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A 1508 adage by Erasmus about the Batavian ear is often interpreted as an expression of nationalism. Serious doubts can be raised against such interpretations since there was no such thing as nationalism in the early sixteenth century. Besides this, the interpretation is inconsistent with Erasmus’s degenerative expressions about Batavians and Hollanders elsewhere; nor does the adage describe the Batavians or Hollanders in a truly positive way. I propose an alternative to the nationalistic interpretation of the adage. Based on the Auris Batava, his correspondence, and the rest of his broad oeuvre, I argue that the references to Batavians throughout Erasmus’s works are instead a response to humanist Italy, where a negative stereotype of Northerners was prevalent and where one prided oneself on an ancient lineage. Born in Rotterdam, Erasmus could not appropriate this ancient Roman heritage and therefore took recourse to the Batavians. He appropriated biases against the supposed negative characteristics of the Northerners and Batavians as well, but used these to emphasize his own achievements. Erasmus’s establishment of a Batavian identity can thus be deemed a form of Erasmian modesty, a type of rhetoric that is evident more broadly in his oeuvre. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this study is to delve into the intricate facets of national identity as manifested in the historical trajectory of Hajduk Split. It endeavours to scrutinize the interplay and evolution of diverse identity constructs, encompassing regional, national, and supranational dimensions. Furthermore, the research aims to dissect the influence of successive political regimes on the club and its responsive mechanisms, thereby offering a nuanced comprehension of the intricate dynamics shaping identity formation and evolution. The main findings of this article highlight the ability of Hajduk to navigate and maintain its distinct identity amidst the backdrop of shifting ideologies. Despite the prevailing ideological currents, the club managed to function relatively independently while preserving its identity. The analysis underscores the importance of discerning the nature and direction of external pressures and the club’s capacity to resist them, particularly evident in the tension between Yugoslavism and pan-Croatian sentiments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Robert Schertzer and Eric Taylor Woods' book analyses tweets posted by Donald Trump, Marine Le Pen and Brexit supporters in 2017 from a historical perspective in order to reveal the deep roots of white ethnic nationalism. This commentary questions the explanatory nature of the analysis, and highlights how the book inadvertently contributes to the ongoing naturalisation of nationalism, particularly in Western countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 19th century is characterized as a period marked by the proliferation of nationalist movements in the Balkans. A significant number of studies on Albanian nationalism conducted by Albanian historians argue that Ottoman rule was an important factor in the increase of Albanian nationalism in Kosovo. Concurrently, there exist scholarly perspectives linking the genesis of the Albanian nationalist movement to global dynamics. Following the aftermath of the First World War, the international milieu alongside the expansionist endeavors of Western powers served to amplify Albanian national consciousness. This phenomenon found resonance in Kosovo as well. Economic volatility and prevailing social disparities in the region exacerbated discontent among the populace, fostering insurgencies. Beyond economic imperatives, the exigency for instituting a democratic parliamentary framework emerged. Consequently, the groundwork for the Albanian parliamentary system was laid during this epoch. Some sources attribute Albanian nationalism to the tenets of the 1789 French Revolution, setting it apart from other Balkan nations. Nationalism persists as a prevalent discourse, particularly in the Balkan region. This study aims to probe into the historical antecedents that propelled the evolution of Albanian nationalism in Kosovo post-1979, along with evaluating the contemporary regional landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Arnold Clemens Ap was born on 1 July 1946 on Numfor Island in Biak, at the time, part of the Dutch colony of Netherlands New Guinea. After schooling at church missions in Biak, he studied geography at the Teacher Training School of Cenderawasih University in Abepura, Jayapura, between 1967 and 1973. That year, he was appointed as the curator of the university's museum, known as Loka Budaya, which became a centre for West Papuan cultural revival. His work to collect and perform songs in Papuan languages played a vital role in the development of a West Papuan national identity, transcending colonial boundaries and inter-tribal conflicts. He was murdered by Indonesian special forces in 1984. This year, 26 April 2024, marked the 40th anniversary of the death of this charismatic cultural leader. For West Papuans, in exile and at home, it has been an important time for commemoration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brewery workers who migrated between the Czech Lands and the United States existed in a complex world of fluid loyalties and ideologies that traveled with them as they crossed back and forth across the Atlantic Ocean. This article focuses on the publications of brewery workers’ unions on both sides of the ocean, as they espoused often competing and conflicting interpretations of both nationalism and internationalism. A study of these publications, which included contributions from rank-and-file union members, helps us see how migrating brewery workers and union leadership interacted with these ideologies differently according to context and location.

