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The emergence of neo-liberalism as a hegemonic ideological doctrine followed both the awkwardness of social democracy and the demise of communism, during the 1970s and 1990s. The main objective of neo-liberalism was to achieve socioeconomic development and political stability; using its unique instruments of liberalization, deregulation and privatization policies. To achieve these objectives, ideological indoctrination was the entire agenda of neoliberalism. Those who are baptized by this ideology, orchestrated neoliberalism as alpha and omega as well as the holy water needed to cure all human beings from socioeconomic and political disaster. Unfortunately, it became a cause of catastrophe instead of panacea since its advent time. From 1990 to 2000, neoliberalism recorded its first socioeconomic and political crises and failed at it; thus, other alternatives have emerged. After 2010 western’s climax crises, neo-liberalism shifted to a new dogma of neo-populism. Consequently, this paper explores the concept and ideological hegemony of neoliberalism and how neo-populism became a reaction of neoliberalism. The study examines the ideological paradox and its crises and demonstrates how it became an end and new beginnings. Key words: Neoliberalism, neopopulism, world-crises, end-of-history, new-alternatives, Fukuyama.

The ideological and political curriculum in high schools as a fundamental course for the implementation of moral education plays an important role in cultivating students’ labor values. However, the traditional and indoctrination teaching methods used by some teachers are not suitable to cultivate these values. This article proposes a new teaching method in high schools’ ideological and political lessons to cultivate students’ labor values in four aspects which are students’ knowledge, feeling, meaning, and action. By setting topics to emphasize on labor values, circulating and discussing these topics to cultivate labor emotions, promote thinking for firm labor faith, and promote action in the practice of labor behaviors to cultivate students’ labor values, improve their rational cognition and emotional identification of Marxist labor values, as well as internalize labor values in their minds and externalizing them in practice.

The article aims to analyze the place and significance of happiness in educational discourse. The analysis reveals ambivalence of happiness education, following positive education patterns. The ambivalence stems from the fact that happiness is narrowed down to the first component of the following dichotomies: subjective/objective, active/passive, individual/social. As we explain in our article, such clipped happiness education may involve the following consequences: necessitating ‘therapeutic education’ for students; neglecting matters of social justice; imposing ideas of happiness on a child through ideological indoctrination. Yet, we can conclude that the dual potential of positive education methods makes it possible to offset the above and other adverse consequences of the promoted idea of happiness.

The basic principles of modern sociolinguistic engineering as a tool for population indoctrination, subjugation, and control have their beginnings in the strategies designed by Joseph Goebbels of the NAZI regime and also those of the USSR. The redefinition of semantics is a dangerous tool used by propagandists to influence the individuals' sense of reality using language on a psychological level. This creates a populace that is more willing to follow harmful ideologies. The study will investigate existing legislation of Australia, the United Kingdom, the United States of America, and Canada about guarantees on free speech especially in academia, and the classification of hate speech. This study further looks at a microcosm of language used by the diversity, Inclusion, and Equity" movement focusing on an analysis of a glossary created by the University of Washington. It also discusses some terminology that is similarly erroneous but not included in the glossary. The history of terminology and their development is discussed as well as the scientific and linguistic validity of the provided semantic definitions in contrast to the original semantics. The study found that sociolinguistic engineering was taking place in universities and wider society which follows the historic pattern of the Third Reich and USSR. The study recommends that universities and education systems desist from such indoctrination and return to the traditional academic foundations of open inquiry and critical thinking.

The Book of Lord Shang, which is commonly identified as a major work of the so-called Legalist school, is also an important—and much neglected—treatise in the history of Chinese military thought. Beyond specific recommendations concerning both defensive and offensive warfare, the book presents a coherent vision of the state that should restructure its socioeconomic and cultural policies so as to turn every man into a valiant soldier. The book epitomizes the ideology of “total war,” in which the differences between civilian and military affairs are blurred. The society is profoundly militarized; the army, in turn, is profoundly bureaucratized. My paper explores military thought of the Book of Lord Shang, focusing on its views of mobilization, of indoctrination of the soldiers, of military discipline, of rules of military engagement, and of military command. I furthermore deal with the question of why the book’s military ideology was all but neglected after the end of the Han dynasty.

Este artículo tematiza sobre el papel de la prensa durante la lucha independentista cubana, en relación a la participación de españoles en la contienda a favor de la emancipación de Cuba. La fuente principal de este estudio es el periódico Patria fundado por José Martí, al que consideramos principal exponente de la prensa cubana revolucionaria en tiempos de preparación de la guerra anticolonial. El objetivo específico consiste en analizar el discurso que el medio dirige particularmente a la comunidad hispana, observando los modos de interpelación y argumentos discursivos que desarrolla para convencer a los propios españoles de apoyar la independencia de la Gran Antilla y su separación de España. Al mismo tiempo, se plantea un diálogo imaginario, un debate periodístico e ideológico, entre Patria (prensa revolucionaria) y la prensa peninsular oficial (liberal-conservadora), que, a través de argumentos contrarios, también se disputaba la participación de la comunidad ibérica en la guerra de Cuba. El recorte temporal que se selecciona (1892-1895) se ancla en los años inmediatamente anteriores al estallido de la denominada Guerra Necesaria (1895-1898), etapa vital de adoctrinamiento y organización de la revolución, que a su vez coincide con el período en que Martí dirige el periódico, hasta su muerte en batalla.

