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Has political polarization undermined the media’ informational role during the COVID-19 pandemic? Recent studies show that politicized reporting from conservative media discouraged compliance with COVID-19 guidelines in the U.S. However, greater attention to the 24-hour news cycle may make high-consumption viewers better factually informed regardless of the source. We examine how the extent of media consumption affects people’s emotions, attitudes, and behaviors toward the pandemic. With an online survey of 1128 respondents, we found a strong convergence in anxiety and health-protective behaviors in more avid media viewers regardless of media outlet while finding a divergence in attitudes toward specific mitigation strategies.

This study examines the sources of COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy and refusal in Americans by decomposing different forms of government trust/mistrust including trust in Trump and mistrust in public health institutions.Using linear panel regression models with data from 5,446 US adults (37,761 responses) from the Understanding America Survey, the likelihoods of vaccine hesitancy, uptake, and trust in various information sources were examined.We find that the likelihoods of hesitancy and having negative perceptions of COVID-19 vaccines were consistently much higher among PHI mistrusters, showing even a stronger hesitancy than Trump trusters. This tendency has persisted over time, resulting in only 49% of PHI mistrusters having been vaccinated in the most recent survey wave. However, a large portion of PHI mistrusters still trusted physicians, family, and friends. These findings suggest that mistrust in PHIs is a salient predictor of vaccine hesitancy and reduced uptake on its own, which is compounded by trust in Trump.

Although the excess male mortality from COVID-19 is well-known, the variations in sex gaps in incidence and mortality across countries and the sources of such variations are not well understood. This study explored the patterns and the sources of variation in the sex gap in COVID-19 incidence and mortality rates across 100 countries where sex-disaggregated cases and deaths were available as of September 2020. Our results show that there is generally a male disadvantage in both incidence and mortality; however, COVID-19 incidence exhibited a lower male disadvantage (1.2 times higher risk for males) than COVID-19 mortality (1.5 times higher risk for males). The extent of male disadvantages in COVID-19 outcomes across countries varied by societal gender inequalities and behavioural factors. Greater gender equality, both socially and behaviourally, was associated with more equal COVID-19 incidence and mortality between men and women. The findings imply that male disadvantages in COVID-19 outcomes, particularly incidence, are socially determined, whereas further investigation is needed to understand behavioural and biological elements yielding a male disadvantage in mortality.

Development assistance for health (DAH) has increased dramatically over the past two decades, and this increase has led to a debate on the benefits and perverse effects of scaling-up vs scaling back DAH, and the type of interventions DAH should support. Nutrition remains a contested category viewed as essential to achieving primary healthcare objectives but as falling outside of the direct ambit of the health system. Thus, despite the increase in DAH, it continues to remain an underfunded area and little is known about the relationship between aid for nutrition-specific and nutrition-sensitive interventions and the proportion of stunted children across low- and middle-income countries. We hypothesize that as nutrition-specific aid targets local needs of countries and is less fungible than nutrition-sensitive aid, it will contribute more to a reduction in the proportion of stunted children, with the steepest gains among countries that have the highest burden of malnutrition. We use fixed-effects regressions to examine the relationship between the proportion of stunted children and aid for nutrition interventions (specific and sensitive) to 116 low- and middle-income countries (2002–16). We construct our panel using the Creditor Reporting System, Institute of Health Metrics and Evaluation, Food and Agriculture Organization, World Health Organization and World Development indicators databases. We find a one-dollar increase in per capita nutrition-specific aid is associated with a reduction in the proportion of stunted children by 0.004 (P

The US remains the only high-income country that lacks a universal health financing system and instead relies on a fragmented system with the largest segment of the population receiving health insurance through private, voluntary employer-sponsored health insurance plans. While not "universal" in the sense of being mandatory and tax-financed, through a series of reforms, the US has managed to provide some form of health insurance coverage to 90% of the population. Yet, the high cost of this system, the insufficient coverage afforded to many, and continued concerns about equity have led to calls for a national health insurance program that can reduce costs across the board while providing high-quality coverage for all. Given the policy gridlock at the national level, the states have often sought to achieve universal health financing on their own, but these bills have met with little success so far. Why has the ideal of states as "laboratories of democracy" failed to produce policy change towards national health insurance? This article examines the prospects for the New York Health Act, a single-payer bill that would create a universal health financing plan for all New York State residents. Applying the Political Economy of Health Financing Framework, we analyze the politics of health reform in New York State and identify strategies to overcome opposition to this policy proposal. We find that while a clear political opportunity is in place, the prospects for adoption remain low given the power of symbolic politics and institutional inertia on the reform process.

CONTEXT: The United States is the only high-income country that relies on employer-sponsored health coverage to insure a majority of its population, and millions of Americans lost employer-sponsored health insurance during the COVID-19-induced economic downturn. We examine public opinion toward universal health coverage policies in this context. METHODS: Through a survey of 1,211 Americans in June 2020, we examine the influence of health insurance loss on support for Medicare for All (M4A) in two ways. First, we examine associations between pandemic-related health insurance loss and M4A support. Second, we experimentally prime some respondents with a vignette of a sympathetic victim losing employer-sponsored coverage during COVID-19. As a secondary outcome, we examine the effect of these exposures on support for the Affordable Care Act. FINDINGS: We find that directly experiencing recent health insurance loss is strongly associated (10 pp, p

Recent literature has focused on the impact of the differential adoption by states of the Affordable Care Act's Medicaid expansion. However, additional Medicaid policy dimensions exist where state-level trends in coverage have varied, including eligibility, benefits, and administrative burden, both before and after implementation of the Affordable Care Act.

