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The basic principles of modern sociolinguistic engineering as a tool for population indoctrination, subjugation, and control have their beginnings in the strategies designed by Joseph Goebbels of the NAZI regime and also those of the USSR. The redefinition of semantics is a dangerous tool used by propagandists to influence the individuals' sense of reality using language on a psychological level. This creates a populace that is more willing to follow harmful ideologies. The study will investigate existing legislation of Australia, the United Kingdom, the United States of America, and Canada about guarantees on free speech especially in academia, and the classification of hate speech. This study further looks at a microcosm of language used by the diversity, Inclusion, and Equity" movement focusing on an analysis of a glossary created by the University of Washington. It also discusses some terminology that is similarly erroneous but not included in the glossary. The history of terminology and their development is discussed as well as the scientific and linguistic validity of the provided semantic definitions in contrast to the original semantics. The study found that sociolinguistic engineering was taking place in universities and wider society which follows the historic pattern of the Third Reich and USSR. The study recommends that universities and education systems desist from such indoctrination and return to the traditional academic foundations of open inquiry and critical thinking.

Resumo A partir da investigação sobre os principais fundamentos ideológicos e pressupostos da organização associativa Escola sem Partido (ESP), com sede na cidade de São Paulo, este trabalho busca analisar as implicações das perspectivas e pautas defendidas pela associação para a educação e à sociedade brasileira na última década, abrangendo, mais especificamente, seus desdobramentos no âmbito do ensino da Sociologia no nível médio da educação básica. A pesquisa documental ocorreu junto aos meios de comunicação, eletrônicos e impressos, websites e redes sociais vinculadas ao ESP e abordadas a partir de contribuições da análise crítica do discurso. Como resultado, destacamos os conceitos de doutrinação ideológica e neutralidade do ensino propostos pelo ESP, seus temas e pautas que recaem sobre a questão do cerceamento da prática docente e aos componentes curriculares da disciplina de Sociologia, admitida apenas, quando se aproxime dos padrões nomotéticos de um conhecimento sociológico positivista e cientificista, reprodutores do seu projeto societário conservador. Abstract This study examined the main ideological foundations and assumptions of the organization Escola sem Partido (School without Party) (ESP), based in the city of São Paulo, Brazil. This article discusses the implications of the perspectives and guidelines regarding education and society defended by the organization in the last decade, highlighting, more specifically, the developments of the debate in sociology teaching in high school. Documentary research collected electronic and printed material from the press, websites, and social media linked to ESP, which was studied using critical discourse analysis. The results highlight the concepts of ideological indoctrination and neutrality of teaching proposed by ESP, as well as the topics and agenda related to the issue of the curtailment of teaching practice and curricular components of the discipline of sociology. For the ESP, sociology could only be admitted when reflecting nomothetic standards of a positivist and scientific sociological knowledge, reproducing the organization’s project of a conservative society.

This article introduces an account of moral education grounded in Zagzebski’s recent Exemplarist Moral Theory and discusses two problems that have to be solved for the account to become a realistic alternative to other educational models on the market, namely the limited-applicability problem and the problem of indoctrination. The first problem raises worries about the viability of the account in ordinary circumstances. The second charges the proposed educational model with indoctrinating students. The main goal of this article is to show how an exemplar-based account of moral education can handle both problems without compromising its structure and upshot.