Snowpiercer is a sci-fi thriller movie directed by Bong Joon-ho. This movie presents the world’s survivors that live in a train creating their own economy and class system. The depiction of the movie is how power and ruling position could be achieved by conducting a process of moral and intellectual leadership rather than exercising full coercion . In Snowpiercer, Wilford as the dominant class attempt s to gain power and authority to control the society through ideological indoctrination by the apparatuses . Th e study employs a sociological approach to literature to reveal the operation of hegemony in Snowpiercer . This study use s Antonio Gramsci ’s concept of Hegemony as the main theory and Max Weber’s theory about power as supporting theory . In analyzing the data, this study uses a narrative and non-narrative approach. T his study aims to describe hegemony through five stages of hegemony operation in Snowpiercer. Secondly, revealing the impact of hegemony on the subaltern class in Snowpiercer. Moreover, as the result shows that In S nowpiercer, hegemony is a process of gaining power through Indoctrinating ideology in which the role of coercive elements is necessary to maintain the power and authority obtained by the dominant class when the hegemony has weakened. This explains how hegemony conducted by Wilford lasts long and strong as it affects particular main aspects such as economic, military, education, culture, etc. Moreover, The dominant class's hegemony arises an impact on the subaltern class in the tail section, many people in the tail section get isolated, oppressed, and exploited.

En el siglo XIX surgió la economía social como resultado de la movilización de grupos de obreros que se organizaron para generar alternativas a los trabajos que desempeñaban en una búsqueda para contrarrestar las condiciones de explotación que vivían. De esta manera, comenzaron una serie de movilizaciones sociales para buscar condiciones laborales más dignas. Aunque las expresiones más conocidas de estos emprendimientos son las cooperativas o mutualidades, existen otros movimientos que se adhieren ideológicamente a las premisas de la economía social o economías alternativas como los espacios de trueque, los mercados o tianguis alternativos. En este sentido, en el presente artículo se expone un estudio cualitativo realizado en el Estado de Aguascalientes, México. La investigación se llevó a cabo en dos espacios distintos: 1) tianguis y mercados alternativos y 2) lugares con prácticas de trueque. Se utiliza como método la teoría fundamentada. Las categorías centrales identificadas son: 1) instrumentalización de las etiquetas, 2) perfil de quien participa, 3) espacios para difundir ideología y 4) alternativo . Se observa que estos espacios funcionan principalmente como una expresión de una adhesión ideológica donde el activismo es parte fundamental de estas prácticas.

O presente artigo aborda as releituras da obra Pinóquio (1883), comumente denominadas pinocchiate, enredos breves que foram publicados na Itália após a morte de seu autor, o jornalista e escritor Carlo Lorenzini, mais conhecido por Carlo Collodi (Florença, 1846-1890). O que motivou este exame foram os questionamentos acerca do valor simbólico da literatura para infância, de seu aspecto permeável a diferentes ideologias e de sua sujeição a diversos tipos de apagamentos, especialmente ao longo do século XX quando estados autoritários encabeçaram ações capazes de questionar a própria noção de civilização ou humanidade. Governos de caráter autoritário tendem a tomar a educação escolar como canal de cooptação aos seus regimes e, por consequência, os livros de leitura escolar se transformam em vetores modelares para que tal arregimentação se efetive. As derivações da obra Pinóquio destinadas ao uso escolar cujos enredos tomaram por base ideais defendidos pelo regime fascista italiano encabeçado por Benito Mussolini (Forlì 1883 – Mezzegra 1945) são exemplos concretos destes veículos de doutrinação.

The main issue the paper concerns is the theoretical and cultural interpretation of the 1940- 1950s social realist art depicting the Soviet school. The study advocates for a closer attention of cultural studies to the intertwining phenomena of Soviet mundanity and politically-charged painting. Hypothetically, the interconnection could be attributed to the transformation of the Soviet culture as a whole, with the pedagogical model of Soviet school as one key institutional elements. As Soviet art represented the state political project, each topic and body served some ideological needs. Thus, the paper aims at clarifying the cultural functions school art played. The analysis is dedicated to the post-WW2 canvases, to the period of the late 1940s‒1950s in particular due to the basic shifts in socialist realist painting both in terms of form and essence, which paralleled social and political transformations. The visual studies’ approach to artistic objects adopted by the authors serves as methodological contribution to cultural studies closely connected to political history, as it highlights the ideological sources of Soviet school painting and implicit pedagogical strategies designed to implement the Soviet social policy. The article provides the examples of the most significant paintings concerning the issue. The study has revealed that the era of school art combined a significant feature of early Soviet art – monumental pathos (however, deprived of motifs connected with the Great patriotic war and the 1917 revolution) – with micro-level mundane topics, mostly labour episodes. What is particular about school as such a topic is the role this institution played in the Soviet anthropologic project. As early stages of education are proved to be the most efficient in accelerating a new type of a socialist person, a future Soviet worker, the school realm was the base of value and practices indoctrination. The state policy translated the societal needs and purposes into the art. Having examined the key ideological concepts of the Soviet culture being inherent in Soviet school painting, certain functions were discovered. School is firstly depicted just as a background of state apotheosis. Secondly, it is perceived as a sacral locus where one becomes a Soviet person is both rituals and practices. Thirdly, school art is used to explain the novel principles of constructing a new person – personal approaches combined with growing group responsibility. And, finally, all that contributes to depicting the character traits which pupils was supposed to develop at school.

