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For a Cuban anarchist movement intent on promoting harmonious class relations, attachment to national identity within the working classes was a divisive wedge which limited this objective. Transnationalism – understood here as the process of Spanish migration to Cuba, as well as the anarchist network between the U.S. and the Caribbean – combined with this divisive context; it intermeshed with a Cuban working class marked by their recent emancipation from Spanish colonial rule. On the one hand, this article will show how transnationalism was instrumental to building the strength of the anarchist movement in Cuba. Simultaneously, my intervention destabilizes conventional assumptions about transnationalism: rather than simply a generative process which inexorably led to the growth of anarchism in Cuba, it was constrained by, and at times reinforced, antagonistic relations on the basis of national identity. In doing so, this article furthers understandings of how transnational processes impact social movements, particularly in the context of imperial hegemony. Moreover, by foregrounding the domestic situation in Cuba and questioning the benefits of transnationalism, it reasserts the agency of Latin America in labour histories, rather than adopting the common framing of the continent being a passive recipient of influences from mainland Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is about colonial trade and dynastic change in the Spanish Monarchy in the 18th century. During this time, Spain was at war and other powers such as England, France, and the Netherlands had already begun their overseas expansion. In the Castilian possessions in America, there was a demand for European products due to the prohibitions imposed by the authorities. Throughout the 16th and 17th centuries, trade between the Spanish possessions in America and its metropolis was a source of wealth for the Castilians and other subjects from different kingdoms. Additionally, Spain's dependence on imports of manufactured goods from England in the 17th century is mentioned. The English and Dutch smuggling in the Spanish possessions in America is also discussed. The excerpt from El criticón criticizes the dependence of the Spanish Monarchy on France in colonial trade. It mentions the unproductive capacity of the Spaniards and how manufactured goods mainly came from France. The participation of Spanish merchants as agents for large foreign commercial houses, facilitating smuggling on Spanish coasts, is highlighted. It is mentioned that Spanish participation in colonial trade did not exceed 4%. The text talks about colonial trade and dynastic change in Spain. During the first two centuries of the Modern Age, there was smuggling of goods and precious metals between Spain and America. The French were the ones who participated the most in colonial trade, providing the majority of the cargoes for the overseas fleets. Additionally, there was connivance between Spanish merchants and the authorities of the Casa de Contratación and the Consulate of Cadiz. Colonial trade was the main reason for the War of Spanish Succession, as European powers wanted to control the trade and wealth of the Indies. The text discusses territorial agreements and disputes between the kings of France and Emperor Leopold I in the context of the succession to the Spanish throne. According to the agreements, in case the son of Philip IV died without descendants, the "kingdoms of Spain" would pass into the hands of Emperor Leopold I and his descendants, with some exceptions. On the other hand, the king of France and his descendants would obtain the Spanish Netherlands, the Franco-County, the Philippine Islands, among other territories. Tension between the two monarchs led to the formation of the League of Augsburg and subsequently to war. In this context, the Treaty of Alliance of Vienna was signed between Emperor Leopold I and the United Provinces, with the aim of guaranteeing the succession to the Spanish throne in case Carlos II died without descendants. The dependence on maritime trade and colonial interests also played an important role in this dispute. During the 17th century, the number of French settlers in Lower Andalusia and in the Carrera de las Indias increased rapidly. Philip IV complained about not having received the document corresponding to the renunciation of Infanta Maria Teresa to her succession rights. Although King Louis XIV swore to respect this renunciation, he never took it seriously. The Peace of Ryswick lasted less than four years and a war between Emperor Leopold, Louis XIV, and Maximilian II of Bavaria was foreseen. William III of Orange tried to avoid the conflict through diplomacy and a partition treaty was signed between France, the United Provinces, and England. The text talks about negotiations and divisions in the Spanish royal court regarding the succession of Carlos II's throne. Different groups and their positions are mentioned, such as the supporters of the House of Bourbon led by Cardinal Portocarrero, the pro-Austrians close to the re [Extracted from the article]

