problem of choice of techniques; however, the problem of product or output mix has been taken into consideration. The sectors are agricultural and create substantial employment per unit of final demand. Increase in the consumption of the products may not be acceptable due to its impact on capital accumulation. The conflict between present and future consumption and its impact on employment is clearly demonstrated. It should also be mentioned here that it may not be correct to hold the view that agricultural sectors are incapable of generating substantial employment. Among these nine sectors there are two key sectors, viz, metal products and petroleum products. Both these sectors are nonagricultural. The other seven sectors are characterized by poor forward linkages but strong backward linkages.

This article focuses on the book "The Industrialization of Agriculture: Vertical Coordination in the U.S. Food System," edited by Jeffrey S. Royer and Richard T. Rogers. The book examines vertical coordination in the U.S. food system. It discusses the industrialization of agriculture and questions of coordination, the institutional analysis of vertical coordination in agribusiness, market structure, vertical integration, and contract coordination, a method for quantifying vertical coordination, contractual arrangements at the farm gate, grower response to broiler production contract design, the effect of ownership on contract structure, costs, and quality in the U.S. beet sugar industry, the microeconomics of agricultural commodity grading and impacts on the marketing channel, the changing U.S. pork industry, the industrialization of hog production, vertical relationships and producer independence in the pork sector, alternative models for the future of pork production.