In this article, I illuminate ongoing debates about the normative status of indoctrination via close examination of recent work in the philosophy of psychiatry and, more particularly, delusion. Here it has been argued, contrary to the established view that delusional states of mind are epistemically problematic, that delusions can (at least under certain circumstances) exhibit a quality called ‘epistemic innocence’. That is, they may ‘[deliver] a significant epistemic benefit, that could not be obtained otherwise’. This might lead us to wonder whether indoctrinated beliefs – which appear to share key features with delusional beliefs – might also be capable of such epistemic innocence and, if so, what the educational consequences of such a conclusion would be. By drawing meaningful distinctions between delusion and normal cognition, as well as expanding our notions of what is conducive to epistemic achievement, philosophers of psychiatry and psychopathology provide us with novel, empirically informed theoretical resources which are particularly well placed to facilitate better understanding of belief formation and malformation. As such, this work is of direct relevance to philosophers of education concerned with questions pertaining to the legitimate transmission of beliefs. I begin by briefly outlining my own outcome-based account of indoctrination before discussing some of the relevant similarities and differences between indoctrination and delusion. This is followed by a discussion of how the aforementioned shared features might motivate the conclusion that indoctrination is morally problematic. In the second half of the article, I shift my focus to the possible epistemic benefits of delusional beliefs, before going on to explain why none of the candidates for epistemically innocent forms of belief transmission can be properly described as indoctrination.

During the last decade, there has been a distinct move away from the examination of the role of National Socialist indoctrination in the Wehrmacht. Few, if any, historians now doubt that the propag...

We apply the models and tools of epidemiology and public health to propose a unified field theory showing the role of ideologies, indoctrination, and incitement, in genocide, genocidal terror, and terror by groups or individuals. We examine the effects of indoctrination and incitement as exposures and risks in relation to genocide and genocidal terror. Incitement has been recognized as a trigger to these outcomes but indoctrination is upstream to incitement. Population-wide exposure to indoctrination increases susceptibility to the effects of incitement. These relationships have been seen in all major genocides and genocidal terror in the late twentieth and twenty-first centuries. There is some insight into the relationship between ideology, incitement, and genocidal acts of violence from the so-called localized genocides in Bosnia, Rwanda, Darfur, Syria, and most recently, among the Rohingya in Myanmar. There is a need to recognize the upstream role of ideologies of hate in order to determine the degree to which indoctrination posed, and continues to pose, a contributing factor. Epidemiologic models, such as the iceberg model of exposure and disease and the concept of “sick individuals” and “sick populations,” guide our understanding of the content and spread of indoctrination and incitement and can provide essential insights for prevention. The hateful indoctrination and ideologies behind genocidal violence must be countered and replaced by positive ideologies and role models that emphasize respect for life and human dignity for all.

Debates about indoctrination raise fundamental questions about the ethics of teaching. This paper presents a philosophical analysis of indoctrination, including 1) an account of what indoctrination is and why it is harmful, and 2) a framework for understanding the responsibilities of teachers and other educational actors to avoid its negative outcomes. I respond to prominent outcomes-based accounts of indoctrination, which I argue share two limiting features—a narrow focus on the threat indoctrination poses to knowledge and on the dyadic relationship between indoctrinator and indoctrinated person. I propose a system-based account of indoctrination in which actors with authority contribute to the production or reinforcement of closed-mindedness, which threatens both knowledge and understanding. By taking a system-based approach, my account is better equipped to identify the implications of indoctrination for educational policy and practice.

In the face of such closed regimes as North Korea's, memoirists seek to expose what otherwise remains hidden. This article explores three girls' indoctrination memoirs to examine their reconstructi...

The introductory psychology class represents the first opportunity for the field to present new students with a comprehensive overview of psychological research. Writing introductory psychology textbooks is challenging given that authors need to cover many areas they themselves may not be intimately familiar with. This challenge is compounded by problems within the scholarly community in which controversial topics may be communicated in ideological terms within scholarly discourse. Psychological science has historically seen concerns raised about the mismatch between claims and data made about certain fields of knowledge, apprehensions that continue in the present “replication crisis.” The concern is that, although acting in good faith, introductory psychology textbook authors may unwittingly communicate information to readers that is factually untrue. Twenty-four leading introductory psychology textbooks were surveyed for their coverage of a number of controversial topics (e.g., media violence, narcissism epidemic, multiple intelligences) and scientific urban legends (e.g., Kitty Genovese, Mozart Effect) for their factual accuracy. Results indicated numerous errors of factual reporting across textbooks, particularly related to failing to inform students of the controversial nature of some research fields and repeating some scientific urban legends as if true. Recommendations are made for improving the accuracy of introductory textbooks.