Background The Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS) has recently set the ambitious “90-90-90 target” of having 90% of people living with HIV (PLHIV) know their status, receive antiretroviral therapy (ART), and achieve viral suppression by 2020. This ambitious new goal is occurring in a context of global “scale-down” following nearly a decade of heightened investment in HIV prevention and treatment efforts. Arguably international goals spur action, however, setting unrealistic goals that do not take weak health systems and variations in the nature of the epidemic across countries into consideration may set them up for failure in unproductive ways that lead to a decline in confidence in global governance institutions. This study explores how policy actors tasked with implementing HIV programs navigate the competing demands placed upon them by development targets and national politics, particularly in the current context of waning international investments towards HIV. Methods To examine these questions, we interviewed 29 key informants comprising health experts in donor organizations and government employees in HIV programs in Pakistan, a country where HIV programs must compete with other issues for attention. Themes were identified inductively through an iterative process and findings were triangulated with various data sources and existing literature. Results We found both political and governance challenges to achieving the target, particularly in the context of the global HIV scale-down. Political challenges included, low and heterogeneous political commitment for HIV and a conservative legal environment that contributed towards a ban on opiate substitution therapy, creating low treatment coverage. Governance challenges includedstrained state and non-governmental organization (NGO) relations creating a hostile service delivery environment, weak bureaucratic and civil society capacity contributing to poor regulation of the health infrastructure, and resource mismanagement on both the part of the government and NGOs. Conclusion Our findings suggest that in a context of waning international attention to HIV, policy actors on the ground face a number of practical hurdles to achieving the ambitious targets set out by international agencies. Greater attention to the political and governance challenges of implementing HIV programs in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) could help technical assistance agencies to develop more realistic implementation plans.

Menu calorie labeling aims to empower customers to make healthier food choices, but researchers have questioned whether labels will empower those with greater health literacy, literacy or numeracy more, possibly reinforcing race-ethnic or socioeconomic inequalities in obesity. The goal of this study was to investigate differences in seeing and using restaurant menu calorie labels and whether differences have compounded over time. Using data from three rounds of the National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey covering the period 2007-2014, we investigate race-ethnic and socio-economic differences in menu label usage over time adjusting for sex, age and body weight. While menu label usage increased over time, not all groups increased their use equally. While we find that Blacks and Hispanics use labels more than Whites in sit-down restaurants, more educated individuals, higher income groups and Whites each increased the degree to which they saw and/or used labels in certain settings compared with other groups. This study reinforces concerns that menu-calorie labeling may exacerbate socio-economic and certain race-ethnic obesity differences. As menu labeling policy moves forward to be implemented federally, more attention may need to be diverted to educational campaigns accompanying the implementation and improving the labels so the information is easier to use.

Described as “universal prepayment,” the national health insurance (or single-payer) model of universal health coverage is increasingly promoted by international actors as a means of raising revenue for health care and improving social risk protection in low- and middle-income countries. Likewise, in the United States, the recent failed efforts to repeal and replace the Affordable Care Act have renewed debate about where to go next with health reform and arguably opened the door for a single-payer, Medicare-for-All plan, an alternative once considered politically infeasible. Policy debates about single-payer or national health insurance in the United States and abroad have relied heavily on Canada’s system as an ideal-typical single-payer system but have not systematically examined health system performance indicators across different universal coverage models. Using available cross-national data, we categorize countries with universal coverage into those best exemplifying national health insurance (single-payer), national health service, and social health insurance models and compare them to the United States in terms of cost, access, and quality. Through this comparison, we find that many critiques of single-payer are based on misconceptions or are factually incorrect, but also that single-payer is not the only option for achieving universal coverage in the United States and internationally.

There is a need for diabetes prevention efforts targeting vulnerable populations. Our community–academic partnership, the East Harlem Partnership for Diabetes Prevention, conducted a randomized controlled trial to study the impact of peer led diabetes prevention workshops on weight and diabetes risk among an economically and racially diverse population in East Harlem, New York. We recruited overweight/obese adults from more than 50 community sites and conducted oral glucose tolerance testing and completed other clinical assessments and a health and lifestyle survey. We randomized prediabetic participants to intervention or delayed intervention groups. Intervention participants attended eight 90-minute peer-led workshop sessions at community sites. Participants in both groups returned for follow-up assessments 6 months after randomization. The main outcomes were the proportion of participants who achieved 5% weight loss, percentage weight loss, and change in the probability of developing diabetes over the next 7.5 years according to the San Antonio Diabetes Prediction Model. We enrolled 402 participants who were mainly female (85%), Latino (73%) or Black (23%), foreign born (64%), and non-English speaking (58%). At 6 months, the intervention group lost a greater percentage of their baseline weight, had significantly lower rise in HbA1c (glycated hemoglobin), decreased risk of diabetes, larger decreases in fat and fiber intake, improved confidence in nutrition label reading, and decrease in sedentary behavior as compared with the control group. Thus, in partnership with community stakeholders, we created an effective low-resource program that was less intensive than previously studied programs by incorporating strategies to engage and affect our priority population.