The European Union (EU) has developed cultural policy initiatives that seek to promote cultural Europeanization with the purpose of constructing European identity narratives and facilitating citizens' sense of belonging to Europe and the EU. The article focuses on the citizens' perspective to cultural Europeanization through ethnographic research on one central action in the EU cultural policy, European Heritage Label (EHL). We analyse the interviews conducted in selected EHL sites with Central and East European (CEE) citizens who were visiting the sites as well as with cultural heritage practitioners working at three EHL sites located in CEE countries. We ask how the practitioners and the visitors engage with European identity narratives and elaborate their European belonging. We especially scrutinize how everyday encounters and experiences, such as mobility, shape identifications with 'Europe' and perceptions of what is 'European'. The interviews are interpreted in the theoretical framework of 'being' and 'becoming' European. This framework indicates a centuries-long liminal position of the Central and Eastern Europe. It enables us to scrutinize CEE citizens' sense of belonging to Europe in an intersection of dual Europeanization, i.e. cultural Europeanization and 'Europeanization' of the CEE countries to overcome this liminal position and become 'true' Europeans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How has the Europeanisation of football at the level of governance (due to for example the effects of the Bosman ruling and the formation of the UEFA Champions League) – influenced the identities of football fans? This paper explores how such structural Europeanisation in football is influencing identifications among fans. Based on an analysis of articulations in selected online message boards, we distil the positioning of fans towards 'Europe' in football, and the factors which shape it. We control for three main avenues of impact: the club level, the league level, and the societal context. Our inquiry is based on a set of paired comparisons of fan scenes for football clubs in four different European countries. Results show that the factor carrying the most explanatory power is the club's participation in European-level competition. Although this broadly confirms a 'contact hypothesis' – according to which the more fans are exposed to cross-border contacts, the less relevance they attribute to aspects of national belonging – significant variations of how frequent exposure to European-level competition translates into more Europeanised perceptions do exist. For European identity studies, the work corroborates that a lifeworld arena such as football can foster Europeanised identifications, albeit not in a uniform manner. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper critically examines the vital role of historiography in upholding national identity components amidst the complexities of the globalization era. It underscores the necessity of historiography and historical knowledge in comprehending and confronting the realities and challenges posed by globalization. The study advocates for a strategic preservation of the core aspects and constants of identity through a well-developed historical epistemological approach. This approach is deemed essential for the intellectual development and resilience of future generations, equipping them to navigate the challenges presented by an age defined by digital cognition and the information revolution. The aim is to reinforce their identity, providing a bulwark against its dilution in the face of globalizing influences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Cultural Studies / Kültür Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Journal of Cultural Studies / Kultur Arastirmalari Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

To some extent, the current Russian-Ukrainian may be described as a conflict between two visions of nation, respectively, ethnic and civic models. Putin believes that a language defines a nation. In his understanding, since many Ukrainians are Russian speakers, they are Russians. His perception of Ukraine is anachronistic. He has failed to notice Ukraine's radical transformation since it gained independence. The current Ukrainian identity has a strong civic component. Its core is represented by a new urban middle class with a new set of values. Sustainability of this identity largely depends on longevity and results of the war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Central European countries with a historically dominant Roman Catholic heritage belong to a particular cluster in respect to the governance of religion. This paper focuses on Hungary and Slovakia and addresses the effect of religious nationalism on the regimes of governance of religion in the two countries. After the fall of the Berlin Wall, there was a brief period of neutral stance towards religion, which was characterized by liberal values. With the introduction of the bilateral Concordat agreements with the Holy See, both countries started to treat traditional Christian Churches preferentially. By the 2010s legislation in both countries created restrictive entry barriers for "new" religions. This created two or multi-tiered systems for "old" and "new" religions, in which the former enjoyed closer relationship with the state. As a result, the separation of church and state has become blurred. Preferentially treated churches reappeared in the public space as providers of certain educational and social services. Preferentially treated churches and the state developed asymmetrically interdependent relationships, the state having the upper hand. Meanwhile, increasingly populist and nationalist parties instrumentalized religion by involving Christianity in their nationalistic political discourse. This helped create a normative space, in which the state is able to give further preferential treatment to certain religious groups over others. The emphasis on Christian national identity underpinned these governments' narratives that conflates migration with security and Islam, which pushed those religious groups on the margins, which do not fit in the religious nationalist narrative of the increasingly right- and populism-leaning governing elite. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the collapse of Communism, a major overhaul of the systems of religious governance took place in Bulgaria and Russia. Policies of liberalisation were pursued in both states which created conditions for the revival of religion and growth of religious diversity. This research article analyses the state approaches and policy orientations characterising the governance of religious diversity in Russia and Bulgaria in the post-Communist years as well as challenges to the fulfilment of religious freedom and religious equality. Using the lens of religious nationalism, it demonstrates that religious nationalistic tendencies are significant in both states when it comes to the governance of religious diversity. Furthermore, the analysis suggests that such tendencies are inscribed in a contradiction between constitutionally-established principles and nationalism-tainted practices when it comes to the treatment of some minority religions or/and groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The upcoming presidential elections of November 2024 brought back into focus a phenomenon that has been manifesting in American society at least since the beginning of the XXIst century – societal polarization. Social scientists have measures. Campaign strategists have lore. The best measures have the indisputable virtues of being precise, objective, and portable – from place to place and election to election. Without pretending to be an exhaustive analysis, this article proposes a brief review of America’s national and religious identity, and of the causes derived from these two variables that have led to the current polarization of society. Participatory observation is the primary source of this parsimonious exposition, while specialized literature and surveys dedicated to the study of identity constitute the basis of secondary sources. The covenant, the creed and the crucible are the recurring symbols by which Americans have tried to make sense of their differences – and their similarities, and most of the arguments of this article are built around these variables.

This article seeks to discover how this contemporary Finno-Ugric identity has been politically instrumentalized and negotiated in Estonia. First, we look at how the Estonian state engages with the concept of Finno-Ugric world and inscribes it into Estonia's foreign policy goals. Then, we delve into the role of Finno-Ugric traditionalism in Estonian populist and far-right discourses. Third, we discuss how local identity constitutes and cements community building initiatives and projects in the Seto region known for its local specificity and cultural peculiarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to analyze the process of national identity formation, which is considered a pivotal concept in contemporary social and humanitarian sciences. The authors explore various dimensions of national identity, ranging from its historical roots to its present-day developmental trends. The focal point of this study revolves around elucidating the determining factors behind the formation and evolution of national identity, as well as its distinctive nature. Consequently, the article not only appeals to researchers but also to a wide readership interested in sociology, history, and cultural studies. Methods: In this article, we will delve into three distinct approaches to comprehending identity -- philosophical, psychological, and sociological. Each of these perspectives brings a different lens to the study of identity, shedding light on its complexities and nuances. Through the use of methods such as systematic review, historical analysis, and literature analysis, the authors have critically examined the views of various scholars on the concept of national identity. By exploring these different approaches, we hope to gain a deeper understanding of the multifaceted nature of identity and how it shapes our sense of self and belonging. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Unlike Eastern Ukraine, the territorial belonging of Western Ukrainian lands was determined by contractual agreements between European states. Reforms in Austria, and later in Austria-Hungary, as opposed to Russia, were based on the principles of Enlightenment ideology and values such as freedom, human rights, constitutionalism, and parliamentarism. In the medium-term perspective, this led to the Western Ukrainian community developing a sense of national consciousness, political organization, and the values of European civilization by the end of the 19th century. In this article, based on a comparative analysis of the historical experience of the Ukrainian community within two empires – the Russian and the Austro-Hungarian – the evolution of the process of national identity is examined. The study was conducted using general methods of scientific knowledge, in particular, analysis and synthesis, induction and deduction, abstraction, specification, and formalization. During the study, the author analyzed the peculiarities of the state and legal mechanisms for forming the ethnic identity of Ukrainians in the seventeenth and early twentieth centuries. The prerequisites of Ukrainians’ ethnic self-identification are considered. The author analyses the historical and cultural foundations of establishing the Ukrainian nation with the modern state-building process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on whiteness in Western cinema has effectively revealed how cinematic representation contributes to formulating, perpetuating, normalizing, and contesting white superiority in Western cultural discourses. However, little research considers how Chinese cinema imagines and negotiates