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Adolescents are a crucial generation, with the potential to bring future social and economic success for themselves and their countries. More than 90% of adolescents living with HIV reside in sub-Saharan Africa, where their mental health is set against a background of poverty, familial stress, service gaps, and an HIV epidemic that is now intertwined with the COVID-19 pandemic. In this Series paper, we review systematic reviews, randomised trials, and cohort studies of adolescents living with and affected by HIV. We provide a detailed overview of mental health provision and collate evidence for future approaches. We find that the mental health burden for adolescents living with HIV is high, contributing to low quality of life and challenges with adherence to antiretroviral therapy. Mental health provision is scarce, infrastructure and skilled providers are missing, and leadership is needed. Evidence of effective interventions is emerging, including specific provisions for mental health (eg, cognitive behavioural therapy, problem-solving, mindfulness, and parenting programmes) and broader provisions to prevent drivers of poor mental health (eg, social protection and violence prevention). We provide evidence of longitudinal associations between unconditional government grants and improved mental health. Combinations of economic and social interventions (known as cash plus care) could increase mental health benefits. Scalable delivery models include task sharing, primary care integration, strengthening families, and a pyramid of provision that differentiates between levels of need, from prevention to the care of severe disorders. A turning point has now been reached, from which complacency cannot persist. We conclude that there is substantial need, available frameworks, and a growing evidence base for action while infrastructure and skill acquisition is built.

BACKGROUND: Adverse childhood events (ACEs) are associated with negative health effects in adulthood. Despite knowledge of these later impacts, little is known about the earlier effect of ACEs on later child behavior in low- and middle-income countries (LMIC). METHODS: The population-based Asenze cohort study was implemented in a peri-rural area of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa, comprising five Zulu tribal areas. Two waves of data were examined: family information and ACEs exposure when children were on average 5 years old and child behavior problems (Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ)) approximately two years later (average age 7 years). Logistic regression analysis was used to examine unadjusted and adjusted relationships between cumulative ACEs experienced and the SDQ total scores (dichotomized as top 10% vs. the rest) as well as selected SDQ subscales. RESULTS: A significant relationship between increased ACEs exposure and SDQ total score was observed. The same relationship was also seen for the SDQ emotional symptoms and conduct problem subscales, but not for hyperactivity. The results of a sensitivity analysis excluding intimate partner violence from the ACEs measure demonstrated similar results. CONCLUSIONS: There is an association between exposure to ACEs and later child behavior problems within this LMIC population demonstrating an early negative impact for ACEs. While previous research has focused on the effects of ACEs on adult health, this study provided evidence for an earlier relationship between ACEs and child behavior problems that may be a part of the mechanism through which later health effects arise.

Adolescence is a crucial phase in life, when foundations are established for future health . Therefore, supporting adolescents is necessary to meet the sustainable development goals by 2030. Evidence on the intergenerational transmission of poverty, education and violence suggests that to improve adolescents' well-being, the broader context in which they grow up needs to be understood when developing programmes and approaches to improve their lives. Our study explored intergenerational factors and early childhood influences on adolescent education, employment and parenthood, using the fourth wave of the MAISHA longitudinal study. This study took place in 2016-2021 among 986 adult women in Mwanza, Tanzania, including questions answered by the women on their adolescent's (aged 13-18) education, employment and parenthood, as well as their participation in early childhood programmes, education attainment and other socio-economic variables. Among the 577 mothers in our analysis who had adolescents living in their households, 32% reported that their adolescents did not attend secondary school, 11% were employed, 4% were pregnant or parents. For adolescents in secondary school, 15% ever failed a grade and 10% missed school more than 2 weeks in the last term. Grandparents' not having secondary education was significantly associated with adolescents not attending secondary education and being employed. Living in a female-headed household and mother's experience of intimate partner violence was associated with adolescent early employment. Early childhood influences showed no impact on any outcome in the multivariate analysis. Overall, we report a strong intergenerational impact of education on adolescent outcomes, suggesting the adoption of a strong policy focus on the provision of secondary education for both men and women due to its long-lasting effect. Interventions aimed at improving adolescent outcomes need to be long-term and invest in whole family poverty reduction measures.

Acceptability has become a key consideration in the development, evaluation and implementation of health and social interventions. This commentary paper advances key learnings and recommendations for future intervention acceptability research with young people in Africa, aimed at supporting the achievement of developmental goals. It relates findings of the adolescent acceptability work conducted within the Accelerate Hub, since mid 2020, to broader inter-disciplinary literatures and current regional health and social priorities. We argue that, in order to strengthen the quality and applied value of future acceptability work with young people, we need to do three things better. First, we need to

The Asenze cohort is set in South Africa, a middle-income country impacted by one of the highest global rates of people living with HIV/AIDS and high levels of socioeconomic inequality. This longitudinal population-based cohort of children and their primary caregivers assesses household and caregiver functioning, child health, social well-being, and neuro-development from childhood through adolescence. Almost 1,600 children born at the peak of the human immunodeficiency virus epidemic (2003-2005) were followed (with their primary caregivers) in 3 waves, between 2008 and 2021, at average ages of 5, 7, and 16. Wave 3 is currently underway, having assessed over 1,100 of the original wave 1 children. Wave 4 begins in 2022. The study, with a dyadic structure, uses a broad range of measures, validated in South Africa or recommended for global use, that address physical, social and neuro-development in childhood and adolescence, and the social, health, and psychological status of children's primary caregivers. The Asenze study deepens our understanding of childhood physical, cognitive, and social abilities and/or disabilities, including risk-taking behaviors, and biological, environmental, and social determinants of health. We anticipate the findings will contribute to the development of community-informed interventions to promote well-being in this South African population and elsewhere.