The purpose of the study is to identify the essence of the historical process of Japanese army capture in a changing world. Research Methods. The choice of research strategies contributing to the disclosure of the goal determined the application of a systematic and integrated approach, as well as comparative and historical-chronological methods, due to the active development of military-political processes at the final stage of World War II. The use of these research methods contributed to obtaining their own theoretically significant results. The scientific novelty of the research lies in the formulation and development of an actual topic that did not receive adequate attention in the scientific dimension. The idea is consists in the fact that the process of capturing the Japanese army by Soviet troops, besides labor utilization, had a political education of soldiers mass as its political goal. The set political goals actually marked the transition to a confrontation between the USSR and the USA in the Far Eastern theatre of military operation. Results. The end of World War II and the capture of the Japanese army by Soviet troops for their subsequent labor use on the territory of the USSR witnessed the emergence of a new global process, which later became known as the Cold War. The Soviet Union showed a flexible reaction to the prospect of a military confrontation with the United States in the face of a nuclear threat. The stay of the Japanese army prisoners on the territory of the USSR as a labor force was used for ideologically process the soldiers mass and preparation an active asset for the Communist Party of Japan. Ultimately, the goal of political indoctrination can be the control putting over domestic and foreign policies of Japan and US full prevention of control over Japan. Keywords: World War II, USSR, USA, Japan, Japanese prisoners of war, political indoctrination, Kwantung army.

This article argues that two significant recent influential historical novels about the Holocaust, Hitler’s Daughter (1999) and The Boy in the Striped Pyjamas (2006), reprise the genre traits of the Bildungsroman or novel of development and can be regarded as remarkably effective in engaging an active reader. Both novels, intended for children and younger adolescent readers, are focused on initially sequestered child protagonists from a perpetrator culture who are unable to fully understand their circumstances but undergo formative experiences by leaving ‘home’, legible both as a physical domicile and a site of indoctrination and repression. As they journey away from a limited conception of biological family the novel’s protagonists are able to reject constricting modes of social conditioning that repress authentic self-expression, curiosity, and impartial ethical judgment. In both novels the protagonists transform their perception of their circumstances by becoming resourceful bricoleurs, unearthing imaginative possibilities in their immediate environment that allow them to forestall emotional isolation and the dehumanization of designated ‘Others’ such as the Jews. The article suggests that while The Boy in the Striped Pyjamas has been read as reinforcing the myth of German innocence, its typological representation of a ‘dangerous family’ and its implied affirmation of Bruno’s explorative instincts, empathetic capacities, and commitment to friendship, allow a reader greater recognition of the ‘banal ideologies and institutions occupied by the perpetrator’ (Ann Rider).

The article analyzes the current state of university Islamic education in Ukraine. Social processes such as democracy and globalization are affecting Islamic education in Ukraine. One of the consequences of these processes is the increasing coverage of Ukrainian Muslims with university Islamic education and the establishment of new Islamic university educational institutions. It is emphasized that the university Islamic education in Ukraine is focused exclusively on the Islamic faith tradition, the purpose of which is religious indoctrination through the transfer of knowledge of the Koran, Sunnah, Sharia and Islamic religious practice to students. During the study, the authors analyzed the media, obtained information from the State Ethnopolitics and Freedom of Conscience Service of the Ministry of Culture of Ukraine and the Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine, studied Islamic online universities, interviewed muftis, imams, leaders of religious organizations, teachers of Islamic educational institutions, religious scholars and ordinary people Muslims. Islamic education is training and education based on the Koran and Sunnah (Sunnah is a set of traditions about the words and deeds of the Prophet Muhammad), in the interests of the individual, the Muslim community, and sometimes the state. University Islamic education is a part of the Islamic education system in Ukraine. Ukrainian Muslims have the opportunity to get an Islamic education at the muftiate and online universities. The analysis of the current state of university Islamic education in Ukraine indicates the impossibility of institutional centralization and unification of university Islamic education by Muslim organizations of Ukraine. This is due to differences in the interpretation of Islam by Islamic spiritual centers. The study concludes the impossibility of institutional centralization and unification of university Islamic education by Muslim organizations of Ukraine due to conceptual and ideological contradictions within the Islamic identity. Keywords: Islam, Islamic identity, Islamic University, Islamic education, university Islamic education in Ukraine ислам, исламская идентичность, исламский университет, исламское образование, университетское исламское образование в Украине.

Resumo A partir da investigação sobre os principais fundamentos ideológicos e pressupostos da organização associativa Escola sem Partido (ESP), com sede na cidade de São Paulo, este trabalho busca analisar as implicações das perspectivas e pautas defendidas pela associação para a educação e à sociedade brasileira na última década, abrangendo, mais especificamente, seus desdobramentos no âmbito do ensino da Sociologia no nível médio da educação básica. A pesquisa documental ocorreu junto aos meios de comunicação, eletrônicos e impressos, websites e redes sociais vinculadas ao ESP e abordadas a partir de contribuições da análise crítica do discurso. Como resultado, destacamos os conceitos de doutrinação ideológica e neutralidade do ensino propostos pelo ESP, seus temas e pautas que recaem sobre a questão do cerceamento da prática docente e aos componentes curriculares da disciplina de Sociologia, admitida apenas, quando se aproxime dos padrões nomotéticos de um conhecimento sociológico positivista e cientificista, reprodutores do seu projeto societário conservador. Abstract This study examined the main ideological foundations and assumptions of the organization Escola sem Partido (School without Party) (ESP), based in the city of São Paulo, Brazil. This article discusses the implications of the perspectives and guidelines regarding education and society defended by the organization in the last decade, highlighting, more specifically, the developments of the debate in sociology teaching in high school. Documentary research collected electronic and printed material from the press, websites, and social media linked to ESP, which was studied using critical discourse analysis. The results highlight the concepts of ideological indoctrination and neutrality of teaching proposed by ESP, as well as the topics and agenda related to the issue of the curtailment of teaching practice and curricular components of the discipline of sociology. For the ESP, sociology could only be admitted when reflecting nomothetic standards of a positivist and scientific sociological knowledge, reproducing the organization’s project of a conservative society.