whiteness. Using the visual-textual analysis method, this article examines the representations of white identities in Big Shot's Funeral (2001, dir. Feng Xiaogang) and Crazy Alien (2019, dir. Ning Hao). These are two well-received post-socialist Chinese dark comedy films depicting encounters between Chinese people and Westerners in contemporary China. Approaching racial identity as a form of social positioning, I analyze how various meanings are ascribed to white identities in the films, and how these meanings articulate Chineseness and Chinese nationalist sentiments. I show that white superiority is simultaneously reinforced and contested in the two films. While doing so, I will also highlight Western cultural theories' lack of analytical power in explaining how white superiority in cultural discourse transforms across different geographical locations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The impact of international treaties and laws on the identities of nations is an under-researched subject. Although it is possible to obtain some information about the impact of different international agreements on the development of nations in a disconnected manner in different publications, it has so far been difficult to find a systematic and comprehensive study on the matter. The same gap also exists in the academic studies on the emergence of Bosniak identity and nationalism. This article aims to fill this gap by examining the impact of the international agreements signed over a period of more than forty years on the national development of the Bosnian Muslims who assumed an important position in the defense policies that the Ottomans began to follow from the 17th century onwards. However, in the first half of the 19th century, conflicts would erupt between the Ottoman government and the Bosnian ajans (local leaders). Istanbul's centralization efforts created unrest in Bosnia and led the Bosnian Muslims to emphasize their Bosniak identity (Bošnjaštvo) to differentiate themselves from the Ottomans. On the other hand, in the late Ottoman period, the conflicts between the Serbs, the Montenegrins, and the Ottoman Empire and the Bosnian Muslims who sided with it were perceived as a struggle between Christianity and Islam. This process resulted in the strengthening of Bosnian Muslims' Muslim identity (Muslimanstvo). After the Berlin Treaty of 1878, the Bosnian Muslims found themselves within the Austro-Hungarian Empire, creating disappointment and anger among them as they thought that they had been let down by the Ottomans, and ultimately bolstering their Bosniak identity. The Istanbul Convention of 1879, the Protocol of 1909 between the Austro-Hungarian and Ottoman Empires, the Istanbul Treaty of 1914, and the Minority Treaty of 1919, which regulated the rights of Muslims, all underlined their Muslim identity. The Protocol of 1909, which marked the end of Ottoman sovereignty in Bosnia and Herzegovina, was a major trauma for the Bosnian Muslims. It not only underlined their Muslim identity by defining Muslims' rights but also contributed to their Bosniak identity by severing their links with the Ottoman Empire indefinitely. However, the political conditions in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the decades to come pushed Muslimhood as the identity of the Bosnian Muslims to the forefront. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recently, the Spanish state has cracked down on efforts to hold a public referendum on independence in Catalonia. To understand the local dimension, this article explores the linguistic landscape (LL) of Girona, a city in northeast Catalonia. In a context of political upheaval in the region, we examine how the ongoing push for independence is manifest in the LL of Girona. Through adopting a qualitative approach to data collection, we attempt to deconstruct how visual modalities, written discourse, spatial arrangements and dimensions of history and culture are used to create meaning and project ideologies, identities and power relations. The study uncovers a number of contesting socio-cultural and socio-political ideologies that circulate in the LL of Girona. Our analysis shows that the LL is a dynamic space where discourses of resistance, counter-resistance and conflict are present as well as new discourses that mirror the most recent debates in the region's struggle for independence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nations are resilient and often taken for granted as an analytical category in most social sciences. Academic literature has highlighted the industrial and capitalistic origins of nationalism, espousing the formation of modern statehood as well as the revitalized re-elaboration of ethno-genetic elements into that same modernity, even when 'imagined' and 'invented'. Certainly, the organizational and ideological capacities of nation-states are sociologically 'grounded', yet less attention has been given to nations' capacity to adapt their sociogenetic identity. This article seeks to interpret and contextualize the issue through the theorization of national resilience as a mid-range concept by offering analytical instruments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the Chinese party-state's production of visual racism towards Uyghurs as a discursive foundation for its ethnic policy, as globally reproduced and disseminated by non-state actors. The paper draws from theoretical literature on the relationship between visual politics and affect, stressing the need for visual literacy to reflect on how images emotionally affect audiences' identities and insecurities. It focuses this analysis on education texts in China's post-2012 'de-extremification' and 're-education' campaigns, specifically on how images tell stories about life-or-death security issues that define Chinese identity. Chinese education about Uyghurs tends to frame Uyghur identities as racialised, culturally external existential threats to be defeated by state violence or teaching them to be