ObjectiveInterventions aimed at improving adolescent health and social outcomes are more likely to be successful if the young people they target find them acceptable. However, no standard definitions or indicators exist to assess acceptability. Acceptability research with adolescents in low-and-middle-income countries (LMICs) is still limited and no known reviews systhesise the evidence from Africa. This paper maps and qualitatively synthesises the scope, characteristics and findings of these studies, including definitions of acceptability, methods used, the type and objectives of interventions assessed, and overall findings on adolescent acceptability.DesignWe conducted a systematic review of peer-reviewed studies assessing intervention acceptability with young adults (aged 10–24) in Africa, published between January 2010 and June 2020.Data sourcesWeb of Science, Medline, PsycINFO, SociIndex, CINAHL, Africa-wide, Academic Search Complete and PubMed were searched through July 2020.Eligibility criteria for selecting studiesPapers were selected based on the following inclusion criteria: if they (1) reported primary research assessing acceptability (based on the authors’ definition of the study or findings) of one or more intervention(s) with adolescents and young adults 10–24; (2) assessed acceptability of intervention(s) aimed at positively influencing one or more development outcome(s), as defined by sustainable development goal (SDG) indicators; (3) reported on research conducted in Africa; (4) were in the English Language; (5) were peer-reviewed and and (6) were published between 1 January 2010 and 30 June 2020.Data extraction and synthesisAbstracts were reviewed independently by the two first authors to determine relevance. Full text of potentially eligible studies were retrieved and independently examined by the same two authors; areas of disagreement or lack of clarity were resolved through discussion by the two authors and—where necessary—the assessment of a third author.Results55 studies were considered eligible for inclusion in the review. Most studies were conducted in Southern Africa, of which 32 jointly in South Africa and Uganda. The majority of interventions assessed for acceptability could be classified as HIV or HPV vaccine interventions (10), E-health (10), HIV testing interventions (8), support group interventions (7) and contraceptive interventions (6). The objectives of most interventions were linked to SDG3, specifically to HIV and sexual and reproductive health. Acceptability was overall high among these published studies. 22 studies provided reasons for acceptability or lack thereof, some specific to particular types of interventions and others common across intervention types.ConclusionsOur review exposes considerable scope for future acceptability research and review work. This should include extending acceptability research beyond the health (and particularly HIV) sector and to regions in Africa where this type of research is still scarce; including adolescents earlier, and potentially throughout the intervention process; further conceptualising the construct of acceptability among adolescents and beyond; and examining the relationship between acceptability and uptake.

Background The combination of poverty, HIV and depression in the perinatal period represents a major public health challenge in many Southern African countries. In some areas, up to a third of HIV-positive women experience perinatal depression. Perinatal depression is associated with negative effects on parenting and key domains of child development including cognitive, behavioural and growth, especially in socio-economically disadvantaged communities. Several studies have documented the benefits of psychological interventions for perinatal depression in low- and middle-income countries, but none have evaluated an integrated psychological and parenting intervention for HIV-positive women using task-sharing. This randomised controlled trial aims to evaluate the effect of a home-based intervention, combining a psychological treatment for depression and a parenting programme for perinatally depressed HIV-positive women. Methods This study is a cluster randomised controlled trial, consisting of 48–60 geospatial clusters. A total of 528 pregnant HIV-positive women aged ≥ 16 years who meet the criteria for depression on the Edinburgh Postnatal Depression Scale (EPDS, score ≥ 9)) are recruited from antenatal clinics in rural KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. The geospatial clusters are randomised on an allocation ratio of 1:1 to either the intervention or Enhanced Standard of Care (ESoC). The intervention group receives 10 home-based counselling sessions by a lay counsellor (4 antenatal and 6 postnatal sessions) and a booster session at 16 months. The intervention combines behavioural activation for depression with a parenting programme, adapted from the UNICEF/WHO Care for Child Development programme. The ESoC group receives two antenatal and two postnatal counselling support and advice telephone calls. In addition, measures have been taken to enhance the routine standard of care. The co-primary outcomes are child cognitive development at 24 months assessed on the cognitive subscale of the Bayley Scales of Infant Development-Third Edition and maternal depression at 12 months measured by the EPDS. Analysis The primary analysis will be a modified intention-to-treat analysis. The primary outcomes will be analysed using mixed-effects linear regression. Discussion If this treatment is successful, policymakers could use this model of mental healthcare delivered by lay counsellors within HIV treatment programmes to provide more comprehensive services for families affected by HIV. Trial registration ISRCTN registry #11284870 (14/11/2017) and SANCTR DOH-27-102020-9097 (17/11/2017).