Purpose: The article deals with the politics of the Kemalists in the Republic of Turkey in the 1920s - 1930s, as well as the ways of indoctrination of the main political principles of this ideology. During this period, Turkey, under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, began radical changes affecting all spheres of society. Methodology: The research given is based on the principles of science, historicism, and impartiality; moreover, historical-genetic, historical-comparative, historical-systematic methods of historical research are used. Result: Having declared itself a secular state, focusing on the European level of development of those times, the Republican Turkey at the same time created its own system of national education, culture, language, ideology. This was facilitated by quite radical, largely authoritarian transformations. However, it is worth noting that the goal of the reforms was not widespread westernization of society, but the creation of a national Turkish state. Applications: This research can be used for the universities, teachers, and students. Novelty/Originality: In this research, the model of Cinematography as an element of the ideological system of Kemalism is presented in a comprehensive and complete manner.

La presencia del terrorismo islamista en internet ha cambiado cuantitativa y cualitativamente en los últimos años como consecuencia de la irrupción del autodenominado Estado Islámico. Nunca hasta ahora había resultado tan fácil acceder a toda clase de propaganda extremista, en especial, en las redes sociales. Los estrategas mediáticos de Estado Islámico han conseguido convertir el terror más atroz en un espectáculo hollywoodiense, que logra captar la atención de jóvenes de religión musulmana que habitan en Occidente. A partir de estas consideraciones, el presente trabajo analiza los distintos canales en línea a través de los cuales el movimiento islamista está llevando a cabo tareas de propaganda, captación, adoctrinamiento y adiestramiento de nuevos miembros de esta ideología pan-islámica radical dispuesta a extender el terror por todo el planeta.

This article is a criticism of the Islamic education aspect, which always shown with a model of normative deductive tendencies. Of course, it is an impact on the learners. It is challenging to understand because reviewed full of knowledge that should be skyrocketing grounded, ranging from things that are theocentric to the abstract, tend to ignore the real reality that it is where the students live and interact with people different from themselves. Moreover, the methodology of teaching and learning teachers are comfortable in matters of religion. That is more suitable to be indoctrination and did not effect on dialogic. Indeed, Islamic education should attach continuously to the historical circumstances in which personalities live.

During the last decade, there has been a distinct move away from the examination of the role of National Socialist indoctrination in the Wehrmacht. Few, if any, historians now doubt that the propag...

Este texto apresenta reflexões acerca do movimento Escola sem Partido (ESP), que teve sua gênese em 2014. Assim como outros movimentos conservadores que têm ocorrido na América do Norte, o ESP afirma lutar contra: “a doutrinação política e ideológica dos alunos por parte de professores” e a “usurpação dos direitos dos pais na educação moral e religiosa de seus filhos”. Por trás da ingênua afirmação de defesa de uma escola neutral, encontram-se bandeiras pouco esclarecidas, mas muito bem articuladas com setores conservadores religiosos, mercadológicos e elitistas, que veem na educação pública ameaças aos seus privilégios.

First published online: July 7, 2019 How do the labels left and right take on meaning in new democracies? Existing explanations point to the universality of the left-right scheme or, reversely, emphasize regionally dominant social cleavages. We propose an alternative legacy-focused theory based on two observations: Dictatorships are not ideologically neutral and are negatively evaluated by most citizens and elites after democratization. These premises lead us to expect that when the authoritarian regime is associated with the left (right), the citizens of a new democracy will display an antileft (antiright) bias in their left-right self-identification. We test this hypothesis across Latin American and European new democracies. We find significant bias, which in the case of new democracies following left-wing regimes is concealed due to intercohort heterogeneity. Although older cohorts denote a positive bias, cohorts born after Stalin's era denote negative bias against the left. Consistent with our expectations, repression exacerbates this bias whereas indoctrination mitigates it. Finally, we look at how these biases apply to party preferences. The findings have important implications for understanding authoritarian legacies and party system development in new democracies. John Fell Fund, University of Oxford British Academy

This article compares and re-examines citizenship education (CE) teaching and learning in Hong Kong (HK) and Guangzhou (GZ), China. It questions two stereotypical perceptions—that China schools ind...

This article introduces an account of moral education grounded in Zagzebski’s recent Exemplarist Moral Theory and discusses two problems that have to be solved for the account to become a realistic alternative to other educational models on the market, namely the limited-applicability problem and the problem of indoctrination. The first problem raises worries about the viability of the account in ordinary circumstances. The second charges the proposed educational model with indoctrinating students. The main goal of this article is to show how an exemplar-based account of moral education can handle both problems without compromising its structure and upshot.