Objective/context: This article shows the internal dynamics of a distinct frontier region along the eastern plains of the New Kingdom of Granada during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The foundation of cities, the creation of governorships, their constant shifts and jurisdictional disputes, the exploitation of indigenous labor, security, and the imperial expansion were highly complex issues that today allow analyzing the territorialization of the Spanish Empire on a local scale in which multiple negotiations took place between the central power of the Audiencia at the Reign's capital and the rulers and settlers in the frontier. Methodology: By comparing and contrasting rarely explored sources, such as the capitulations of governorships and the reports of royal officials and Jesuit missionaries on indigenous slavery and settlement, the article shows how the plain's provinces were politically and administratively constructed over this period. Originality: the research delves into the complexities of provincial formation in a frontier area, expanding in detail the procedures for the settlement of the Llanos' governorships, a topic little studied in the literature dedicated to the imperial past in the New Kingdom of Granada. Conclusions: The dynamism and mobility that occurred in the plains piedmont, influenced by phenomena such as indigenous slavery, jurisdictional instability and fear of possible invasions by foreign powers, reveal the local construction of the Empire and the relationships between different managing levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The presence of figures of great transcendence for the Cuban towns constituted an incentive to carry out the fight against the Spanish colonialism. The municipality of Consolación del Sur was bound to the general lieutenant's personality Antonio Maceo Grajales during the war of 1895 like part of the invasion to West culminating the day January 22 in Mantua. The entrance of Maceo to Pinar del Rio would determine an enthusiastic incorporation to the independence fight, starting from the preparations that had been carried out during years. Later on the day March 15 penetrated again in the county of Pinar del Rio, in this second stage the town of Consolación del had Antonio's stay, being developed two attacks during the month of May of 1896, besides the sum of several men to its troop. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Varia História is the property of Varia Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper argues that corruption and anti-corruption narratives are discursive frames assembled to reproduce class power in Puerto Rico’s colonial political economy. To assert that argument, I trace the formation of the archipelago’s hegemonic group since the end of Spanish colonialism (1860-1898) until the first two decades under US occupation (1898-1917). Accused as corrupt by colonial officials, the Criollo bloc developed anti-corruption narratives to justify their self-appointed vocation as the historically chosen class with ruling capacity in Puerto Rico. To validate their ability for self-rule, corruption narratives were mobilized against the laboring masses, represented as indecent and morally inferior, but correctable by the careful tutelage of the Criollo elite. Corruption is a flexible narrative historically mobilized to define, inscribe, and perpetuate the racial-sexual hierarchies that legitimize dispossession and differential access to administrative power under colonial and imperial conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

European empires heavily relied on maritime connections for their expansion and operations. In the Andean region, where Spanish colonialism had a distinct urban character, maritime connections were emplaced in a tripartite arrangement or city-port axes. In this article, I show that the city of Arequipa, in southwestern Peru, differed from this pattern. There emerged instead a capillary arrangement of semi-specialized maritime links between the city and the Pacific Ocean. I also explore the conditions that favored this arrangement, including the positioning of Arequipa within southern trade networks, the city's unique location, and the presence of an important port at Arica. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the aftermath of the Spanish-American War of 1898, the US strategic goal was to transform the Mexican Gulf and the Caribbean into an 'American Mediterranean Sea', to ensure its military and commercial hegemony. The opening of the interoceanic canal of Panama, which coincided with the outbreak of the Great War, promoted among Ibero-American elites the development of a new continental pan-nationalism inspired by Hispanism, in combination with an increasing and heterogeneous anti-imperialism. Concentrating on the years from 1898 to 1918, this paper will analyze the influence of those currents on Latin American intellectuals as a reaction to the transition from a traditional empire —Spain and its overseas colonies— to a new form of 'imperialism' embodied by the USA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the geopolitical imagination of the Catholic Church, particularly in relation to the former colonies of Portugal and Spain during the late imperial period (1930–1975). At that time, authoritarian dictators with strong Catholic ideology ruled both countries. However, the relationship between the Catholic missionaries and the colonial authorities of the Iberian imperial states was not always in harmony. There were sometimes contradictions between them. The geopolitics of the Catholic Church and the colonial geopolitics of the Iberian states were convergent but not always coincident. This paper describes and analyses the Spanish and Portuguese states' policies towards the missions. It also studies the missionary discourse in the metropolis, and its impact and reflection in the colonies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This a rticle e xplores ther epresentation of Equatoguinean women in three colonial novels published during Francoism: Fang-Eyeyá (Cosas de la Guinea) (1950) by Germán Bautista Velarde, Efún (1955) by Liberata Masoliver and Tierra negra (1957) by Domingo Manfredi Cano. Scholars have long neglected Spanish colonial literature about Equatorial Guinea although in recent years an increasing number of studies have underscored the relevance of these narratives to understand colonial dynamics, state propaganda, and the construction of otherness in Spanish nation-building. This essay focuses on the portraits of African women who, despite being secondary characters in the plot, had a central importance for these works to push certain ideological thesis about colonialism and gender normativity in Francoist Spain. These three novels share an affinity with Franco's regime and its ultra-conservative gender values, yet, each work approaches differently the rendition of African women, demonstrating divergent priorities but also a variety of contradictions and fears about the sexual politics of Francoist colonialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sporadic Spanish resistance in fact lasted for five years, until 1660; the fact of English conquest was then recognized by the treaty of Madrid (1670), signed by the royal government of Charles II. The English Conquest of Jamaica: Oliver Cromwell's Bid for Empire: By Carla Pestana, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2017. The English invaders had miscalculated the nature of their new possession, which relied essentially on a ranch economy, and not on the European-style mixed agriculture that they hoped to introduce. [Extracted from the article]