Background In the 6 months following our estimates from March 1, 2020, to April 30, 2021, the proliferation of new coronavirus variants, updated mortality data, and disparities in vaccine access increased the amount of children experiencing COVID-19-associated orphanhood. To inform responses, we aimed to model the increases in numbers of children affected by COVID-19-associated orphanhood and caregiver death, as well as the cumulative orphanhood age-group distribution and circumstance (maternal or paternal orphanhood).Methods We used updated excess mortality and fertility data to model increases in minimum estimates of COVID-19-associated orphanhood and caregiver deaths from our original study period of March 1, 2020-April 30, 2021, to include the new period of May 1-Oct 31, 2021, for 21 countries. Orphanhood was defined as the death of one or both parents; primary caregiver loss included parental death or the death of one or both custodial grandparents; and secondary caregiver loss included co-residing grandparents or kin. We used logistic regression and further incorporated a fixed effect for western European countries into our previous model to avoid over-predicting caregiver loss in that region. For the entire 20-month period, we grouped children by age (0-4 years, 5-9 years, and 10-17 years) and maternal or paternal orphanhood, using fertility contributions, and we modelled global and regional extrapolations of numbers of orphans. 95% credible intervals (CrIs) are given for all estimates.Findings The number of children affected by COVID-19-associated orphanhood and caregiver death is estimated to have increased by 90middot0% (95% CrI 89middot7-90middot4) from April 30 to Oct 31, 2021, from 2 737 300 (95% CrI 1 976 100-2 987 000) to 5 200 300 (3 619 400-5 731 400). Between March 1, 2020, and Oct 31, 2021, 491 300 (95% CrI 485 100-497 900) children aged 0-4 years, 736 800 (726 900-746 500) children aged 5-9 years, and 2 146 700 (2 120 900-2 174 200) children aged 10-17 years are estimated to have experienced COVID-19-associated orphanhood. Globally, 76middot5% (95% CrI 76middot3-76middot7) of children were paternal orphans, whereas 23middot5% (23middot3-23middot7) were maternal orphans. In each age group and region, the prevalence of paternal orphanhood exceeded that of maternal orphanhood.Interpretation Our findings show that numbers of children affected by COVID-19-associated orphanhood and caregiver death almost doubled in 6 months compared with the amount after the first 14 months of the pandemic. Over the entire 20-month period, 5middot0 million COVID-19 deaths meant that 5middot2 million children lost a parent or caregiver. Our data on children's ages and circumstances should support pandemic response planning for children globally.Funding UK Research and Innovation (Global Challenges Research Fund, Engineering and Physical Sciences Research Council, and Medical Research Council), Oak Foundation, UK National Institute for Health Research, US National Institutes of Health, and Imperial College London.Copyright (c) 2022 World Health Organization; licensee Elsevier. This is an Open Access article published under the CC BY NC ND 3.0 IGO license which permits users to download and share the article for non-commercial purposes, so long as the article is reproduced in the whole without changes, and provided the original source is properly cited. This article shall not be used or reproduced in association with the promotion of commercial products, services or any entity.There should be no suggestion that WHO endorses any specific organisation, products or services. The use of the WHO logo is not permitted. This notice should be preserved along with the article's original URL.

BackgroundAdolescents living with HIV (ALHIV) 15–19 years of age are a growing proportion of all people living with HIV globally and the population includes adolescents with vertically acquired HIV (AVH) and behaviorally acquired HIV (ABH).MethodsWe conducted a survey to measure sociodemographic characteristics, educational status, health history, and antiretroviral therapy (ART) adherence among a convenience sample of ALHIV at three government health facilities in 2019 in Nampula, Mozambique. ALHIV 15–19 years on ART, including females attending antenatal care, were eligible. Routine HIV care data were extracted from medical charts. Classification of ALHIV by mode of transmission was based on medical charts and survey data. ALHIV who initiated ART ResultsAmong 208 ALHIV, 143 (69%) were female and median age was 18 years [interquartile range (IQR) 16–19]. Just over half of ALHIV (53%) were in or had completed secondary or higher levels of education; the most common reason for not being in school reported by 36% of females was pregnancy or having a child. Of all ALHIV, 122 (59%) had VL data, 62% of whom were DiscussionData from our study underscore the high level of deprivation among ALHIV enrolled in HIV care in Mozambique, as well as important disparities by sex and mode of transmission. These data can inform the development of effective interventions for this complex and important population.

A mathematical model, populated primarily with data from South Africa, was developed to model the numbers of children affected by maternal HIV, and the number who will experience long-term negative developmental consequences. A micro-simulation model generated two scenarios. The first simulated a cohort of women whose HIV status mimicked that of a target population, and mother-child dyads by way of age- and disease-specific fertility rates. Factors defining risk were used to characterize the simulated environment. The second scenario simulated mother-child dyads without maternal HIV. In the first scenario an estimated 26% of children are orphaned, compared to 10% in the absence of HIV. And a further 19% of children whose mother is alive when they turn 18 are affected by maternal HIV. School drop-out among all children increased by 4 percentage points because of maternal HIV, similarly population level estimates of abuse and negative mental health outcomes are elevated. Relative to HIV unaffected children, HIV affected have elevated risk of poor outcomes, however not all will suffer long-term negative consequences. Interventions to protect children should target the proportion of children at risk, while interventions to mitigate harm should target the smaller proportion of children who experience long-term negative outcomes..