Once viewed as a bulwark of cultural and economic modernity, Protestantism in the beginning of the 20th century led to fundamentalist and Pentecostal schisms which later overreached liberal strands, spread throughout the world and flowed into the new Christian right. In Latin America, where evangelical groups already account for a fifth of the population, they have transformed the religious field, and formed parliamentary caucuses and parties. This article deals briefly with the conservative evangelical political activism in the 2018 presidential elections in Costa Rica, Colombia, Venezuela, Mexico, and Brazil. In defense of “family” and “life”, they fight to conform the legal system to the moral values of the “Christian majority” by undertaking crusades against abortion, egalitarian and anti-homophobic policies, sexual education and a supposed ideological and “gender” indoctrination in schools.

In this article, I illuminate ongoing debates about the normative status of indoctrination via close examination of recent work in the philosophy of psychiatry and, more particularly, delusion. Here it has been argued, contrary to the established view that delusional states of mind are epistemically problematic, that delusions can (at least under certain circumstances) exhibit a quality called ‘epistemic innocence’. That is, they may ‘[deliver] a significant epistemic benefit, that could not be obtained otherwise’. This might lead us to wonder whether indoctrinated beliefs – which appear to share key features with delusional beliefs – might also be capable of such epistemic innocence and, if so, what the educational consequences of such a conclusion would be. By drawing meaningful distinctions between delusion and normal cognition, as well as expanding our notions of what is conducive to epistemic achievement, philosophers of psychiatry and psychopathology provide us with novel, empirically informed theoretical resources which are particularly well placed to facilitate better understanding of belief formation and malformation. As such, this work is of direct relevance to philosophers of education concerned with questions pertaining to the legitimate transmission of beliefs. I begin by briefly outlining my own outcome-based account of indoctrination before discussing some of the relevant similarities and differences between indoctrination and delusion. This is followed by a discussion of how the aforementioned shared features might motivate the conclusion that indoctrination is morally problematic. In the second half of the article, I shift my focus to the possible epistemic benefits of delusional beliefs, before going on to explain why none of the candidates for epistemically innocent forms of belief transmission can be properly described as indoctrination.

In the early years of the Cold War, as universities expelled scholars with ties to the Communist Party, it became an article of faith among conservatives that the only targets of an ideological purge were people like themselves. William F. Buckley's God and Man at Yale, the most important exponent of this view, argued that “academic freedom” was a “superstition” designed to promote liberal indoctrination. Buckley's work tweaked, and mainstreamed, claims that a subversive conspiracy had overtaken the nation's schools and colleges. The correspondence the book generated demonstrates how attacks on academic freedom, and claims of victimhood, mobilized the postwar right.

Marxist ideology, and later the practice of the communist state, denied the essential goals of education, making it an important tool for indoctrination. Man ceased to be the highest value, and was replaced by other values that were lower than him.The communist program of raising children and youth in atheism, without God, was an attack on all believers, because it impacted the future of any religion in Russia.The pontificate of John Paul II, the first Pope from a communist country, was important in determining the threat of Marxism. In the encyclical „Laborem Exercens” the Pope stated that “by the use of various kinds of influence, including revolutionary pressure, it aims to win a monopoly of power in each society.” (LE, 11). The fundamental assessment of Marxism was made by John Paul II in response to social issues posed by the so-called theology of liberation. This power reaches deep and is vast, because it affects the whole person, in all dimensions of his existence.

At present, most of the mechanics of materials teaching has not got rid of the traditional teaching methods, which exists despite the disadvantages of indoctrination. Therefore, it is necessary to speed up the process of the “gold course” of material mechanics. To this, we can start from two aspects: One is the reform of teaching mode, and the another is reform of teaching content. This article puts forward the teaching mode of four-level thinking to cultivate students’ four abilities. Meanwhile, we expound on the reform methods of teaching contents from three aspects: using artificial intelligence to individualize teaching; introducing case base, and integration of ideological and political education. Finally, the gold course system of material mechanics for application-oriented undergraduate civil engineering major has been established.

The seeds of totalitarian-style education are germinating in America’s schools. The dominant ideology that is sprouting is gender identity ideology. Through massive federal spending, state ownership claims over children, de facto denial of educational choice, curricular overhauls, new teacher “training” programs, inter alia, many of America’s schools have slowly become indoctrination factories for the belief that sex is fluid, that there are multiple genders, and that a person’s “sex assigned at birth” has nothing to do with a person’s so-called gender identity. This Article argues that totalitarian-style education—now manifesting in indoctrination in gender identity ideology—is fundamentally inconsistent with American ideals and constitutional principles. First, the Article surveys the educational systems and philosophies of three totalitarian states: Sparta, the Soviet Union, and Nazi Germany. Based on these surveys, the Article deduces five tenets of totalitarian education. After taking power, each totalitarian state consolidated all power over the education system in the central government and stripped all educational authority from outside influences. Second, children were viewed as property of the state, and the state became the primary influence upon children. Third, education at state-run schools was made compulsory from young ages. Fourth, the curriculum was highly controlled and intentionally ideological, constructed with the singular goal of molding children into uniform citizens who would serve the state’s ends. Fifth, teachers were controlled and required to instruct their pupils in the tenets of party ideology or risk termination or worse. Through this process, the State would destroy the individual and produce uniform citizens that would serve the interests of the state. The Article argues that each of these five principles is inconsistent with the Constitution. The Federal Government has limited powers and has no constitutional authority to control education. The Constitution recognizes the right of parents to care for their children and direct their children’s moral upbringing and education. States have no authority to force children to attend public schools. The First Amendment bars the state from submerging the individual by indoctrinating children in its preferred ideology. Public-school teachers are guaranteed First Amendment rights of speech and association, and therefore the state cannot force teachers to join a union, swear oath to an ideology, or terminate them for refusing to teach an ideology. Finally, the Article demonstrates that—despite the inconsistency—each of the five totalitarian principles is gaining ground in American institutions and schools with the goal of indoctrinating children in gender identity ideology. The Article concludes by urging parents to take control of their children’s education, whether by holding school boards and states accountable or removing their children from public schools altogether. Without such drastic action—and quick—the roots of totalitarianism will have spawned an oak too mighty to uproot.