Background Worldwide obesity has more than doubled since 1980. Researchers have attributed rising obesity rates to factors related to globalization processes, which are believed to contribute to obesity by flooding low-income country markets with inexpensive but obesogenic foods and diffusing Western-style fast food outlets (dependency/world systems theory). However, alternative explanations include domestic factors such as increases in unhealthy food consumption in response to rising income and higher women’s labor force participation as countries develop economically (“modernization” theory). To what extent are processes of globalization driving rising global overweight/obesity rates versus domestic economic and social development processes? This study evaluates the influence of economic globalization versus economic development and associated processes on global weight gain. Results Using two-way fixed-effects OLS regression with a panel dataset of mean body weight for 190-countries over a 30-year period (1980–2008), we find that domestic factors associated with “modernization” including increasing GDP per capita, urbanization and women’s empowerment were associated with increases in mean BMI over time. There was also evidence of a curvilinear relationship between GDP per capita and BMI: among low income countries, economic growth predicted increases in BMI whereas among high-income countries, higher GDP predicted lower BMI. By contrast, economic globalization (dependency/world systems theory) did not significantly predict increases in mean BMI and cultural globalization had mixed effects. These results were robust to different model specifications, imputation approaches and variable transformations. Discussion Global increases in overweight/obesity appear to be driven more by domestic processes including economic development, urbanization and women’s empowerment, and are less clearly negatively impacted by external globalization processes suggesting that the harms to health from global trade regimes may be overstated. Electronic supplementary material The online version of this article (10.1186/s12992-019-0457-y) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.

This cross-sectional study compares in-person school reopening decisions by student sociodemographic characteristics among elementary schools in New York State.

The purpose of this study was to explore potential mediators of the relationship between depression and obesity in a sample of low-income, minority women. Data were extracted from a sample of 535 women enrolled in a weight loss intervention for the prevention of type 2 diabetes. Using a non-parametric bootstrapping procedure, the potential mediation effects of stress eating and sleep disturbance on the relationship between depression and obesity were tested. Results of a single mediation model indicated that depressive symptomatology was significantly associated with obesity (β = 0.800, SE = 0.290, p = 0.006), and that stress eating (β = 0.166, 95% CI [0.046, 0.328]) and sleep disturbance (β = 1.032, 95% CI [0.612, 1.427]) were significant independent mediators of this relationship. Sleep disturbance remained a significant mediator in a combined mediation model (β = 1.009, 95% CI [0.653, 1.399]). Findings add to the growing literature on the psychosocial factors implicated in the link between depression and obesity, particularly among disadvantaged populations. Future longitudinal research should aim to establish causal pathways between obesity, stress eating, sleep disturbance, and depression.

Objectives. To examine the relationship between adolescent pregnancy–prevention and sexuality and abstinence-only education funding and adolescent birthrates over time. Also, to determine whether state ideology plays a moderating role on adolescent reproductive health, that is, whether the funding has its intended effect at reducing the number of adolescent births in conservative but not in liberal states. Methods. We modeled time-series data on federal abstinence-only and adolescent pregnancy–prevention and sexuality education block grants to US states and rates of adolescent births (1998–2016) and adjusted for state-level confounders using 2-way fixed-effects models. Results. Federal abstinence-only funding had no effect on adolescent birthrates overall but displayed a perverse effect, increasing adolescent birthrates in conservative states. Adolescent pregnancy–prevention and sexuality education funding eclipsed this effect, reducing adolescent birthrates in those states. Conclusions. The millions of dollars spent on abstinence-only education has had no effect on adolescent birthrates, although conservative states, which experience the greatest burden of adolescent births, are the most responsive to changes in sexuality education–funding streams.

Importance: Few studies examining the use of peers during interventions have been published, and no systematic review has been conducted to evaluate the available literature. Objective: To examine the effectiveness of social skills interventions incorporating peers for children with attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) to improve social interactions. Data Sources: A search of five databases (CINAHL, PubMed, Web of Science, Google Scholar, and PsycINFO) produced 697 articles. Sixty-one were retrieved for full-text review, and 15 articles met inclusion criteria. Study Selection and Data Collection: Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses guidelines were used to abstract data. Inclusion criteria: Participants younger than age 18 yr with any ADHD pattern, social skills interventions with peer involvement, outcome measures within the domain of occupational therapy, written in English, and involved a peer as the sole or primary component at some point in the social skills intervention. Exclusion criteria: Studies older than 20 yr or that used participants with comorbidities or multiple conditions. Findings: Interventions incorporating both peer categories were effective for increasing play skills, reducing undesirable social behaviors (e.g., inappropriate verbalizations, dominant behaviors, aggression), and improving communication (e.g., pragmatic language, collaboration, joint participation) and social participation. Improvements were maintained over time, as evidenced by follow-up studies. Conclusions and Relevance: Outcomes of these studies demonstrate moderate evidence that supports the use of social skills interventions incorporating peers for children with ADHD to improve social interactions, supporting their use by occupational therapists and the need for more studies. What This Article Adds: This article provides guidance to occupational therapy practitioners on social skills intervention options for children with ADHD.