Perinatal HIV infection is associated with delayed neurocognitive development, but less is known about children perinatally HIV-exposed but uninfected (CHEU). We compared cognitive and language outcomes in 4-6-year old CHEU versus children HIV-unexposed and uninfected (CHUU) and children living with HIV (CLHIV). We enrolled 1,581 children (77% of the child population) in five communities in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. Children completed: Grover-Counter Scale of cognitive development, sub-scales of the Kaufman Assessment Battery for Children, Reynell Developmental Language Scales. HIV status of children and primary caregivers was determined by repeated rapid tests or report of prior testing. We conducted a cross-sectional multivariable linear regression on 922 dyads with complete data (257 CHEU, 627 CHUU, 38 CLHIV). On all outcome measures, CHEU and CHUU groups had comparable scores; CLHIV scored significantly lower. Emerging global progress toward the elimination of vertical HIV transmission may not only reduce mortality, but also positively impact child development.

Background The INSPIRE framework was developed by 10 global agencies as the first global package for preventing and responding to violence against children. The framework includes seven complementary strategies. Delivering all seven strategies is a challenge in resource-limited contexts. Consequently, governments are requesting additional evidence to inform which ‘accelerator’ provisions can simultaneously reduce multiple types of violence against children. Methods and findings We pooled data from two prospective South African adolescent cohorts including Young Carers (2010–2012) and Mzantsi Wakho (2014–2017). The combined sample size was 5,034 adolescents. Each cohort measured six self-reported violence outcomes (sexual abuse, transactional sexual exploitation, physical abuse, emotional abuse, community violence victimisation, and youth lawbreaking) and seven self-reported INSPIRE-aligned protective factors (positive parenting, parental monitoring and supervision, food security at home, basic economic security at home, free schooling, free school meals, and abuse response services). Associations between hypothesised protective factors and violence outcomes were estimated jointly in a sex-stratified multivariate path model, controlling for baseline outcomes and socio-demographics and correcting for multiple-hypothesis testing using the Benjamini-Hochberg procedure. We calculated adjusted probability estimates conditional on the presence of no, one, or all protective factors significantly associated with reduced odds of at least three forms of violence in the path model. Adjusted risk differences (ARDs) and adjusted risk ratios (ARRs) with 95% confidence intervals (CIs) were also calculated. The sample mean age was 13.54 years, and 56.62% were female. There was 4% loss to follow-up. Positive parenting, parental monitoring and supervision, and food security at home were each associated with lower odds of three or more violence outcomes (p < 0.05). For girls, the adjusted probability of violence outcomes was estimated to be lower if all three of these factors were present, as compared to none of them: sexual abuse, 5.38% and 1.64% (ARD: −3.74% points, 95% CI −5.31 to −2.16, p < 0.001); transactional sexual exploitation, 10.07% and 4.84% (ARD: −5.23% points, 95% CI −7.26 to −3.20, p < 0.001); physical abuse, 38.58% and 23.85% (ARD: −14.72% points, 95% CI −19.11 to −10.33, p < 0.001); emotional abuse, 25.39% and 12.98% (ARD: −12.41% points, 95% CI −16.00 to −8.83, p < 0.001); community violence victimisation, 36.25% and 28.37% (ARD: −7.87% points, 95% CI −11.98 to −3.76, p < 0.001); and youth lawbreaking, 18.90% and 11.61% (ARD: −7.30% points, 95% CI −10.50 to −4.09, p < 0.001). For boys, the adjusted probability of violence outcomes was also estimated to be lower if all three factors were present, as compared to none of them: sexual abuse, 2.39% to 1.80% (ARD: −0.59% points, 95% CI −2.24 to 1.05, p = 0.482); transactional sexual exploitation, 6.97% to 4.55% (ARD: −2.42% points, 95% CI −4.77 to −0.08, p = 0.043); physical abuse from 37.19% to 25.44% (ARD: −11.74% points, 95% CI −16.91 to −6.58, p < 0.001); emotional abuse from 23.72% to 10.72% (ARD: −13.00% points, 95% CI −17.04 to −8.95, p < 0.001); community violence victimisation from 41.28% to 35.41% (ARD: −5.87% points, 95% CI −10.98 to −0.75, p = 0.025); and youth lawbreaking from 22.44% to 14.98% (ARD −7.46% points, 95% CI −11.57 to −3.35, p < 0.001). Key limitations were risk of residual confounding and not having information on protective factors related to all seven INSPIRE strategies. Conclusion In this cohort study, we found that positive and supervisory caregiving and food security at home are associated with reduced risk of multiple forms of violence against children. The presence of all three of these factors may be linked to greater risk reduction as compared to the presence of one or none of these factors. Policies promoting action on positive and supervisory caregiving and food security at home are likely to support further efficiencies in the delivery of INSPIRE., Lucie D. Cluver and colleagues explore associations of protective interventions with reducing violence against children., Author summary Why was this study done? A billion children are victims of violence each year. Governments need solutions that impact across not one but multiple childhood violence targets simultaneously—'development accelerators’. The World Health Organization’s INSPIRE package of seven strategies for ending violence against children is our best starting point to test for these. What did the researchers do and find? We pooled two South African cohorts including 5,034 10- to 19-year-olds. We tested seven INSPIRE-aligned protective factors against six violence types: sexual abuse, transactional sexual exploitation, physical abuse, emotional abuse, community violence, and youth lawbreaking. Positive parenting, parental monitoring and supervision, and food security were each associated with lower likelihood of three or more types of violence. Experiencing all three of these factors was associated with lower likelihood of six types of violence for girls and boys, with up to 50% reductions. What do these findings mean? Caution should be taken, as observational studies cannot demonstrate causality. In the context of the COVID-19 economic crisis, strategic approaches to preventing violence are needed. Effective interventions to address positive and supervisory parenting and food security, such as parenting support and economic support, might reduce multiple forms of violence against children. When combined, these ‘development accelerators’ might have wider and stronger effects on multiple forms of violence.