In the postwar period, after 1999 in Kosovo, not only Kosovo citizens are those who claim that the Islamic religion in Kosovo does not seem to be at the same level of faith as it has been preached for centuries.What is happening in Kosovo is something special when is known that the vast majority of Kosovo's population belong to two major religions - Muslim and Catholic religion. After not a very short period of time the state bodies, including the Islamic community, have proven that in the Republic of Kosovo there are ideologies which until after 1999 in Kosovo were not mentioned that have ever been present.The question arises why and from when have these ideologies began to appear in Kosovo that are endangering the stability of security at the same time they are making parallelism to Islamic faith in the Republic of Kosovo.So what happened to Kosovo's kosovo how occurred that the impact of some destructive ideologies and especially the takfir ideology to emerge and to try that coexistence and religious tolerance be put into question, precisely in the period of state building.

In recent years the concept of indoctrination has almost become synonymous with Islam. Madrasas are described as incubators for violent extremism and as jihadist factories. They are perceived as places where Muslims are indoctrinated in an ideology of intolerance, violence and hatred against the West. The concept of indoctrination is and will be increasingly used, given the current climate of religious resurgence, religious conflicts and inter-religiously motivated terrorism. Thus, indoctrination will continue to occupy a prominent place both in media coverage and in simple everyday conversations. Therefore, we have an intellectual and moral obligation to critically examine and understand this term as precisely as possible, so we can use it accurately in relation to education and Islamic culture and in order to be able to better analyze its consequences.

Attempts at modifying public opinions, attitudes, and beliefs range from advertising and schooling to "brainwashing." Their effectiveness is highly controversial. In this paper, we use survey data on anti-Semitic beliefs and attitudes in a representative sample of Germans surveyed in 1996 and 2006 to show that Nazi indoctrination--with its singular focus on fostering racial hatred--was highly effective. Between 1933 and 1945, young Germans were exposed to anti-Semitic ideology in schools, in the (extracurricular) Hitler Youth, and through radio, print, and film. As a result, Germans who grew up under the Nazi regime are much more anti-Semitic than those born before or after that period: the share of committed anti-Semites, who answer a host of questions about attitudes toward Jews in an extreme fashion, is 2-3 times higher than in the population as a whole. Results also hold for average beliefs, and not just the share of extremists; average views of Jews are much more negative among those born in the 1920s and 1930s. Nazi indoctrination was most effective where it could tap into preexisting prejudices; those born in districts that supported anti-Semitic parties before 1914 show the greatest increases in anti-Jewish attitudes. These findings demonstrate the extent to which beliefs can be modified through policy intervention. We also identify parameters amplifying the effectiveness of such measures, such as preexisting prejudices.

This research reports on the experiences of higher education English language teachers who teach as critical pedagogues. The aim was to discover the key challenges of critical pedagogy and how this practice is understood. Thirteen teachers from higher education institutions around the world were interviewed and all had a clear agenda for greater social justice. Eleven had to contend with the criticism that critical pedagogues indoctrinate students and they recognised that this was difficult to avoid in such a distinct ideological space. Teachers endeavoured to withhold their own political views from students while accepting a certain degree of risk not normally associated with teaching a language. For some teachers, the impact of exposing students to culturally challenging political ideas was not fully considered and in general, the long-term impact of its social and linguistic goals remains unknown and should be a goal for future research.

This paper aims to highlight the prominence and relevance attached by the Franco dictatorial regime to emotions and sentiments in primary education textbooks. The authors of school textbooks employed a singular writing style, which enabled them to permeate the regime’s ideology within the primary education community and classroom. Overcoming the censorship of their textbooks lent the authors a measure of authority derived from the government, increasing the schoolbook’s relevance as the instructional resource par excellence. The sentimental narrative, reinforced by figurative, pseudo-poetic language and precise instructions on how and what to feel, represents prescriptive texts and reveals the objective of emotionally homogenising and indoctrinating the children in order to socialise them politically and religiously, moulding their socio-political self and identity within the pattern established.