Chinese. However, Uyghurs' own visibility strategies in global advocacy counter the party-state's imagery by centring their lives and experiences. The article shows how these strategies can be used as resources for teaching about Chinese politics and society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides an overview of the politics of education as they affect regions and communities on the periphery of the People's Republic of China. Drawing on the articles in this special issue of Comparative Education, it analyses tensions related to the attempted imposition of Bejing's homogenising and totalising vision of Chineseness across Tibet, Xinjiang, Inner Mongolia, Hong Kong, Taiwan and amongst the mainland's migrant underclass. Also considered here are the politics of comparative educational scholarship, as they relate to a widespread failure to engage critically with the diversity and complexity of Chinese societies. Attributable largely to the West's own 'culture wars', this failure betrays much-touted ethical commitments to social justice and anti-'hegemonic' resistance. It is thus a central purpose of this essay – and special issue – to urge educational scholars to interrogate the politics of oppression and injustice in China and elsewhere 'beyond the Western horizon'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the face of the rising tension between Hong Kong and mainland China, Hong Kong's Chief Executive Carrie Lam blamed the city's education system for its inability to develop a sense of 'I am Chinese' national identity and vowed to step up 'national education' from preschool. This article explores how 188 young preschool teachers perceived their national identity and viewed the applicability of national education in Hong Kong preschools. Data were collected using both quantitative and qualitative measures. The findings showed that even though the participants strongly resisted their Chinese identity, they agreed that national education could be introduced in preschools if it would be rendered rational and apolitical. Nevertheless, they suspected that the administration's motive behind national education was political indoctrination. They also noted several pedagogical difficulties. Finally, the implications are discussed against the changing socio-political context, serving as lessons for local and international readers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Republic of Lithuania was one of several young nation-states that re-established or proclaimed their statehood in the aftermath of the First World War, following the dissolution of empires in Europe. The quest for cultural identity and attempts at its representation within the country, in the region, and on the international stage was the crucial element in the nation-building process, where cultural diplomacy played a pivotal role. For Lithuania, as for most European countries of that era, exhibitions, especially art exhibitions or art sections in the case of world shows (for instance, the Expo 1937 in Paris or the New York World's Fair in 1939), served as a prominent means of expressing its identity. An overview of the Lithuanian state art exhibition strategy, the dynamics of its organizational process, the exhibition content, and their geographical reach are discussed in the article. To comprehensively grasp Lithuania's cultural strategy and to reconstruct the network of its artistic connections, foreign art exhibitions organized at the state level and the acquisition of artifacts from these exhibitions for Lithuania's national art collection, the M. K. Čiurlionis Art Gallery, are briefly reviewed as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes to review the categories through which the study of the relationship between national identities and football was founded in Latin America, especially those of "public arena", inspired by the work of Clifford Geertz, and that of "free zones" of a culture, introduced by the Argentine anthropologist Eduardo Archetti to investigate the foundation of a "popular sporting nationalism" in the early twentieth century. To this end, it examines the ways in which Argentina's recent victory in the Qatar 2022 World Cup was narrated in television accounts and in the experience of fans, as well as the vicissitudes of its (impossible) political capture. Finally, the paper explores the shift from political hero to post-political hero: the narrative games that make the passage from Maradona to Messi possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

American "Christian nationalism" is strongly associated with ethno-racial prejudice and xenophobia, particularly among White Americans. Yet research to date ignores the possibility of Christian nationalism operating similarly for ethno-racial minorities depending on the latter's identification with the in-group vis-à-vis another out-group. Integrating insights from Christian nationalism research with social identity and group threat theories, we theorize racial identity differentially shapes the association between Christian nationalism and attitudes about ethno-racial exclusion or assimilation, contingent on which group is situated as the out-group. Data from the 2014 General Social Survey show Christian nationalism predicts White adults hold more exclusionary and assimilationist views. However, among Black adults (not Hispanic adults), Christian nationalism is associated with a rejection of domestic racial/ethnic minorities assimilating. And among Hispanic adults (not Black adults), Christian nationalism is associated with a rejection of exclusionary or assimilationist views when immigrants are under consideration. In contrast, when immigrants are the target, Christian nationalism operates identically for Black and White Americans. The same is true for Hispanic and White Americans when domestic minorities are the target. For ethno-racial minorities, Christian nationalism is thus linked with both inclusive/pluralistic views and exclusionary/assimilationist views, contingent on whether it connects them to the in-group or out-group. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two features are attributed to modern state censuses: measurement and classification. Yet the real contribution of the modern census is tabulation, one of the most important and yet ignored part of statistics. The literature on censuses ignores tabulation, probably because it is not possible to separate it from statistics. Tabulation is not just a geometrical drawing, rather a tool for ordering, hierarchizing, simplification and exposing of data. Its most important function is to provide comparable data, both classifications and numbers. This study demonstrates the contribution of tabulation, by comparing premodern surveys (tahrir) to modern censuses (sayım) of the Ottoman Empire. The ethno-religious identities were listed in surveys but tabulated in censuses. This study argues that the emergence and use of tabulation emanates from the change in state-subject and state-minorities relations. In other words, it originates from the politicization of population and identity. The tabulation became a tool in the hands of the modernized empire to expose social boundaries and make comparable the ethno-religious identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Though Palestine—as place, national aspiration, conflict, refugee crisis, political-cultural cause—stands at the institutional origin of the fields of Arab American literary study and Arab American studies more generally, Palestinian American literature itself has mostly not yet become a discrete object of disciplinary study. Palestinian American authors have not been ignored, but scholarly analysis of their work often proceeds under the authority of other legitimizing frameworks—with Palestinian American literature instrumentalized as capital for other ideological projects—even as identity became a primary currency in academic literary study in the decolonial era. This has limited opportunities to examine disciplinary mechanisms of institution-formation. A robust theory of Palestinian American literature contests the critical overdetermination suffered by an emergent Palestinian American literary archive that has expanded substantially since 2001, supporting a dynamic field of dedicated literary scholarship that refuses to be subordinated to a project of territorial nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Storytelling is an essential aspect of the creation of a community of the mind. Shortly after its invention, film became instrumental in cultivating national identity. States and national groups are keen to have their stories told in order to reinforce a sense of identity internally and claim relevance externally. This paper explores how film and popular culture help to explain politics and identity in Ukraine, examining how films are reinterpreted, reformulate a canon, and facilitate new political arguments. Therefore, through the films of Alexander Dovzhenko, we can see how the struggle to balance political ideology and national identity depicted in them helps to illuminate and explain politics today. A feature of Ukrainian cinema that is often overlooked is how films made by the diaspora perpetuated national identity, language, and culture through periods of hunger and subjugation. These films are both a statement of political and cultural identification and the basis for current political claims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Global Strategis is the property of Universitas Airlangga and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Lengas is the property of Presses Universitaires de la Mediterranee and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Lengas is the property of Presses Universitaires de la Mediterranee and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Special Treatment / Különleges Bánásmód is the property of University of Debrecen and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Does nationalism increase the probability of international conflict? An affirmative answer has intuitive appeal: Nationalists promote force to protect their land and people from foreign threats. Research on nationalism in international conflict implicates elites, masses, and political interactions between these actors when asserting its status as a powerful force that raises the risk for interstate wars. Yet both micro- and macro-level evidence cautions against drawing broad conclusions about how nationalism affects conflict. Nationalism sometimes prompts aggression. In other contexts, nationalism produces restraint. Systematic knowledge about how nationalism relates to international conflict therefore requires answers to questions about which nationalisms promote conflict and whose nationalism matters. This article first reviews theory and evidence about nationalism’s conflict-causing potential. We discuss the microfoundations that link nationalism to foreign policy attitudes before describing research that implicates nationalism as a cause of militarized conflict. Next, we argue that understanding the complex relationships between nationalism and conflict requires theorizing the causal processes that connect various stakeholders’ nationalism to foreign policy outcomes. Moreover, research on identity content suggests that nationalism is compatible with a variety of foreign policy preferences. Throughout, we centre research that features nationalism as a principal independent variable or causal mechanism precipitating conflict. Any review about nationalism must contend with the delicate matter of conceptualization — the field contains nearly as many definitions for nationalism as articles about nationalism and war. The research we discuss variously describes nationalism as an identity, ideology, or belief, for example. For our purposes, nationalism captures a set of sentiments related to a national group and its superiority. This broad perspective centers the phenomenon implicated in international conflict research.