A link between adversity, including low socio-economic status, and behaviours which carry health risks, such as alcohol consumption, has often been observed. The causes of this link are, however, poorly understood, making it difficult to explain why the association is often not linear and why there is so much variability between groups and individuals facing similar adversity. We investigate the use of the concept of emergent properties in explaining the link and its non-linear nature. `Emergent properties' arise from the interaction of factors or items in a high-level system which, as a result, has qualities possessed by none of the individual factors. We apply a mixed methods approach to examine the association of an example emergent property, hope, and alcohol consumption among adolescents in a rural South African site. We found that among adolescents living in similar contexts, there was enough variance in reported levels of hope, that an association with alcohol use could be identified. This result is cause for optimism regarding the potential use of emergent properties in explaining variations in risk behaviour. Improving our measurement of emergent properties is perhaps the biggest challenge facing this approach. More work is needed to take further the task of identifying emergent properties capable of distilling the influence of lower level variables into single measures useful for analysis and policy purposes.

There is substantial evidence that early growth retardation, indicated by stunting, is associated with poorer cognitive function among children. There are, however, contradictory findings on the extent to which subsequent 'catch-up' growth among stunted children is associated with similar 'catch-up' cognitive functioning. In this paper we show that the apparent contradictions in the literature may be a result of differences in the definition of catch up used in the different studies. We explore two variations in definition: the age from which catch-up growth is measured, and the extent of growth required to be classified as 'caught up'. Using cohort data from South Africa with repeated measures of length in early childhood, we first show that varying the starting age from which catch up is measured from 1y to 2y greatly affects the conclusions drawn with respect to cognitive outcomes, as the prevalence of stunting tends to peak around 2y. Second, we show how the results differ when we vary what counts as catch up, and here we explore five definitions ranging from most lenient to strictest. The strictest definition requires children to have caught up sufficiently that their height-for-age falls within the 'normal' range at follow-up; very few children catch up to this extent. For all definitions of catch-up, except the strictest, we find that children who are stunted at 2 years of age who subsequently experience catch-up growth, on average, do worse on cognitive tests than children who were never stunted, and almost as poorly as children who remain stunted (with the coefficient ranging from -1.584; p 0.01 to -1.753; p 0.01). This suggests the timing of investments in early childhood is key, with intervention in the first two years to prevent deprivation that affects both linear growth and cognitive function.

Summary Background Children living in institutionalised settings are at risk of negative health and developmental outcomes, as well as physical and emotional abuse, yet information on their numbers is scarce. Therefore, the aim of our study was to estimate global-level, regional-level, and country-level numbers and percentages of children living in institutional care. Methods In this estimation study, we did a systematic review of peer-reviewed publications and a comprehensive review of surveys and unpublished literature to construct a dataset on children living in institutional care from 136 countries between 2001 and 2018. We applied a wide range of methods to estimate the number and percentages of children living in institutional care in 191 countries in 2015, the year the Sustainable Development Goals were adopted. We generated 98 sets of estimates for each dataset, with possible combinations of imputation methods for countries with different available data points. Of these 98 sets, we report here five types of global-level estimates: estimates with the highest values, those with the lowest values, those with median values, those with uncertainty levels, and those derived from methods with the smallest root-mean-square errors (RMSE). Findings Global estimates of children living in institutions in 2015 was highly sensitive to the methods and data used, ranging from 3·18 million to 9·42 million children, with a median estimate of 5·37 million. When selecting the method with the lowest RMSE, the global estimate was 4·21 million, whereas with negative binomial regression with bootstrapping, the global estimate was 7·52 (95% CI 7·48–7·56) million. We also observed large variations in country-level estimates. Compared with other regions, estimates in south Asia, sub-Saharan Africa, and Latin America had larger variations in values when switching between estimation methods. High-income countries had the highest average prevalence of institutionalisation, whereas low-income countries had the lowest average prevalence. Estimates from the full data with the smallest RMSE method showed that south Asia had the largest estimated number of children living in institutions (1·13 million), followed by Europe and central Asia (1·01 million), east Asia and Pacific (0·78 million), sub-Saharan Africa (0·65 million), Middle East and North Africa (0·30 million), Latin America and the Caribbean (0·23 million), and North America (0·09 million). North America consistently had the lowest estimates among all regions. Interpretation Worldwide, institutional care places millions of children at elevated risk of negative health and developmental outcomes, highlighting the need for deinstitutionalisation. However, there is considerable uncertainty regarding the number of children living in institutions. To improve estimates of the size of this population, we need to standardise the definition of institutional care and improve data collection, particularly in countries with large child populations. Funding Lumos Foundation.