Temi psihološke uloge medija u procesima indoktrinacije političkih i korporativnih ideologija u zapadnim društvima pristupljeno je iz više perspektiva. Rad pruža pregled kritičke teorije medija, koja razmatra kako postmoderna propaganda pogoduje nastajanju fenomena ‘javnosti’ i institucije ‘PR-a’. Utvrđeno je da imperativ konzumerizma, koji inzistira na negaciji individualiteta, reproducira tipove osobnosti. Stoga je pojedinac modernog doba depersonalizirana individua koja je za konstrukciju svoje zbilje ovisna o medijima, političarima i oglašivačima te relativno novijim akterima – influencerima. Razmatra se kako kolektivni entiteti, sačinjeni od heterogenih pluralističkih institucija, mogu postati jezgra socijalnog ‘pathosa’. Rad nastoji dekonstruirati neke aspekte odnosa privrede, politike i medija te načina na koji se propagandnom retorikom utječe na psihu pojedinca i zajednica., Multiple perspectives are applied in approaching the subject of psychological role the media plays in the processes of indoctrination of political and corporate ideologies in western socie ties. This paper provides a review of critical theory on the media, examining the way in which postmodern propaganda contributes to the formation of ‘the public’ and the institution of public relations. It is found that consumerist imperative, insisting on the negation of individuality, reproduces certain types of personalities, thus a modern day individual appears to be deper sonalised and highly depended upon media, politicians, advertisers and relatively recent agents – influencers – for the construction of their reality. The paper examines how collective enti ties, made up from heterogeneous pluralist institutions, can become the core of social ‘pathos’. Paper attempts to deconstruct some aspects of the existing relationships between the economy, politics and media, and investigate the way in which propagandistic rhetoric can influence the psyche of individuals and communities.

Language is a social phenomenon. It helps us to interact with the world around us. The prevailing content explores and emphasizes the idea of language as a significantly active agent which indoctrinates learners and excludes people from minorities through English Language textbook of Class 9 published by Sindh Textbook Board of Sindh, Pakistan. The study used Fair Clough’s model of CDA 1995 (Critical Discourse Analysis) as a tool to reveal the hidden ideologies behind the language used in the textbook. English, in Pakistan, is used as a language-learning subject in the context of L2. However, the language used in textbooks imposes certain ideological connotations in not only an implicit but also explicit manner. Rahman (2002).The language textbooks indoctrinate learners by propagating hidden agendas such as excessive promotion of Islamization and glorification of war and war heroes to name just a few. The study recommends language textbooks to focus on developing language skills and enlarging the lingual capabilities of the learners instead of selling indoctrination and constricting the critical abilities of the learners. In order to meet the needs of a modern world, balance curriculum contents should be designed for the learners. It is highly suggested to the designers and policy makers, to focus on language learning items and content, instead of content-oriented textbooks. The research will be beneficial in the domain of education and for fellow researchers as they would be able to discern in clear terms why indoctrination should be discouraged in the process of education; language should only be taught without distortion.

The “paradox of indoctrination” has proven to be a persistent problem in discussions of the cultivation of autonomy through education. In short, if indoctrination means instilling beliefs without reasons, and if children lack the rational capacity to evaluate reasons, how can that capacity be cultivated without indoctrination? Some educational theorists have relied on a transcendental justification of rational autonomy that avoids indoctrination, while others have accepted that some indoctrination is inevitable, focusing instead on defending acceptable forms of indoctrination. In this essay, Chris Hanks draws on a conception of rationality, mind, and nature developed by John McDowell to suggest an alternative understanding of the relation between indoctrination and autonomy. He argues that McDowell’s notion of the “space of reasons” defuses standard debates about indoctrination. Here, rationality is understood in both a naturalistic sense, whereby the development of autonomy is the process of being awakened to the space of reasons, and in a sui generis sense, whereby reason cannot be reduced to mechanistic principles or relations. The implications of this view for education point us to the notion of Bildung as the process that cultivates rational autonomy.