Exposure to nicotine alters the trafficking and assembly of nicotinic receptors (nAChRs), leading to their up-regulation on the plasma membrane. Although the mechanism is not fully understood, nicotine-induced up-regulation is believed to contribute to nicotine addiction. The effect of cotinine, the primary metabolite of nicotine, on nAChR trafficking and assembly has not been extensively investigated. We utilize a pH-sensitive variant of GFP, super ecliptic pHluorin, to differentiate between intracellular nAChRs and those expressed on the plasma membrane to quantify changes resulting from cotinine and nicotine exposure. Similar to nicotine, exposure to cotinine increases the number of α4β2 receptors on the plasma membrane and causes a redistribution of intracellular receptors. In contrast to this, cotinine exposure down-regulates α6β2β3 receptors. We also used single molecule fluorescence studies to show that cotinine and nicotine both alter the assembly of α4β2 receptors to favor the high sensitivity (α4)2(β2)3 stoichiometry.

Lack of political commitment has been identified as a primary reason for the low priority that food and nutrition interventions receive from national governments relative to the high disease burden caused by malnutrition. Researchers have identified a number of factors that contribute to food and nutrition's 'low-priority cycle' on national policy agendas, but few tools exist to rapidly measure political commitment and identify opportunities to advance food and nutrition on the policy agenda. This article presents a theory-based rapid assessment approach to gauging countries' level of political commitment to food and nutrition security and identifying opportunities to advance food and nutrition on the policy agenda. The rapid assessment tool was piloted among food and nutrition policymakers and planners in 10 low- and middle-income countries in April to June 2013. Food and nutrition commitment and policy opportunity scores were calculated for each country and strategies to advance food and nutrition on policy agendas were designed for each country. The article finds that, in a majority of countries, political leaders had verbally and symbolically committed to addressing food and nutrition, but adequate financial resources were not allocated to implement specific programmes. In addition, whereas the low cohesion of the policy community has been viewed a major underlying cause of the low-priority status of food and nutrition, the analysis finds that policy community cohesion and having a well thought-out policy alternative were present in most countries. This tool may be useful to policymakers and planners providing information that can be used to benchmark and/or evaluate advocacy efforts to advance reforms in the food and nutrition sector; furthermore, the results can help identify specific strategies that can be employed to move the food and nutrition agenda forward. This tool complements others that have been recently developed to measure national commitment to advancing food and nutrition security.

Analysis of the politics of HIV programme scale-up requires critical attention to the role of the state, since the state formulates HIV policies, provides resources for the HIV response and negotiates donor involvement in HIV programmes. However, conceptual and methodological approaches to analysing states' responses to HIV remain underdeveloped. Research suggests that differences in states' successes in HIV programme scale-up reflect their levels of 'political commitment' to responding to HIV. Few empirical measures of political commitment exist, and those that do, notably the AIDS Program Effort Index (API), employ ad hoc scoring approaches to combine information from different variables into an index of commitment. The indices are thus difficult to interpret and may not have empirically useful meaning. In this paper, we apply exploratory factor analysis to examine whether, and how, selected variables that comprise the API score reflect previously theorised dimensions of political commitment. We investigate how variables associated with each of the factors identified in the analyses correspond to these theorised dimensions as well as to API categories. Finally, we discuss potential uses--such as political benchmarking and accountability--and challenges of factor analysis as a means to identify and measure states' political commitment to respond to HIV.

As a result of massive scale-up efforts in developing countries, millions of people living with HIV are now receiving antiretroviral therapy (ART). However, countries have been uneven in their scale-up efforts with ART coverage rates exceeding expectations in some places and lagging behind expectation in others. This paper develops a model that explains ART scale-up as a function of the responsiveness of political parties to their primary constituents. Specifically, the paper argues that, faced with a perilous 'threat to the nation', countries responded in one of two ways, both of which were designed to appeal to their primary constituents--either adopting a 'Geneva Consensus' response, or depicting the epidemic as a Western disease and adopting a 'pan-African' response. The article tests this theory using Afrobarometer data for eleven countries. The paper finds that HIV/AIDS is generally a non-partisan issue in most countries. However, the analysis does uncover some differences in partisan support for HIV/AIDS responses in both countries that have adopted Geneva Consensus and pan-African responses, though not in the direction hypothesised. The lack of congruence in policy preferences between the public and their governments suggests a democratic deficit in that these governments have acted independently of the preferences of core constituents.

Research has identified sexual concurrency as a potential underlying driver of high HIV infection levels in sub-Saharan Africa, though few studies have explicitly examined the contribution of marital concurrency. Utilizing a multi-level model of Demographic and Health Surveys with HIV-biomarkers for sixteen African countries, this study assessed the relationship between an individual's HIV serostatus and rates of formal and informal marital concurrency (% polygamous unions, % extramarital partner past year) among married men and women. Mutually exclusive regional-level variables were constructed and modeled to test the contextual risk posed by living in a region with higher levels of formal and informal marital concurrency controlling for individual sexual partnerships and other covariates. Compared with regions where monogamous unions were more prevalent, the odds of having HIV were higher among individuals living in regions with more informal marital concurrency, but lower in regions with more polygamy, even accounting for individual-level sexual behavior. These results can help inform prevention policy and practice in sub-Saharan Africa.

Background In 2011 the state of Vermont adopted legislation that aims to create the nation's first state-level single-payer health care system, a system that would go well beyond national reform efforts. Objectives To conduct a prospective, institutional stakeholder analysis to guide development of a politically viable, universal health care reform proposal, as commissioned by Vermont's legislature in July 2010. Methods A total of 64 semi-structured stakeholder interviews with nearly 120 individuals, representing 60 different groups/institutions, were conducted between July and December 2010. Interviews probed stakeholders regarding five major design components: financing options, decoupling insurance from employment, organization/governance, comprehensiveness of benefits, and payment reform. Results There was a range of opposition and support across stakeholder groups and components, and more remarkably a diversity of views within groups often believed to be unwavering supporters or detractors of comprehensive health reform. Given the balance of conflicting views, relative power, and acceptable trade-offs, the research team proposed a single-payer health care system financed through payroll taxes, decoupled from employment, with a generous benefit package, governed by a public–private intermediary. Conclusions Prospective political analysis can assist in choosing among a range of technically sound policy options to create a more politically viable health reform package.