Objective/context: In this article I will examine the concept and the ideal of "experience", i.e. knowledge acquired from lived situations, and its effects on the functioning of the Spanish Empire during the seventeenth century. The analysis will focus on the experience of Spanish imperial officers --those men who held government offices, such as corregidores or gobernadores-- and how they developed empirical knowledge and practices that were decisive for government and the functioning of the monarchy. Originality: Officers' experiences have received very little attention, especially from a political perspective. Moreover, this study emphasizes not only the physical movements of officers throughout the empire, but also the way their knowledge circulated. Furthermore, it highlights the fact that this movement was not unidirectional, nor exclusively from Europe to America. There was broad intraregional movement, as well as from America to Europe. Methodology: The article will make a brief analysis of how experience was valued by political treatise writers. Then, it will show how imperial officers gained various forms of experience and focus on tracing the circulation of such experience: i.e. how it was put into practice in other regions of the empire. Finally, from an analysis of the informaciones de méritos y servicios (or "reports on merits and services", a well-known but understudied document) this paper will take stock of how officers' experiences were accumulated, codified and disseminated. Conclusions: Officers' experience circulated profusely throughout the empire and helped to build a common knowledge on how to govern the very varied and scattered spaces and subjects of the Spanish king. The study of the practice and transmission of experience shows how the Hispanic Monarchy was structured. Beyond the political and legal institutions, it was the very experience of government (and the circulation of such experience) that interwove the global empire, giving it cohesion and vitality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the War of the Spanish Succession (1700-15), the Spanish monarchy began a reform program to centralize the state, curb monarchial inefficiency, and defend Spanish territorial sovereignty. To fulfill these objectives, the Spanish Monarchy incorporated geographic knowledge and associated language and practices into its agenda of reform. Ultimately, the piecemeal pursuit of geography during the Caroline period led to inconsistencies in the precision of Spanish cartography that became apparent during the occupation of Spain in 1808 during the Napoleonic Wars (1807-14). Beginning in 1810, Spanish American civic leaders wrestled with the future of the Spanish colonies and soon democratic republics began to replace the former colonial governments. This paper begins to analyze the impact of Spanish geographic products and monuments on the development of republican values in the Ibero-Atlantic world in the period following the dissolution of the Spanish Atlantic Monarchy. Investigating the legacy of these maps, monuments, censuses, and cadastral surveys will illuminate how scientific products produced to advance specific arguments of imperial sovereignty and nationhood are reinterpreted as similar evidence of nationhood by a different body politic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Histórica (02528894) is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica del Peru and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores contemporary cultural appropriations of the Black Legend, a 16th and 17th century narrative used as a propagandistic strategy addressed to criticize Spain's imperial mission in America. First, this article reviews geopolitical reasons that prompted politics of representation against Spain. It is argued that these forms of representation were aimed to identify Spain as an internal Other opposite to any European civilizing project. In the second part of this article, contemporary appropriations of the Black Legend are analyzed to show how this discourse is still present in stereotypes and clichés of a variety of cultural products. Accordingly, politics of representation of the film series of The Pirates of the Caribbean is reviewed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article plots a critical route through two currents of thought, dependence theory and all studies related to the problem of coloniality. Coloniality--the highest form of material subjugation and epistemic violence exercised by dominant peoples--also makes up a body of hegemonic accounts that form the same matrix into which colonial regimes of knowledge and power are inserted. Colonialism, incidentally, should be spoken of in the plural, as it underpins and defines many areas. Dependence and coloniality, conversely, are tantamount to two theoretical developments that bear witness to the huge potential in unraveling the different dimensions of the complex political, economic, and cultural processes that constitute colonial denomination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the history of independence in Spanish American countries with regard to the legacy of Spain's colonialism. Topics include the history of political independence movements in early 19th century, the relationship between Spain and its American provinces after French leader Napoleon Bonaparte's invasion of Spain, and Spain's colonial system. Also discussed are social relations in Latin America and American colonial social formations.