The author reflects on his experience and discusses problems in teaching a course about spirituality and religion in the workplace. Sometimes indoctrination happens when professors treat their own spiritual ideology as the truth, or they require students to engage in religious practices in class. Indoctrination is teaching people “to accept a system of thought uncritically.” The management education literature has little to say about indoctrination. Indoctrination can be avoided by (1) ensuring informed consent, (2) designing learning activities for students from all spiritual perspectives, (3) teaching about the topic (instead of taking the “how to” approach), (4) presenting diverse spiritual perspectives, (5) encouraging respect for others' spirituality and religion in discussion, and (6) presenting one's own set of beliefs as one among many. It is hoped that these guidelines can prevent indoctrination not only in courses in spirituality and religion in the workplace, but also in other management courses.

The main focus of this article examines the evidence presented against the defendant Julius Streicher during his prosecution by the International Military Tribunal in 1945–46, which alleged that his anti-Semitic propaganda, aimed directly at Germany's youth, indoctrinated and educated them in lessons of hate. In order to substantiate that Streicher was guilty of ‘the perversion of youth in Germany’, the prosecution needed to prove that such actions were criminalised under the jurisdiction of the Nuremberg Charter. This article analyses the case from a purely legal perspective, focusing on how the prosecution sought to establish Streicher's guilt with the evidence used against him. After analysing this historical episode in which German children were indoctrinated with Hitler's anti-Semitic ideology of hatred, the article considers several contemporary situations where Muslim children are educated in lessons of hatred, and compares any similarities with the Streicher case. In conclusion, it evaluates how t...

In the provocatively titled Indoctrination U., David Horowitz argues that radical members of college faculties have “intruded a political agenda into the academic curriculum,” engaging in propaganda rather than scholarship and indoctrinating students rather than teaching them (Horowitz 2007, xi). Although allegations of liberal bias in academia are nothing new, the issue has gained increased attention as the result of efforts by Horowitz and the Center for the Study of the Popular Culture (CSPC) to promote the Academic Bill of Rights for American colleges and universities.

I analyse a model where workers self-select in the educational occupation in a way which is correlated with their beliefs about the working of the market economy. Teachers have a disproportionate effect on the transmission of beliefs. Therefore, they generate a bias which makes it harder for the population to learn the true parameters of the economy if these are favourable to the market economy. Two parameters determine this bias. Social entropy defines how predictable one's occupation is as a function of one's beliefs. Heritability is the weight of the family's beliefs in the determination of the priors of a new generation. Both heritability and social entropy reduce the bias and make it easier to learn that the market economy is “good”, under the assumption that it is.

This paper explores the role of Physical Education in Labour Universities (1955-1978) during Franco's regime as an instrument of indoctrination and declassing of the working class. The conclusions obtained after the study and the analysis of various primary sources indicate that, initially, Physical Education was used as an instrument of indoctrination for the purposes of achieving the social and ideological model of Franco's regime after the Fascist uprising (1936-1939). However, this initial orientation became less relevant in the Sixties, in favour of the inherent aspects of sport, which contributed to the declassing of the young workers. In fact, Labour Universities became national benchmarks in the area of sports within the education system. Physical Education lost its indoctrinating and declassing roles after the General Law of Education was passed in 1970, and the focus shifted instead to its role as an activity for participation, education, and comprehensive training

David Brandenberger, Propaganda State in Crisis: Soviet Ideology, Indoctrination, and Terror under Stalin, 1927–1941 . New Haven–London: Yale University Press, 2012. Pp. xii + 357. £40.00 (hardback...

(2003). Political Indoctrination in the Curriculum during Four Periods of Elementary School Education in Taiwan. The Social Studies: Vol. 94, No. 3, pp. 134-138.

This article discusses the methods and effects of a campaign to indoctrinate Palestinian children to an ideology of self-sacrifice, (martyrdom) by official organs of the Palestinian Authority. Children are incited to participate in stone-throwing and suicide-bombings against the Israeli Defense Forces, and told that if they die they will become martyrs. The campaign has induced profound effects on the psychology of Palestinian children and will persist even if the violence stops. Specially devised programs will be needed to counteract these deleterious and dangerous effects.