Dysregulated transcription, translation, and protein degradation are common features of cancer cells, regardless of specific genetic profiles. Several clinical anticancer agents take advantage of this characteristic vulnerability, and interfere with the processes of transcription and translation, or inhibit protein degradation. However, traditional assays that follow the process of protein production and removal require multi-step processing, and are not easily amenable to high-throughput screening (HTS). The use of recombinant fluorescent proteins provides a convenient solution to this problem, and moreover, photoconvertable fluorescent proteins allow for ratiometric detection of both new protein production and removal of existing proteins. Here, the photoconvertable protein Dendra2 is used in the development of in-cell assays of protein production and degradation that are optimized and validated for high-throughput screening. Conversion from the green to red emissive form can be achieved using a high intensity light emitting diode (LED) array, producing a stable pool of the red fluorescent form of Dendra2. This allows for rates of protein production or removal to be quantified in a plate reader or by fluorescence microscopy, providing a means to measure the potencies of inhibitors that affect these key processes.

The rapidly rising rate of obesity has prompted a variety of policy responses at national, regional, and local levels. Yet, many have expressed concern that these policy responses have a limited evidence base, are overly paternalistic, and have the potential to increase rather than shrink obesity-related disparities. The purpose of this article is to evaluate obesity policies in terms of the adequacy of evidence for action and along two ethical dimensions: their potential effect on liberty and equity. To evaluate evidence, we engage in a systematic review of reviews and rate policies in terms of the sufficiency of evidence of effectiveness at combating obesity. We then apply a libertarian-paternalist framework to assess policies in terms of their impact on liberty and inverse-equity theory to assess impact on disparities. This article provides a framework to assist decision-makers in assessing best practices in obesity using a more multi-faceted set of dimensions.

Objectives To examine relationships between parental perceptions of child weight and overall health, reported lifestyle behaviors and measured body mass index (BMI). Methods Using community-partnered methods, we surveyed families residing in a two census tract area identified for targeted interventions to decrease diabetes related disparities. The survey included demographics, child dietary and physical activity behaviors, and parental perception of child's health and weight. We measured child BMI using a standardized protocol. Results We surveyed parents of 116 children with a mean age of 7 years (range 3-15) with 51 % boys, 74 % Hispanic, and 26 % Black. Over half of the children (55 %) were overweight or obese. Half (50 %) of the parents underestimated their children's weight. Reported daily hours of walking and/or running trended higher (3.6 vs. 2.6 h, p = 0.08) for children perceived to be of normal weight. Parents who correctly estimated their child's weight status reported more hours of daily walking/running than parents who underestimated child weight status, 4.5 versus 2.4 h, p = 0.0002. Parents of healthy weight children were more likely to report that children were in excellent or very good health compared to parents of overweight/obese children, 75 versus 56 % respectively (p = 0.04). We found significant racial/ethnic differences in reported diet and physical activity behaviors and perception of overall health. Conclusions for Practice Parental perceptions of child health and physical activity level may be related to perceptions of their child's weight status. Study findings informed community-based initiatives for reducing diabetes risk among children.

The relationship between intimate partner violence (IPV) and HIV risk is well documented, but few interventions jointly address these problems. We developed and examined the feasibility of an intervention to reduce HIV risk behaviors among 97 women seeking services for IPV from a community-based NGO in Johannesburg, South Africa. Two versions of the intervention (a 6-session group and a 1-day workshop) were implemented, both focusing on HIV prevention strategies integrated with issues of gender and power imbalance. Attendance was excellent in both intervention groups. Assessments were conducted at baseline, post-intervention and two-month follow-up to demonstrate the feasibility of an intervention trial. Women in both groups reported reductions in HIV misperceptions and trauma symptoms, and increases in HIV knowledge, risk reduction intentions, and condom use self-efficacy. The 6-session group showed greater improvements in HIV knowledge and decreases in HIV misperceptions in comparison to the 1-day workshop. The study demonstrated the feasibility and potential benefit of providing HIV prevention intervention to women seeking assistance for IPV.

In spite of vast global improvements in living standards, health, and well-being, the persistence of absolute poverty and its attendant maladies remains an unsettling fact of life for billions around the world and constitutes the primary cause for the failure of developing states to improve the health of their peoples. While economic development in developing countries is necessary to provide for underlying determinants of health--most prominently, poverty reduction and the building of comprehensive primary health systems--inequalities in power within the international economic order and the spread of neoliberal development policy limit the ability of developing states to develop economically and realize public goods for health. With neoliberal development policies impacting entire societies, the collective right to development, as compared with an individual rights-based approach to development, offers a framework by which to restructure this system to realize social determinants of health. The right to development, working through a vector of rights, can address social determinants of health, obligating states and the international community to support public health systems while reducing inequities in health through poverty-reducing economic growth. At an international level, where the ability of states to develop economically and to realize public goods through public health systems is constrained by international financial institutions, the implementation of the right to development enables a restructuring of international institutions and foreign-aid programs, allowing states to enter development debates with a right to cooperation from other states, not simply a cry for charity.