Viscardo’sLetter to the Spanish Americansinaugurates a tradition of nonconformist political writing against Spanish colonial rule during the second half of the eighteenth century, a period characterized by the Crown’s attempt to reorganize several aspects of the colonial administration. As an ex-Jesuit living in exile after the expulsion of the Society of Jesus from all Spanish territories in 1767, Viscardo had a political as much as a personal motive in designing a project that would cut the colonial ties between Spain and the New World. His plans for emancipation included the instauration of a monarchical form of government, but his design was out of touch with reality and would have hardly been taken seriously by the inhabitants had a British-backed expeditionary force reached the coasts of Chile and Peru, as he had planned. While Viscardo’sLettermay have stirred a sense of creole patriotism some years after his death, the political scruples of theancien regimebased on social privileges and racial distinctions were too strong to be dismantled by mere ideals of freedom, justice and equality. Thus, effective political participation was restricted to the creole elite, whom Viscardo saw as the legitimate guarantor of social order and economic prosperity. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article presents an analysis of an unpublished document that reveals an early presence of Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra's Spanish novel "Don Quixote" in the Philippines in the 17th century. Topics discussed include hypotheses about the popular uses of Cervantes' material in a context of colonial conflict; the story as told by a soldier from the castle of San Felipe, in the Bay of Manila, whose name was Diego de Rueda y Mendoza; and the novel as the most diagnostic diagnosis of the total crisis of the Spanish empire.

The chapters show how the processuality of maps reflects that of the empire: as Lobo-Guerrero suggests, empires have always been in the making. I Mapping, Connectivity and the Making of European Empires i , edited by Luis Lobo-Guerrero, Laura Lo Presti and Filipe dos Reis is one of the latest contributions to the burgeoning field of research on maps and empires. Mapping, Connectivity and the Making of European Empires: Edited by Luis Lobo-Guerrero, Laura Lo Presti and Filipe dos Reis. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Tiempos Modernos is the property of Tiempos Modernos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article discusses the conditions of the indigenous peoples of the Andes Region of South America during the period from 1820-1870. The author comments on the concept of re-indigenization of these groups following the era of Spanish imperialism in the Americas. The economic conditions at the time, with a particular focus on Peru and Bolivia, are also examined.

This article discusses the concept of sub-state nationalism in Spain and in Latin America during the period from 1898-1936. The author comments on the idea of Hispanism or Hispanic identity, and describes the contribution of liberalism and its policies to nationalism. The weakening of the Spanish empire at the turn of the century is also explored.

This essay recasts the central ideological opposition of Benito Pérez Galdós's Fortunata y Jacinta (1887) between the bourgeoisie and the sexually deviant Fortunata, in imperial terms, by exploring the novel's complex racial discourse, which encompasses allusions to Cuban slavery, as well as to an older racial regime concerned with questions of religion and lineage. The construction of bourgeois domestic ideology functions as an attempt to secure its identity as a modern and civilizing power, and is enacted upon the transatlantic stage of Spain's last iteration of its colonial empire. However, the bourgeoisie's continued profiting from slavery and the slave trade evokes an endemic sexual degeneracy and, echoing the Black Legend, raises the specter of its own Semitic heritage, thus undermining its normative identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper presents a historiographical excursus on some central issues of the Iberian and international historiographies in relation to the Spanish imperial system: extranjería, immigration, social processes of integration or rejection, slavery, black people, and Indians. Taken as an example the recent publication Represión, tolerancia e integración en España y América, this paper writes a historiographical analysis on the above arguments, from the pioneering work of the first decade of the twentieth century to today and, in specific cases, the article suggests some lines of interpretation alternatives to traditional bibliography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses various reports within the issue on topics including ealry modern colonial rule in East Asia, Spain's rule in the Philippines, and human agency.