L'A. examine, d'une part, comment le concept de cadre (frame), dans l'analyse du discours, est erige au sein du discours metalinguistique et, d'autre part, comment la maniere dont est structure le concept de langage, dans les ouvrages d'introduction a la linguistique, est revelateur d'une ideologie. Ainsi, l'A. montre que ces ouvrages introductifs vehiculent un endoctrinement theorique par le biais d'un langage metaphorique et d'un discours rhetorique. Il s'appuie sur l'etude de cinq ouvrages introductifs utilises aux Etats-Unis au cours du 20 e siecle et appartenant a trois ecoles linguistiques americaines differentes : l'Ecole d'anthropologie, l'Ecole descriptive/distributionnelle et l'Ecole generative/transformationnelle

(1997). The ideological indoctrination of Japanese prisoners of war in the Stalinist camps of the Soviet Union (1945–1956) The Journal of Slavic Military Studies: Vol. 10, No. 4, pp. 86-103.

The role of the army as an agency of nationalization is often highlighted as essential to the process of nation-building. By its very nature, the army of the modern state has become an institution devoted to fostering the feeling of national unity among the masses. Daily life in the armed forces requires soldiers to expand local attachments and to consent to, if not accept, the ideology of the state. Nineteenth- and early twentieth-century systematic conscription provided European states with the possibility of teaching the language of the dominant culture and indoctrinating a vast part of the population in patriotic values. With its rituals, ceremonies and regimental schools, the army grew to be a ‘school of the fatherland’ in which all social classes were integrated and national allegiance was forged.

The war against the Soviet Union was described by the leaders of the Third Reich as a ‘Weltanschauungskrieg’, that is, a war of ideologies. In seeking the causes for the barbarisation of German troops on the Eastern Front it is therefore essential to examine the role played by political indoctrination among the combat elements of the army during the war. To what extent did National Socialist ideology motivate the individual soldier both in fighting the Red Army and in carrying out acts of brutality against POWs, partisans and civilians? Was there an essential difference between the war in the East and other fronts or other wars? In short, was this also an ideological, almost religious war from the point of view of the individuals at the front, and can this be seen as one of the major factors contributing to its ferocity and brutality?

Governments use public education and public ownership of the media to control the information that their citizens receive. More totalitarian governments as well as those with larger wealth transfers make greater investments in publicly controlled information. This finding is borne out from cross‐sectional time‐series evidence acros countries and is confirmed when the recent fall of communism is specifically examined. My results reject the standard publicagood view linking education and democracy, and I find evidence that public educational expenditures vary in similar ways to government ownership of television stations. Country‐level data on the organization of families as well as data on South African public schools are also examined.

There is much in Elmer Thiessen's article with which I agree, though I also am rather firmly of the opinion that he does not come to grips with the really fundamental questions that emerge about indoctrination in general and religious indoctrination in particular. I further believe that his philosophical methodology is badly conceived. So that we can move with dispatch to the central issues without confusion, I shall first make clear where I agree (though I shall not give the rationale for my agreement). I shall then point to where I think the lacunae lie and try to get to the heart of the matter. I agree that it is "unfair to single out religion as uniquely susceptible to the problem of indoctrination" though I wonder if any even remotely important thinker ever thought that. I also agree that we should be cautious in charging someone with indoctrination in any area. It is like the charge of being ideological. One must be very careful that one does not have a mote in one's own eye. Not infrequently, a would-be unmasquer is himself unwittingly wearing a masque. 1 We must learn to be very self-conscious about how we may be, unwittingly, indoctrinating or ideological. But we must not take "indoctrination" in such a wide sense that any socialization, which perforce must often use non-rational (not irrational) methods, will count as indoctrination. Thiessen is right in pointing out that the teaching of science, just as the teaching of religion, can proceed in an indoctrinating manner. Moreover, what Jurgen Habermas and the Frankfurt School have well called scientism often functions as an ideology in contemporary culture, though, again, we must not forget that science is one thing and scientism (an ideology about science) is another. What science, the ideology goes, cannot tell us, mankind cannot know. "Epistemology," Quine remarks, with an incredibly persuasive and implicit defimtion, "is concerned with the foundations of science" (1969, p. 69). Often this scientistic attitude is promoted by people who are so innocent that they are not at all aware that they are involved in indoctrination. Scientism is one oftbe dominant ideologies of our culture, though it is seldom seen as such, and it is often indoctrinated in us in the way that religion is. But this is not a necessary feature of science. Nor is it necessarily a part of the scientific attitude. Similarly, Thiessen argues, defending religion, or even the teaching of religion, need not be by way of indoctrination. We cannot, where we generally speak of religion, say that it falls prey to the charge of indoctrination, let alone claim that it must do so, while science does not, though I would add, in a way Thiessen does not, that religion is more indoctrination-prone than is science. Why then do I think that Thiessen has not got at the heart of the matter