This paper examines the incidence and correlates of linear growth catch up in early childhood among stunted children, using a range of definitions of catch up. Catch-up growth between two and five years of age is defined in both absolute terms (i.e. the centimetre height deficit from the healthy reference population mean is reduced) and relative terms (the height-for-age z-score improved or passed the -2SD or -1SD cut-off points). Data from a cohort study from urban South Africa are used to estimate the percentage of children who caught up and the predictors of catch-up growth according to these varying definitions. The results show that our sample of stunted children exhibits catch-up growth regardless of the definition used, however prevalence of catch up is highly sensitive to the way catch up is classified, ranging from 19%-93%. Of the biological, early growth, socioeconomic status and maternal reproductive variables included in the multivariate probit regressions, only a few were found to be consistent predictors of the incidence of catch-up growth. Mother's height was positively correlated with the incidence of catch-up growth and early stunting at one year was associated with a lower likelihood of subsequent catch up.

We outline the benefits, challenges and possible approaches to developing mathematical models that could be used to estimate the magnitude of negative consequences of adult HIV infection for children. Adult HIV infection can lead to numerous negative consequences for dependent children, including depression, anxiety, withdrawal from school and early sexual debut, among others. For advocacy and planning purposes, it is important to highlight and consider as many of these as possible. A focus solely on orphan numbers, which is the typical summary measure for children affected by HIV and AIDS, can be misleading. The complexity of child development that is characterized by the interaction of a multitude of proximal and distal factors, coupled with a significant lack of data on child development in the context of adult HIV infection make the development of models a challenging task. Although it may not be possible in the first attempt to develop a population-based model capable of examining family dynamics, the negative consequences together with the impact of interventions, steps in that direction can be taken. We propose approaches and assumptions that we believe will allow the development of a useful first set of models. We conclude with a brief discussion of the type of data that, if collected, would facilitate refinement and development of these models.

There is a growing evidence base on the immediate and short-term effects of adult HIV on children. We provide an overview of this literature, highlighting the multiple risks and resultant negative consequences stemming from adult HIV infection on the children they care for on an individual and family basis. We trace these consequences from their origin in the health and wellbeing of adults on whom children depend, through multiple pathways to negative impacts for children. As effective treatment reduces vertical transmission, the needs of affected children will predominate. Pathways include exposure to HIV in utero, poor caregiver mental or physical health, the impact of illness, stigma and increased poverty. We summarize the evidence of negative consequences, including those affecting health, cognitive development, education, child mental health, exposure to abuse and adolescent risk behaviour, including sexual risk behaviour, which has obvious implications for HIV-prevention efforts. We also highlight the evidence of positive outcomes, despite adversity, considering the importance of recognizing and supporting the development of resilience. This study is the first in a series of three commissioned by President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR)/United States Agency for International Development (USAID), the summary provided here was used to inform a second study which seeks to identify insights from the broader child development field which will help us predict what long-term negative consequences children affected by HIV and AIDS are likely to experience. The third study discusses the design of a model to estimate these consequences. Although comprehensive, the review is often hampered by poor-quality research, inadequate design, small sample sizes and single studies in some areas.

The immediate and short-term consequences of adult HIV for affected children are well documented. Little research has examined the long-term implications of childhood adversity stemming from caregiver HIV infection. Through overviews provided by experts in the field, together with an iterative process of consultation and refinement, we have extracted insights from the broader field of child development of relevance to predicting the long-term consequences to children affected by HIV and AIDS. We focus on what is known about the impact of adversities similar to those experienced by HIV-affected children, and for which there is longitudinal evidence. Cautioning that findings are not directly transferable across children or contexts, we examine findings from the study of parental death, divorce, poor parental mental health, institutionalization, undernutrition, and exposure to violence. Regardless of the type of adversity, the majority of children manifest resilience and do not experience any long-term negative consequences. However, a significant minority do and these children experience not one, but multiple problems, which frequently endure over time in the absence of support and opportunities for recovery. As a result, they are highly likely to suffer numerous and enduring impacts. These insights suggest a new strategic approach to interventions for children affected by HIV and AIDS, one that effectively combines a universal lattice of protection with intensive intervention targeted to selected children and families.

No abstract available. (Published: 25 February 2016) Citation: Celum CL et al. Journal of the International AIDS Society 2016, 19 :20861 http://www.jiasociety.org/index.php/jias/article/view/20861 | http://dx.doi.org/10.7448/IAS.19.1.20861

Feedbacks between biological and economic systems can lead to persistent poverty traps for the world’s rural poor. A combination of economic, ecological and epidemiological modelling helps unravel how these feedbacks and traps occur.