Texto en portugués Título, resumen y palabras clave también en inglés Título en el sumario de la revista: Reflexiones sobre los principales fundamentos de la «Escuela sin partido» En Brasil, el movimiento o programa «Escuela sin Partido» (ESP), que surgió en 2004, sostiene una lucha contra el «adoctrinamiento ideológico» que cree que ocurre en las escuelas y defiende la neutralidad en la enseñanza. Basado en el conservadurismo cristiano, intenta descalificar a los maestros e imponer una ideología antidemocrática, fundada en el autoritarismo en un intento de perpetuar una 'educación bancaria', técnica y de mera transmisión de conocimientos, cuando, de hecho, el docente debe tener una postura activa y comprometida con la construcción de alumnos intelectualmente autónomos, dotados de sentido crítico y reflexivo. Se reflexiona sobre los puntos estructurales del movimiento ESP, que son: la visión del alumno como una pizarra en blanco para llenar de conocimientos; enseñanza basada en la neutralidad, sin manifestaciones políticas, morales, ideológicas o religiosas; la existencia de una verdad única, científica y objetiva; la restricción a la autonomía de los profesores y la libertad de cátedra, en un intento de proteger a los estudiantes de un posible adoctrinamiento. La investigación es bibliográfica y documental. Se consultaron documentos del movimiento ESP y decisiones judiciales. Como resultado, se demanda justicia social y equidad, libertad para enseñar y aprender, así como del derecho a la educación. ESP

Mixed Methods Research (MMR) has been identified as a third research approach in psychological research mixing both quantitative and qualitative methods. MMR’s foundational basis is “an intuitive way of doing research that is constantly being displayed throughout our everyday lives”. Extensive work by cognitive psychologists has shown that intuition is laden with cognitive heuristics or biases that are misleading in interpreting the world around us. MMR rests on an ideology of transformative, emancipatory, advocacy, social justice, and post-modernist positions. Advocacy and politicizing, however, biases research, making the outcomes untenable, unreliable, and not valid, rather working as tools of indoctrination. This undermines scientific objectivity. These positions are critiqued as non-sustainable in the world of modern science. Nonetheless, the idea of mixing data formats is a good one and researchers should employ all possible data (words, numbers, perceptions, etc.) that help build theory, address research questions, test hypothesis, and evaluate theoretical models. MMR in psychological science can be improved with measurement as a foundation while eschewing intuition and transformative, emancipatory, and advocacy ideologies.

Humans have a variety of biosocial constraints to killing other humans, both individually and collectively. There are natural, internal inhibitions as well as moral and ethical restraints. But, tragically, mankind is the only species that kills its own kind with such abandon. War and mass killings are examples where these constraints are overridden through various techniques such as training, propaganda, ideology, and indoctrination as well as compelling contexts like social inequalities, grievances, perceived threat, paranoia, territoriality, overcrowding, defence, authoritarian ambitious leadership, and anticipated spoils and benefits. This chapter provides a better understanding of these complex factors and a willingness to address these issues to bring in a more peaceful change.

O movimento Escola Sem Partido vem, desde o início dos anos 2000, se notabilizando no Brasil por lançar sucessivas investidas de poder sobre a categoria docente. Para tal empreendimento, foi necessário, entre outras ações, fabricar um conjunto de saberes que lhe conferisse certa legitimidade no campo da Educação. Analisamos, neste artigo, a partir do referencial teórico proveniente dos Estudos Culturais e sob inspiração do pensamento de Michel Foucault, aquilo que denominamos como mecanismo da denúncia: estratégia estabelecida a fim de representar o movimento como verdadeiro e necessário ao nosso tempo. O material empírico selecionado para esta pesquisa esteve composto por 127 artigos retirados do sítio escolasempartido.org. A investigação permitiu verificar o modo como o Escola Sem Partido opera na construção do discurso que aponta para uma suposta hegemonia da doutrinação ideológica nas escolas, envolvendo-se numa disputa pela verdade em um processo no qual rivalizava, inclusive, com a própria literatura acadêmica educacional.

The aim of this chapter is to answer the question of how people can be responsible for holding fundamentalist beliefs, say, about the social position of minorities such as women, homosexuals, and people of other faiths or ideologies. It sets out by exploring what fundamentalist beliefs are. After providing a family resemblance account of fundamentalist beliefs, the chapter moves on to scrutinize how people can be responsible for such beliefs. Of course, there will be scenarios in which people are not to be blamed for fundamentalist beliefs, especially cases of trauma and indoctrination. However, in many cases, such as those of many leading figures in fundamentalist movements, we do want to hold people responsible for their fundamentalist convictions. How we can do so is especially challenging, because, as several philosophers, such as Michael Baurman and Cassim Qassam, have rightly argued, fundamentalist belief can be perfectly subjectively rational. Getting a firmer grip on the nature of and responsibility for fundamentalist beliefs will help us to understand an important disturbing phenomenon in contemporary society, but possibly also to take relevant steps to prevent people from forming or maintaining such fundamentalist beliefs.