Anti-smoking campaigns are widely viewed as a success case in public health policy. However, smoking rates continue to vary widely across U.S. states and the success of anti-smoking campaigns is contingent upon states' adoption of anti-smoking policies. Though state anti-smoking policy is a product of a political process, studies of the effect of policies on smoking prevalence have largely ignored how politics shapes policy adoption, which, in turn, impact state health outcomes. Policies may also have different effects in different political contexts. This study tests how state politics affects smoking prevalence both through the policies that states adopt (with policies playing a mediating role on health outcomes) or as an effect modifier of behavior (tobacco control policies may work differently in states in which the public is more or less receptive to them). The study uses publicly available data to construct a time-series cross-section dataset of state smoking prevalence, state political context, cigarette excise taxes, indoor smoking policies, and demographic characteristics from 1995 to 2013. Political ideology is measured using a validated indicator of the ideology of state legislatures and of the citizens of a state. We assess the relationship between state political context and state smoking prevalence rates adjusting for demographic characteristics and accounting for the mediating/moderating role of state policies with time and state fixed effects. We find that more liberal state ideology predicts lower adult smoking rates, but that the relationship between state ideology and adult smoking prevalence is only partly explained by state anti-smoking policies.

Universal health coverage has recently become a top item on the global health agenda pressed by multilateral and donor organizations, as disenchantment grows with vertical, disease-specific health programs. This increasing focus on universal health coverage has brought renewed attention to the role of domestic politics and the interaction between domestic and international relations in the health reform process. This article proposes a theory-based framework for analyzing the politics of health reform for universal health coverage, according to four stages in the policy cycle (agenda setting, design, adoption, and implementation) and four variables that affect reform (interests, institutions, ideas, and ideology). This framework can assist global health policy researchers, multilateral organization officials, and national policy makers in navigating the complex political waters of health reforms aimed at achieving universal health coverage. To derive the framework, we critically review the theoretical and applied literature on health policy reform in developing countries and illustrate the framework with examples of health reforms moving toward universal coverage in low- and middle-income countries. We offer a series of lessons stemming from these experiences to date.

Childhood sexual abuse is common among HIV-infected persons, though few empirically supported treatments addressing sexual abuse are available for men and women with HIV/AIDS. This study reports the outcome from a randomized controlled trial of a group intervention for coping with HIV and sexual abuse. A diverse sample of 202 HIV-positive men and women who were sexually abused as children was randomly assigned to one of three conditions: a 15-session HIV and trauma coping group intervention, a 15-session support group comparison condition, or a waitlist control (later randomly assigned to an intervention condition). Traumatic stress symptoms were assessed at baseline and post-intervention, with analysis conducted for the three-condition comparison followed by analysis of the two-condition comparison between the coping and support group interventions. Participants in the coping group intervention exhibited reductions in intrusive traumatic stress symptoms compared to the waitlist condition and in avoidant traumatic stress symptoms compared to the support group condition. No differences were found between the support group intervention and waitlist conditions. Tests of clinical significance documented the meaningfulness of change in symptoms.

In May 2011, a year after the passage of the Affordable Care Act (ACA), Vermont became the first state to lay the groundwork for a single-payer health care system, known as Green Mountain Care. What can other states learn from the Vermont experience? This article summarizes the findings from interviews with nearly 120 stakeholders as part of a study to inform the design of the health reform legislation. Comparing Vermont's failed effort to adopt single-payer legislation in 1994 to present efforts, we find that Vermont faced similar challenges but greater opportunities in 2010 that enabled reform. A closely contested gubernatorial election and a progressive social movement opened a window of opportunity to advance legislation to design three comprehensive health reform options for legislative consideration. With a unified Democratic government under the leadership of a single-payer proponent, a high-profile policy proposal, and relatively weak opposition, a framework for a single-payer system was adopted by the legislature - though with many details and political battles to be fought in the future. Other states looking to reform their health systems more comprehensively than national reform can learn from Vermont's design and political strategy.

We examined racial/ethnic differences in cognitive disability and the contribution of sociodemographic factors to these differences. Using logistic regression, we measured the association between race/ethnicity and cognitive disability after adjustment for sociodemographic covariates, including agegroup, sex, education, nativity, region, marital status, and occupation among 2009 American Community Survey respondents (≥25 years). Effect modification was also explored. Cognitive disability was self-reported by 6 % of respondents. The proportion with cognitive disability was highest for Blacks and Native American/Pacific Islanders. Statistically significant effect modification was observed for all sociodemographic covariates, except sex. Although most sociodemographic modifiers revealed a more convoluted relationship between race/ethnicity and cognitive disability, the cognitive benefits of higher education, foreign born nativity, and top-tier occupations were observed among most racial/ethnic groups. The observed interplay between sociodemographics and race/ethnicity highlight a complex relationship between race/ethnicity and cognitive disability. Future research should examine mechanisms for this induced complexity.