A human security framework posits that individuals are the focus of strategies that protect the safety and integrity of people by proactively promoting children's well being, placing particular emphasis on prevention efforts and health promotion. This article applies this framework to a rights-based approach in order to examine the health and human rights of children affected by HIV/AIDS. The SAFE model describes sources of insecurity faced by children across four fundamental dimensions of child well-being and the survival strategies that children and families may employ in response. The SAFE model includes: Safety/protection; Access to health care and basic physiological needs; Family/connection to others; and Education/livelihoods. We argue that it is critical to examine the situation of children through an integrated lens that effectively looks at human security and children's rights through a holistic approach to treatment and care rather than artificially limiting our scope of work to survival-oriented interventions for children affected by HIV/AIDS. Interventions targeted narrowly at children, in isolation of their social and communal environment as outlined in the SAFE model, may in fact undermine protective resources in operation in families and communities and present additional threats to children's basic security. An integrated approach to the basic security and care of children has implications for the prospects of millions of children directly infected or indirectly affected by HIV/AIDS around the world. The survival strategies that young people and their families engage in must be recognized as a roadmap for improving their protection and promoting healthy development. Although applied to children affected by HIV/AIDS in the present analysis, the SAFE model has implications for guiding the care and protection of children and families facing adversity due to an array of circumstances from armed conflict and displacement to situations of extreme poverty.

The HIV/AIDS epidemic has many serious consequences for children. These consequences are, however, rarely inevitable. Families can provide a protective barrier that deflects blows, or minimises their impact and a supportive nurturing environment that can help children recover from harm. If strong enough, and with sufficient access to quality services and support from communities, families can reduce the impacts of HIV/AIDS on children to negligible levels in most areas of impact. It is apparent that the impacts felt by children are not simply unfortunate, inevitable consequences of this epidemic. A strong and supported family with good access to quality services can deflect almost all of the impact. It is as a result of an interaction of the context of poverty, which weakens families, and a failure to adequately respond, that impacts are felt by children.

This paper provides an overview of the arguments for the central role of families, defined very broadly, and we emphasise the importance of efforts to strengthen families to support children affected by HIV and AIDS. We draw on work conducted in the Joint Learning Initiative on Children and AIDS's Learning Group 1: Strengthening Families, as well as published data and empirical literature to provide the rationale for family strengthening. We close with the following recommendations for strengthening families to ameliorate the effects of HIV and AIDS on children. Firstly, a developmental approach to poverty is an essential feature of responses to protect children affected by HIV and AIDS, necessary to safeguard their human capital. For this reason, access to essential services, such as health and education, as well as basic income security, must be at the heart of national strategic approaches. Secondly, we need to ensure that support garnered for children is directed to families. Unless we adopt a family oriented approach, we will not be in a position to interrupt the cycle of infection, provide treatment to all who need it and enable affected individuals to be cared for by those who love and feel responsible for them. Thirdly, income transfers, in a variety of forms, are desperately needed and positively indicated by available research. Basic economic security will relieve the worst distress experienced by families and enable them to continue to invest in the health care and education of their children. Lastly, interventions are needed to support distressed families and prevent knock-on negative outcomes through programmes such as home visiting, and protection and enhancement of children's potential through early child development efforts.

In this study we analyse the implications for cognitive function of recovery from stunting in early childhood. More specifically, we test whether children who met the definition for stunted at age 2, but not at age 5, perform better in cognitive tests than children who remain stunted over this period. The sample is drawn from the Birth to Twenty Cohort Study, a prospective data set of children born in 1990 in urban South Africa. The measure of cognitive function that we use is based on the Revised Denver Prescreening Developmental Questionnaire implemented when the children were age 5. We employ multivariate regression in the analysis to control for child-specific characteristics, socio-economic status, the home environment and caregiver inputs. We find that recovery from stunting is not uncommon among young children in our sample. However, children who recover from stunting by age 5 still perform significantly worse on cognitive tests than children who do not experience early malnutrition, and almost as poorly as children who remain stunted. These findings suggest that the timing of nutritional inputs in the early years is key in a child’s cognitive development, with implications for school readiness and achievement.

The world has woken up to the importance of antiretroviral treatment and HIV prevention for children and adolescents. There is a clear need to expand access to paediatric treatment and prevention by building clinical delivery mechanisms. But stand-alone clinical services are insufficient: uptake of antiretroviral therapy (ART) and adherence remain suboptimal, and adolescent HIV incidence remains high. To improve paediatric survival, several psychosocial and economic barriers to treatment and prevention must be overcome. Such barriers include depression and stigma, which inhibit treatment adherence; psychological and community barriers to the prevention of vertical transmission; and severe poverty and child abuse, which are risk factors for transactional sex in adolescent girls.

People with TB and/or HIV frequently experience severe economic barriers to health care, including out-of-pocket expenses related to diagnosis and treatment, as well as indirect costs due to loss of income. These barriers can both aggravate economic hardship and prevent or delay diagnosis, treatment and successful outcome, leading to increased transmission, morbidity and mortality. WHO, UNAIDS and the ILO argue that economic support of various kinds is essential to enable vulnerable people to protect themselves from infection, avoid delayed diagnosis and treatment, overcome barriers to adherence, and avert destitution. This paper analyses successful country proposals to the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria that include economic support in Rounds 7 and 10; 36 and 20 HIV and TB grants in Round 7 and 32 and 26, respectively, in Round 10. Of these, up to 84 percent included direct or indirect economic support for beneficiaries, although the amount constituted a very small proportion of the total grant. In TB grants, the objectives of economic support were generally clearly stated, and focused on mechanisms to improve treatment uptake and adherence, and the case was most clearly made for MDR-TB patients. In HIV grants, the objectives were much broader in scope, including mitigation of adverse economic and social effects of HIV and its treatment on both patients and families. The analysis shows that economic support is on the radar for countries developing Global Fund proposals, and a wide range of economic support activities are in place. In order to move forward in this area, the wealth of country experience that exists needs to be collated, assessed and disseminated. In addition to trials, operational research and programme evaluations, more precise guidance to countries is needed to inform evidence-based decision about activities that are cost-effective, affordable and feasible.