It has long been accepted that education is an important determinant of economic growth. What is less often observed is that, through indoctrination, education can also shape preferences and ideology. Using the 1911 Chinese Revolution as example, we demonstrate how the Qing government’s intention to acquire knowledge useful for state building by sending students to study in Japan led to unexpected political consequences. By using the number of Chinese students in Japan as a proxy for the effects of foreign education, we show that counties with a higher density of overseas students had significantly higher participation in political parties, greater representation in electoral politics, and were more likely to declare independence from the Qing government. The content of education also mattered; political activism was significantly stronger in counties where more students studied arts and social sciences subjects. Schools and newspapers were the channels through which the ideology of nationalism was diffused.

This paper is an examination of the membership recruitment strategies of two violent extremist organizations (VEOs), namely al-Shabaab and Boko Haram. The majority of the literature on VEOs concentrates on the conceptualization of terrorism, motivations for terrorism and counter-terrorism strategies, as well as a focus on the frequency of VEO attacks, number of fatalities and funding sources. The literature tends to portray poverty as the main driver of recruitment. The focus on recruitment strategies has been relatively recent. There is therefore still a lack of in-depth analyses on the processes of recruitment of specific extremist groups, and this impacts on the development of effective counter-insurgency policies and practices. We conclude that there is a need for more nuanced studies of recruitment practices, including radicalization strategies, of specific VEOs in Africa. This understanding of recruitment practices, particularly by VEOs such as Boko Haram and al-Shabaab, will enable more context specific counter-insurgency programmes that target the ability of these organizations to recruit and expand. There can be no one-size-fits-all approach to dealing with the challenge of violent extremism in Africa.

The state built a system into universities to maintain its control over politics, and though its mechanisms have been well implemented, there remains some buffer space between state requirements and student expectations. Students’ counselors’, CYL cadres’, and students’ role therein is subtle; on the one hand, their interactions with students dilute their efforts at political indoctrination and increase their openness in party activities; on the other hand, students can find autonomous spaces in university—e.g., joining a political organization to benefit their job hunting, or even leaving the campus physically to be exposed to other cultures and ideologies. This scenario is also different from the promotion of academic freedom and critical thinking which composed a third situation in the complex process.

This chapter combines two questions: How can teachers be better prepared with regard to religious and cultural diversity? How can religious education framework planning counteract possible indoctrination? A short summary of the development of laws and framework plans in Norway concerning kindergartens and religious diversity is provided as background. In short, it can be described as a journey from antagonism between religion-based pedagogy and secularist ideology via pragmatic cooperation towards some converging interests and a common framework plan open to religious diversity. Against that background I discuss the following issues in more general terms: (1) The meaning of religious truth in an educational context; (2) attitudes to religion in kindergartens (based on empirical research)—a typology; (3) understanding the relationship between religious and cultural identity. Based on the discussion, I suggest a few theses for holistic religious education for discussion and possible application on early childhood education in Europe.

Islamic education today, faced with increasingly crucial challenges, the view, not separated from the atmosphere of modernization and globalization. Therefore, the presence of Islamic education is required to play its role dynamically and is expected to provide social change in the midst of pluralistic society life. Thus to build Islamic education in Indonesia that can bring the vision of universal Islam, it is necessary paradigm of Islamic education based rahmatan lilalamin, by promoting several principles, among others; maintaining harmony, peace, mutual respect, liberation, not the contrary as domestication and social domestication. In that context, the educational portrait referred to, is seen as a socio-cultural enlightment. Therefore, the effort to build the paradigm of Islamic education in question is a necessity, this can be done by restoring the social values of Islamic education universally (kaffah), in addition to being dynamic (inclusive), through several stages, namely (a) build awareness inclusive by transmitting the whole system of religious social values such as ketauhidan, tolerance and fairness into the structure of the curriculum as culture domination and control. (b) reconstructing the Islamic educational paradigm from the perspective of indoctrination to participatory, (c) changing the ideological paradigm to being scientific by allowing the human mind to study and develop knowledge through his guidance. Keywords: Construction, Islamic Education based on Rahmatan Lil, alamin

In the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries bones were an essential raw material for the German chemical industry, vital to the production of fertilizer, glue, gelatine, soap and other products. As most of this material was imported, the German school system during the "Third Reich" took the utilisation of bones as an example to illustrate the relevance of the four-year plan of 1936 and its policy of economic self-sufficiency. The school children were encouraged to collect bones from domestic sources and bring them to the collecting points in the schools. Several NS-institutions developed a variety of teaching aids and materials to support school education on this economically and politically important topic. Focussing on the example of bone-utilisation, this paper examines the messages and intentions of these educational materials. It also demonstrates how even apparently ideologically unbiased school subjects, such as chemistry, were instrumentalised for the political indoctrination of the pupils.

In this article, the observation comes from a specific context in the analytical work of the linguist, philosopher and activist Noam Chomsky: the occa- sion of implantation of the New World Order. As staunch critic of US foreign policy, his analysis is inherent to changes in the international order that began just after World War II (1939-45). Chomsky exposes the American plan of domination or global supremacy whose primary intent was conquest of so called "Grand Area", launched after the war, wich triggered the Cold War. The thinker discusses the contradictions and farces of the war and the terrorist state, as well as evaluating the attempts of indoctrination through propaganda and its mechanisms of persuasion, manipulation and control of popular judgment in the search for the formation of a public opinion favorable to establishment and maintenance of the status quo. One of the most effective tactics of propaganda observed by Chomsky is the lan- guage used to undermine or exalt ideologies. Speech and word are fundamental elements in understanding propaganda inlight of Chomsky’s thinking. Propaganda brings forth facade terms, that is, signifiers with previously disguised meanings to evoke misconceptions and misrepresent ideas and facts. In this sense, the ’common’ meaning does not corres- pond to the ’doctrinal sense’.