The purpose of this work is to analyze the social and sentimental situation of the first Spanish settlers in the New Kingdom of Granada in the second half of the sixteenth century and their attempts to maintain affective contact and bring their loved ones, all this through the compilation of private letters of emigrants to the Indies gathered by Enrique Otte. Through the epistolary exchange, all the preparations that involved crossing the Atlantic Ocean, from the license process to the expenses, provisions and baggage, were observed. Several obstacles had to be overcome during this long journey, in addition to the process of transferring the traveler from port of arrival in Cartagena to the final site of reunion with the loved one. These are clear evidence of the sacrifices that these first adventurers had to face, which helped to forge the development of the American territory, bringing with it the social and cultural imprint of its native Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Cuadernos de Historia Contemporanea is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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The French colonial presence in North Africa gave rise to a view that was founded on attributing certain -- supposedly distinctive -- qualities to the Kabyle people (Algeria) and the Berber people in general (Algeria and Morocco). This became known as "the Kabyle (or Berber) myth" and was propagated both by North African nationalists and by the academic world in order to validate their accusations against the colonial powers of practicing a "divide and conquer" policy. What's more, from the outset, the French and Spanish colonial governments, by empowering Arabic as an imperial and dominant language to the detriment of the peripheral and low prestige Berber languages, greatly contributed to the widespread acceptance of a further myth, i. e., North Africa was "Arab and Muslim". These myths then became a key argument used by the post-colonial governments to deny the distinctiveness of the Kabyle people, and Berbers in general, hence justifying rejecting their demands for linguistic and cultural recognition. In recent years, however, the Berber people have reacted to these myths; we have witnessed the birth of a resistance movement, the uprising in Algeria (Kabylie) and the development of cultural pride and identity. Surprisingly, these events have caused us to reflect anew on the Berber myths of the colonial period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the Spanish colony in present-day Equatorial Guinea during the period from 1898-1963. The author comments on the racist and violent treatment of the native peoples and indigenous groups, such as the black Creole population, during colonial rule. The broader European imperialist attitudes towards the continent of Africa are also explored.

This article discusses the incorporation of the topic of decolonization in constitutional law education in Latin America. The author comments on the history of colonization in the region by the Spanish Empire and describes the influence on modern society, with a particular focus on European constitutionalism.

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Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

El artículo discurre sobre las tradiciones y las raíces españolas en los países latinoamericanos. El autor comenta sobre la historia colonial de América Latina y describe el establecimiento de la autonomía de la región, con un enfoque en la doctrina Monroe de los Estados Unidos, la cual prohibió as actividades coloniales europeos en América Latina.

Copyright of Revista Espanola de Antropologia Americana is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Scholars have studied how the institutions of the Spanish Empire were implemented, have functioned and have evolved in America from the Sixteenth to the Nineteenth Century. Nevertheless, those structures only made sense because they were known, used, and eventually manipulated by the historical actors. Consequently, the issue of the circulation of law is instrumental in the understanding of the institutional and political functioning of the Spanish Monarchy. This article focuses on the Maya of the province of Yucatan and its objective is to highlight who could be willing that this sector of the colonial society would know the legislation (Derecho Indiano), and what kind of instruments were used in order to achieve this objective in the Sixteenth Century. The study will take into account the role played by the written, oral, and symbolic culture in the circulation of law among the Maya through the writing, the translation, the printing, and the conservation of legal documents, as well as through the proclamations made by public criers, the Franciscan missionaries’ sermons, and the exemplary punishments. One of our hypotheses is that royal agents, the Clergy, the Spaniards, and the Maya themselves were all conscious of the central role played by the circulation of legal culture in the relations of power, so that they struggled to maintain some control on this kind of information throughout the Sixteenth Century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

José María Blanco White is one of the most attractive figures at the beginning of Spanish contemporary history and one of the most unfairly reviled. Even though his writings and his thought are still today largely undiscovered, this controversial and unorthodox liberal portrays a critical exponent of the most important crisis of conscience that Spain has known in its history, the Old Regime crisis, the Enlightenment breakdown, and the emergence of the new liberal era in the years of the War of Independence. His exile in England (1810-1841) enabled him not only to relate to some of the most prominent British thinkers, but also to realize America. There is where he will find out that a part of Spain is able and actually must get rid of the yoke of tyranny and misrule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses Manuel Baldomero Ugarte, a prominent figure in the anti-imperialism movement in Latin America during the first third of the 20th century. The author comments on the development of a Hispano-American nationalism espoused by Ugarte and describes the impact of his beliefs on his social standing in the region. Ugarte's contributions to Latin American periodicals such as "La Rábida," "Unión Ibero-Americana," and "Cultura Hispanoamericana," in which he published his pro-Latin American beliefs, are also explored.