Study Objective Long acting reversible contraceptives, including etonogestrel implants, are top tier contraceptives for adolescents, yet they remained underutilized. This study aimed to assess awareness of and attitudes toward etonogestrel implants among adolescent and young adult women. Design, Main Outcome Measures This is a cross sectional study. We distributed an original, self-administered survey to a convenience sample of anonymous subjects. The survey assessed demographic information, pregnancy and sexual history, general contraceptive preferences, and awareness of implants. Subjects then read a brief description of implants before completing the section assessing attitudes toward them. We used chi-square and t-test analyses to identify factors associated with awareness of and positive attitudes toward implants. Setting, Participants Women aged 10-24 attending a birth control education group at an adolescent health center in New York City. Results Of the 129 participants, only 40% had heard of etonogestrel implants. Some (33%) reported positive attitudes toward implants. Positive attitudes were associated with preferences for birth control convenience (OR = 3.3, 95% CI = 1.1- 9.5) and privacy (OR = 2.2, 95% CI = 1.0- 4.8). Neutral or negative attitudes were associated with a preference for birth control that maintained menstrual regularity (OR = 0.4, 95% CI = 0.2- 0.8) and with having experienced at least 1 unintended pregnancy (OR = 0.4, 95% CI = 0.2- 0.9). Age, race, and education were not associated with participants' attitudes toward implants. Conclusions Women who value convenience and privacy are more likely to report positive attitudes toward implants, and thus may represent especially receptive candidates for them.

Because they focus on culturally and contextually specific health determinants, participatory approaches are well-recognized strategies to reduce health disparities. Yet, few models exist that use academic and community members equally in the grant funding process for programs aimed at reducing and eliminating these disparities. In 2008, the Communities IMPACT Diabetes Center in East Harlem, New York, developed a partnered process to award grants to community groups that target the social determinants of diabetes-related disparities. Community and academic representatives developed a novel strategy to solicit and review grants. This approach fostered equality in decision-making and sparked innovative mechanisms to award $500,000 in small grants. An evaluation of this process revealed that most reviewers perceived the review process to be fair; were able to voice their perspectives (and those perspectives were both listened to and respected); and felt that being reviewers made them better grant writers. Community-academic partnerships can capitalize on each group's strengths and knowledge base to increase the community's capacity to write and review grants for programs that reduce health disparities, providing a local context for addressing the social determinants of health.

SummaryAlthough health is generally believed to improve with higher wealth, research on HIV in sub-Saharan Africa has shown otherwise. Whereas researchers and advocates have frequently advanced poverty as a social determinant that can help to explain sub-Saharan Africa's disproportionate burden of HIV infection, recent evidence from population surveys suggests that HIV infection is higher among wealthier individuals. Furthermore, wealthier countries in Africa have experienced the fastest growing epidemics. Some researchers have theorized that inequality in wealth may be more important than absolute wealth in explaining why some countries have higher rates of infection and rapidly increasing epidemics. Studies taking a longitudinal approach have further suggested a dynamic process whereby wealth initially increases risk for HIV acquisition and later becomes protective. Prior studies, conducted exclusively at either the individual or the country level, have neither attempted to disentangle the effects of absolute and relative wealth on HIV infection nor to look simultaneously at different levels of analysis within countries at different stages in their epidemics. The current study used micro-, meso- and macro-level data from Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS) across 170 regions within sixteen countries in sub-Saharan Africa to test the hypothesis that socioeconomic inequality, adjusted for absolute wealth, is associated with greater risk of HIV infection. These analyses reveal that inequality trumps wealth: living in a region with greater inequality in wealth was significantly associated with increased individual risk of HIV infection, net of absolute wealth. The findings also reveal a paradox that supports a dynamic interpretation of epidemic trends: in wealthier regions/countries, individuals with less wealth were more likely to be infected with HIV, whereas in poorer regions/countries, individuals with more wealth were more likely to be infected with HIV. These findings add additional nuance to existing literature on the relationship between HIV and socioeconomic status.

Background Researchers have long recognized the importance of a central government’s political “commitment” in order to mount an effective response to HIV. The concept of political commitment remains ill-defined, however, and little guidance has been given on how to measure this construct and its relationship with HIV-related outcomes. Several countries have experienced declines in HIV infection rates, but conceptual difficulties arise in linking these declines to political commitment as opposed to underlying social and behavioural factors. Methods This paper first presents a critical review of the literature on existing efforts to conceptualize and measure political commitment to respond to HIV and the linkages between political commitment and HIV-related outcomes. Based on the elements identified in this review, the paper then develops and presents a framework to assist researchers in making choices about how to assess a government's level of political commitment to respond to HIV and how to link political commitment to HIV-related outcomes. Results The review of existing studies identifies three components of commitment (expressed, institutional and budgetary commitment) as different dimensions along which commitment can be measured. The review also identifies normative and ideological aspects of commitment and a set of variables that mediate and moderate political commitment that need to be accounted for in order to draw valid inferences about the relationship between political commitment and HIV-related outcomes. The framework summarizes a set of steps that researchers can follow in order to assess a government's level of commitment to respond to HIV and suggests ways to apply the framework to country cases. Conclusions Whereas existing studies have adopted a limited and often ambiguous conception of political commitment, we argue that conceiving of political commitment along a greater number of dimensions will allow researchers to draw a more complete picture of political commitment to respond to HIV that avoids making invalid inferences about the relationship between political commitment and HIV outcomes.