This work encompasses an analysis of the dictatorship experienced in Brazil between 1937 and 1945, during the Estado Novo (New State), the government of Getúlio Vargas, when there was an attempt to consolidate a fictitious homogeneity in the country, especially regarding culture. In a country where layers of different cultural influences converge, making it rich, unique, and celebrated for its diversity, cultural heritage is of extreme importance. During this period, in a contradictory manner, through repression and adaptation of culture to fit the interests of the State, the period witnessed censorship and sometimes even the forgetting of cultural heritages that somewhat conflicted with the interests of the regime at the time. The issues that emerge are related to the impact of nationalism in the face of the repression of the expression of different cultures, through documentary research in primary sources, including publications in local newspapers and testimonials from descendants of the local community about the collective memory of the repression of the cultural expression of immigrants in the southern region, finally reaching the feelings generated that resonate to this day. The analysis reached a possible rupture and distortion of the collective memory, indicating how nationalism shaped and still shapes imagined communities. Amidst a discussion that also presents an analysis of the role of nationalist discourses in architecture and its homogenization.

Academic ballet is one of the iconic manifestations of High Culture. In Nineteenth-century Spain, it failed to take root in the form of stable companies, schools, and venues. There were various social, political, and cultural reasons for this, even though conditions at the time seemed propitious. Those reasons and conditions form the subject of this paper. The methodological approach employs Bourdieu's sociological Field Theory, and neo-institutionalist theories to explain why Spain failed to consolidate a national academic ballet school. Drawing on the current situation of ballet in Spain in terms of the cultural and educational policy of dance, the present analysis seeks to both broaden and enrich the historiographic interpretation of the Spanish dance scene and education. Considering the effects of path dependence, this analysis tries to explain the antecedents of the configuration of the didactic programs of public dance conservatories, the development of private academies and the late articulation of an official ballet company in Spain, devoid of signs of identity due to the eclecticism of the training of Spanish dancers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research analyzes the variation of identity and stereotype represented by the protagonists of these three Ecuadorian films, studying how these films propose an idea of national identity where identification, image and stereotype prevail. A tus espaldas, Ratas, Ratones Rateros y El Pescador is the object of study, so I carry out a film analysis of the scenes that I consider of vital importance to understand the different representations of identity, based on concepts of culture, representation, stereotype, cinema, identification and identity, inferring how these concepts affect the behavior and conduct of the Ecuadorian mountain and coastal mestizo. Within the objective, the theoretical understanding of identity and the interpretation of the proposal of cinema to represent national identity stands out, therefore, definitions and notes on debates on identity are addressed, accompanied by the visual analysis of the selection of scenes., which is considered that identity is at stake, building the theoretical position, and highlighting the representation of identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study focuses on the complexity of the national representation of Arab players on the Israeli national soccer team. For 90 min, the players are part of society and their presence resembles the inclusion of Arabs in Israel. However, when the match ends, they are again part of the deprived Arab minority and excluded from Israeli society. The study is based on theoretical academic materials, interviews with six prominent Arab soccer players who played in the national team from 1976 until the present day, and selected press interviews with several other Arab internationals. The research findings show that the players define themselves as Arabs who, first and foremost, represent themselves and their families and communities. They ignore racist calls based on ethnic, national, or religious differences. Ultimately, all of them have a hybrid identity and see soccer as a way of life and an opportunity to promote their career and make their families and communities proud due to being part of the national soccer squad. These findings thus adhere to the theoretical framework of instrumental inclusion that this paper offers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines how tribes in Jordan defend their members accused of corruption. The data come from three major public statements by three large tribes in response to highly publicized accusations of corruption. Using positioning theory, the analysis shows that this collectivist discourse is centered on self-glorification; stressing loyalty, belonging, and national identity; invoking religious narratives; and attacking accusers. It relies heavily on intertextuality, invoking of past events and master narratives, and recreating local traditional storylines. While Western culture focuses on defending the individual, collectivist culture focuses on defending the group/community and reflects the group's feeling of being a victim. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the enduring puzzles of post-2003 Iraq is why southern Iraq, a relatively homogenous, wealthy, stable, and politically represented area suffers from poverty, unemployment, and a dire lack of services. In this paper, we conceptualize southern Iraq as an imagined region, whose identity has been shaped by the collective neglect it has suffered from both internal and external actors. We argue that its situation is partially explained by a lower developmental baseline in 2003, caused by the predatory policies of Saddam Hussein's regime. In addition, the preoccupation of its Shia leaders with ruling a centralized Iraq post-2003, rather than investing in local leadership has contributed to the neglect. The continued reliance on oil – which predominantly comes from the south – contributes to citizens' sense of plunder and exploitation. Finally, the south's perceived closeness to Iran has dissuaded the international community and regional investors from engaging with the region, which has contributed to the perception of neglect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research paper demonstrates the dominant power of ideology having a material existence, which leads people to become conformist of a state where the social and religious institutions used as tools to construct the subjects. It seeks to investigate one of the most notorious novels, A Case of Exploding Mangoes (2008) by Muhammad Hanif, under the theoretical underpinnings of Louis Althusser's ideas of ideology, ideological state apparatuses (ISAs), repressive state apparatuses (RSAs), interpellation, and, most significantly, the subject model. The use of repressive state apparatuses (RSAs) in General Zia-Ul-Haq's regime has been highlighted through the qualitative mode of inquiry. Catherine Belsey's textual analysis method has been used to analyses the selected novel. The research pays close attention to General Zia-ul-Haq's administration and the ways in which Pakistanis were subjugated by ideological state apparatuses. This paper analyzes how Muhammad Hanif, deconstructs the social myths about General Zia and history in Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

National and collective identity research allows us to understand the formation of national identity. It supports us to comprehend the linkage between past-present and the silhouette of the possible future. Analysis of the Slovak identity formation, national logics, identity-framing, boundary structures and its call for a more cooperative understanding of identity might lead to an environment enabling successful cooperation and cross-border interactions with Hungary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the wake of the 2008 global financial crisis, Iceland launched a bid to join the European Union. Joining the EU was presented domestically as a key to economic recovery and as a preventative measure against future economic distress. The bid itself was framed within a rapidly shifting political landscape, set against a backdrop of spreading economic malaise across Europe, accompanied by economic bailout plans and austerity measures. Several aspects of the bid's ultimate failure demonstrate the importance of identities and narratives around national independence and European integration. Most saliently, widespread perceptions about what it would mean to join the EU, particularly around sensitive notions of sovereignty, proved insurmountable to the more economistic rationale of the pro-EU campaign. The Icelandic bid thus presents a distinct opportunity to drill down into the complex relationships between austerity economics, popular politics, and the European integration project, with significant policy implications. To better understand the emergence of the bid and its failure in sociopolitical terms we assess different conceptual frameworks, including functionalist, intergovernmentalist, and post-functionalist approaches and theoretical perspectives on crisis and contentious politics. We also include voices of Icelandic citizens from civil society and government collected in research interviews between 2012 and 2018. Overall, our comparative theoretical approach and original case data sharpen an emphasis in the social sciences and policy research on the importance of cultural narrative and identity as key determinants of EU integration.