The literature of children is characterized by the privacy of adhesion to the name of the recipient, and by portraying ideas, feelings, experiences and imaginations that agree with their recognitions and reflect their linguistic, intellectual and emotional level. Because literature is in this status of importance in our lives and the lives of our children, it was necessary to read in reality and visions, starting from some statistics and previews. We have found that it is relatively weak and few, and even suffers a crisis of existence, for many reasons, ranging from ideological to educational and academic. Factors include the tyranny of materialism and digital culture on Arabic human life, the breakdown of the linguistic power and the loss of identity, the outbreak of conflicts and wars, as well as the non-permanent presence of the favorable environment and the deviation of some educational approaches because of the lack of creative writers, and the association of this literature with non-free educational axes, the adoption of difficult models and curricula with topics that are consumed and sometimes denied, and the wrong approaches and methodologies that are limited to mere understanding, indoctrination and non-systematic explanation. The Arab countries must overcome individual initiatives and develop a comprehensive national and educational policy that reinforces the human sciences from the margin of life to its center, giving the Arabic language the necessary importance, activating the role of culture, securing the supportive environment, and developing malleable programs and methodologies that consider life issues, and the need for regularity of literature in a correct and good course by focusing on modern theories such as active, self-learning, differentiated and indirect, as well as modern monetary theories and communication, functional, interactive and logical trainings.

Sociologically, multicultural education is an attempt to preserve Islamic values as the vision of Islam rahmatanlil'alamin. Therefore, Islamic education today, faced with various increasingly crucial challenges, this view, cannot be separated from the atmosphere of modernization and globalization. Thus the presence of Islamic education is required to play its role dynamically and is expected to be able to provide change in the midst of a pluralistic society. Thus to build Islamic education in Indonesia which can bring a universal vision, it is necessary to have a paradigm of multicultural Islamic education, by promoting several principles, including; maintaining harmony, peace of mutual respect and liberation, not the other way around as domestication and social taming (social and cultural domestication). In this context, education is referred to as social enlightenment. Therefore, the effort to build the paradigm of Islamic education is a necessity, this can be done by restoring the social values of Islamic education universally besides being dynamic (inclusive), through several stages, namely a) building inclusive awareness by transmitting the entire system socio-religious values such as ketauhidan, tolerance and justice in the curriculum structure (culture domination and control). b) reconstructing the paradigm of Islamic education from the point of view of indoctrination to participatory, c) changing the ideological paradigm into scientific by giving the human mind the freedom to study and develop knowledge through His guidance.

This article attempts to explore the local development of Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI), especially in Lampung. The research focuses on the networks of HTI’s recruitment to maintain its identity. It also alludes how the existence of HTI withstands with its dissolution in the era of President Joko Widodo. The research concludes: Firstly, there are systematically some procedures to contend the politics of identity and HTI’s recruitment such as organizing the demonstrations, striving seminar and public discussion, media networks, approaching to the prominent figures and educational institutions, interpersonal recruitment, and halaqah (personal indoctrination). Secondly, there two possibilities of post-dissolution of HTI that would be executed, 1. The formation of new mass organization as the alternate of HTI. 2. To be new party or proceed to join the Islamic Party. They may search the parties that are ideologically identical or similiar to HTI’s ideology like PKS, PPP, PAN, PBB. This would be happened if they fail to scramble and to maintain its ideology in the form of new mass organization.

One of the characteristics of the second half of the 19th and 20th centuries was the tendency of young people to gather in youth associations and organisations. Some of these were created spontaneously and their activities were illegal, while others were created by the authorities of particular states, especially totalitarian ones. One example of such an organisation was the All-Union Pioneer Organisation, established by the leaders of the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia in 1922. Its strategic goal was to participate in the education of the new man, who was to become homo sovieticus, a higher variety of homo sapiens, in the future. The Pioneer Organisation fulfilled this task by organising children of school age (aged 9 to 14) and subjecting them to a systematic ideological and political training based on the Leninist or Stalinist model. The activities of the Pioneer Organisation were supervised by the Komsomol and additionally by the leadership of the communist party ruling the USSR. The structure of the Pioneer Organisation included groups, packs and cells. Like the Komsomol, the Pioneer Organisation also had its symbols, such as the threepointed red scarf that symbolised three generations: communists, komsomolets and pioneers, as well as a pioneer badge, a pioneer salute, a uniform, bugles and a snare drum.

The argument being made here is that democratic life is more likely if educators actually ‘educate’, rather than comply with quality of teaching approaches as promoted by the Australian federal government. Engaging with some philosophy of education can assist educators to resist being seduced by notions such as ‘quality teaching’, ‘evidence-based’ practices and ‘impact’ and to exercise the intellectual and political resolve necessary to ensure educational practices promote democracy (Biesta, 2010a) and are not surrendered to the control of non-educators. Blake et al. (2000, p. xiii) identify that philosophy is usually avoided in discussions regarding quality, evidence-based approaches and accountability because bureaucrats are “intolerant of philosophical debate”. By drawing largely upon the works of Dewey and his notions of education, democracy and the science of education, it is argued that what is needed is for teachereducators to focus on ‘educating’ teachers, as professionals, to be critically scientific and democratic.