If children are to be protected from HIV, the expansion of PMTCT programs must be complemented by increased provision of paediatric treatment. This is expensive, yet there are humanitarian, equity and children’s rights arguments to justify the prioritization of treating HIV-infected children. In the context of limited budgets, inefficiencies cost lives, either through lower coverage or less effective services. With the goal of informing the design and expansion of efficient paediatric treatment programs able to utilize to greatest effect the available resources allocated to the treatment of HIV-infected children, this article reviews what is known about cost drivers in paediatric HIV interventions, and makes suggestions for improving efficiency in paediatric HIV programming. High-impact interventions known to deliver disproportional returns on investment are highlighted and targeted for immediate scale-up. Progress will carry a cost - increased funding, as well as additional data on intervention costs and outcomes, will be required if universal access of HIV-infected children to treatment is to be achieved and sustained. 2013 Wolters Kluwer Health | Lippincott Williams & Wilkins AIDS 2013, 27 (Suppl 2):S179–S186

The aim of this article is to support efforts to hold governments accountable for their commitments to respond to HIV and AIDS. It describes a new approach to ranking countries' responses in order to facilitate cross-country comparisons. The method uses the United Nations General/Assembly Speecial Session on HIV/AIDS (UNGASS) Declaration of Commitment as its point of departure and was designed to rank countries in terms of their efforts to fight HIV and AIDS. Three indicators of the country response were analyzed. (1) prevention of mother-to-child transmission (PMTCT) coverage; (2) antiretroviral (ARV) coverage; and (3) the ratio of orphans to non-orphans attending school An assessment of this nature must acknowledge the unique situation of each country, depending on its infrastructure and access to resources. To account for these differences, a regression analysis with contextual control variables was carried out to identify the variation resulting from controllable factors. It is this variation which is used to examine countries' relative response to HIV as it considers what was actually achieved relative to what was expected given the context. The results highlight the efforts of not only some well-reputed, strong actors but also some unexpected front-runners. The results also point to a group of countries which are lagging behind in all regards. Comparisons between the three indicators show great variations in the focus of countries' efforts. Rating countries' relative response to HIV highlghts countries that do well in spite of diffcult circumstances. The article argues that these "relative overachievers" should be examined more closely so that lessons may be learnt from their efforts. The rating also draws attention to countries where the response is comparatively weak, and where governments, as lead actors in the AIDS partnership, bear the greatest responsibility.

In the HIV and AIDS sphere, children remain on the margins with respect to advocacy, prevention, treatment and care. Moreover, concern is generally limited to specific categories of children, most especially children living with HIV, orphaned children and child-headed households. Excluded from view are the very large numbers of children affected by generalized HIV/AIDS epidemics, now in advanced stages, in already impoverished countries in southern Africa. In this paper, we use information from comparable national household surveys in South Africa, in five waves between 1995 and 2005, to examine the impact of HIV and AIDS on children and on the structure of the households in which they find themselves. The question posed is whether it is appropriate to target orphans and child-headed households in this context. The data indicate that orphaning, particularly loss of a mother, tripled during this period, as is to be expected from rising adult mortality. Though they remain a small proportion, child-only households also rose markedly during this time. However, difficult as their situation is, neither orphans nor child-only households appear to be the worst-off children, at least from the point of view of reported sources of financial support and per capita monthly expenditure. Households headed by single adults and young adults are economically vulnerable groups not yet included in efforts to support affected children and families. Poverty is a pitiless backdrop to the AIDS epidemic and needs to be at the heart of strategies to address the needs of all vulnerable children in hard-hit communities.

Global publications on the international AIDS epidemic report on the existence of an ever-increasing number of orphans and vulnerable children. It has been suggested that by the end of this decade there will be in excess of 25 million AIDS orphans globally, an issue which will require understanding and organisation of long-term medical, psychological and social support. This study provides a systematic review to examine the use, overuse and misuse of the term orphan and explores the benefits and limitations of this approach. It then summarises the knowledge on orphans to date. Using a search strategy of published studies and recent conference abstracts, 383 papers were identified where the concept of AIDS and Orphan was raised. The papers were systematically coded and reviewed to understand when and how a child is labelled an orphan, and to summarise the effect of orphanhood on outcome measures, most notably psychologically and physically. All controlled studies published prior to 2006 were reviewed. A consistent picture of negative effects of parental death (however defined) on a wide range of physical, socioeconomic and psychological outcomes were recorded. Seventeen studies met criteria for in-depth review (empirical, fully published, control group). The majority of studies are cross-sectional (two are longitudinal) and employ a very wide array of measures - both standardised and study specific. This detailed analysis shows a mixed picture on outcome. Although most studies report some negative effects, there are often no differences and some evidence of protective effects from quality of subsequent care and economic assistance. The lack of consistent measures and the blurring of definitions are stumbling blocks in this area.