On a previous occasion, I have argued that during the two decades preceding the First World War, the French Radical Party, under electoral pressure from the separate and then united Socialist parties of Jaurès and Guesde, began to look for a doctrine around which they could rally to defend their recently acquired hold on power against both the individualists to their right and the collectivists on their left. It was the six-month duration of Léon Bourgeois' purely Radical government of 1895–6 and hisLettres sur le Mouvement Socialof 1895, republished in 1896 as a book and entitledSolidarité, that marked the beginning of thebelle époqueof Radical-socialism and of the Third Republic. It was argued that during the next two decades, Bourgeois' doctrine of Solidarism became for platform, and to a lesser extent, practical political purposes, the official social philosophy of the régime, probably reaching its apotheosis at the time of the Paris World Exhibition of 1900. This pre-eminent position in the doctrinal firmament of France was not achieved without an intensive campaign through a variety of mainly educational pressure groups – to be anticipated in a lay “République des professeurs.” It is the principal channels and people through which this indoctrination was propagated that will be our concern in the pages that follow. However, the activities of the “Universités Populaires”, which were closely allied to the movements discussed here, have been passed over because they have formed the subject-matter of a separate study.

Half a century has passed since the appointment of Adolf Hitler as Chancellor of Germany on January 30, 1933. This marked the inauguration of a regime which, during a twelve-year period, managed to transform the nation, defeated in World War I, to a mighty military and political power which nearly brought a large part of the rest of the world under its rule. The "national revolution" which characterized the reign of Hitler and his hordes profoundly transformed Germany and other areas not only politically, socially, and economically, but also culturally and educationally.

Changes in the educational system in North Korea during the last twenty years reflect an educational policy aimed at shifting institutional arrangements and instructional content to keep a balance between general and technical education. Ideologically committed to implementing the principles of polytechnical education expounded by Marx, Engels and Lenin, the North Korean Communists attempted to introduce into their educational institutions the principle and practice of "learning with labor." The execution of polytechnical education, however, was influenced more by the social realities of postwar North Korean society than by the ideology it was to follow. During the years of the Three-Year and Five-Year Economic Plans (1953-56 and 1957-60), which were carried out in the midst of a labor shortage, the precarious balance between learning and labor was often tripped in favor of labor. The pedagogical problem of balancing general and technical education in accordance with the educational ideology maintained by the North Korean Communists persisted until nearly the end of 1966, when the P'yongyang leaders introduced their fourth major educational reform in the hope of bringing schools closer to the socialist society and learning closer to laboring for the socialist fatherland. Although the leaders claimed that the 1966 reform would expand the scope of technical education in their educational institutions, in reality it was an attempt to reduce the content of technical education, which had received undue emphasis in the past, thus allowing more time for subject matter in the area of general education.

Education is a dynamic discipline. Dynamic because an educational system does not stand on its own, apart from the social structure of which it is an extension. It must be steeped with its culture's moral and sociological beliefs in order to ensure the survival and growth of that particular culture through each new generation.