Background As an important outcome of the health system, equity in health service utilization has attracted an increasing amount of attention in the literature on health reform in China in recent years. The poor, who frequently require more services, are often the least able to pay, while the wealthy utilize disproportionately more services although they have less need. Whereas equity in health service utilization between richer and poorer populations has been studied in urban areas, the equity in health service utilization in rural areas has received little attention. With improving levels of economic development, the introduction of health insurance and increasing costs of health services, health service utilization patterns have changed dramatically in rural areas in recent years. However, previous studies have shown neither the extent of utilization inequity, nor which factors are associated with utilization inequity in rural China. Methods This paper uses previously unavailable country-wide data and focuses on income-related inequity of inpatient utilization and its determinants in Chinese rural areas. The data for this study come from the Chinese National Health Services Surveys (NHSS) conducted in 2003 and 2008. To measure the level of inequity in inpatient utilization over time, the concentration index, decomposition of the concentration index, and decomposition of change in the concentration index are employed. Results This study finds that even with the same need for inpatient services, richer individuals utilize more inpatient services than poorer individuals. Income is the principal determinant of this pro-rich inpatient utilization inequity- wealthier individuals are able to pay for more services and therefore use more services regardless of need. However, rising income and increased health insurance coverage have reduced the inequity in inpatient utilization in spite of increasing inpatient prices. Conclusions There remains a strong pro-rich inequity of inpatient utilization in rural China. However, a narrowing income gap between the rich and poor and greater access to health insurance has effectively reduced income inequality, equalizing access to care. This suggests that the most effective way to reduce the inequity is to narrow the gap of income between the rich and poor while adopting social risk protection.

Gender-based violence increases a woman’s risk for HIV but little is known about her decision to get tested. We interviewed 97 women seeking abuse-related services from a nongovernmental organization (NGO) in Johannesburg, South Africa. Forty-six women (47%) had been tested for HIV. Caring for children (odds ratio [OR] = 0.27, 95% confidence interval [CI] = [0.07, 1.00]) and conversing with partner about HIV (OR = 0.13, 95% CI = [0.02, 0.85]) decreased odds of testing. Stronger risk-reduction intentions (OR = 1.27, 95% CI = [1.01, 1.60]) and seeking help from police (OR = 5.51, 95% CI = [1.18, 25.76]) increased odds of testing. Providing safe access to integrated services and testing may increase testing in this population. Infection with HIV is highly prevalent in South Africa where an estimated 16.2% of adults between the ages of 15 and 49 have the virus. The necessary first step to stemming the spread of HIV and receiving life-saving treatment is learning one’s HIV serostatus through testing. Many factors may contribute to someone’s risk of HIV infection and many barriers may prevent testing. One factor that does both is gender-based violence.

This article analyzes the growing chasm between international power and state responsibility in health rights, proposing an international legal framework for collective rights - rights that can reform international institutions and empower developing states to realize the determinants of health structured by global forces. With longstanding recognition that many developing state governments cannot realize the health of their peoples without international cooperation, scholars have increasingly sought to codify international obligations under the purview of an evolving human right to health, applying this rights-based approach as a foundational framework for reducing global health inequalities through foreign assistance. Yet the inherent limitations of the individual human rights framework stymie the right to health in impacting the global institutions that are most crucial for realizing underlying determinants of health through the strengthening of primary health care systems. Whereas the right to health has been advanced as an individual right to be realized by a state duty-bearer, the authors find that this limited, atomized right has proven insufficient to create accountability for international obligations in global health policy, enabling the deterioration of primary health care systems that lack the ability to address an expanding set of public health claims. For rights scholars to advance disease protection and health promotion through national primary health care systems - creating the international legal obligations necessary to spur development supportive of the public's health - the authors conclude that scholars must look beyond the individual right to health to create collective international legal obligations commensurate with a public health-centered approach to primary health care. Through the development and implementation of these collective health rights, states can address interconnected determinants of health within and across countries, obligating the international community to scale-up primary health care systems in the developing world and thereby reduce public health inequities through global health governance.

Contrary to theories that poverty acts as an underlying driver of human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) infection in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), an increasing body of evidence at the national and individual levels indicates that wealthier countries, and wealthier individuals within countries, are at heightened risk for HIV. This article reviews the literature on what has increasingly become known as the positive-wealth gradient in HIV infection in SSA, or the counterintuitive finding that the poor do not have higher rates of HIV. This article also discusses the programmatic and theoretical implications of the positive HIV-wealth gradient for traditional behavioral interventions and the social determinants of health literature, and concludes by proposing that economic and social policies be leveraged as structural interventions to prevent HIV in SSA.

This study qualitatively examines the intersections of risk for intimate partner violence (IPV) and HIV infection in South Africa. Eighteen women seeking services for relationship violence were asked semistructured questions regarding their abusive experiences and HIV risk. Participants had experienced myriad forms of abuse, which reinforced each other to create a climate that sustained abuse and multiplied HIV risk. Male partners having multiple concurrent sexual relationships, and poor relationship communication compounded female vulnerability to HIV and abuse. A social environment of silence, male power, and economic constraints enabled abuse to continue. “Breaking the silence” and women's empowerment were suggested solutions.

This study examined how resiliency (represented by optimism, social support, religiosity, and finding growth and meaning), within the context of perceived impact of sexual trauma and HIV-related stress, was linked to perspectives on addressing trauma among individuals (N=266) with HIV and childhood sexual abuse (CSA). Structural equation modeling analyses indicated that lower resiliency and greater HIV-related stress were related to negative feelings about addressing trauma, whereas greater resiliency and higher perceived impact of sexual trauma were associated with positive feelings about addressing trauma. Findings suggest that multiple factors influence perspectives on addressing trauma among individuals with HIV and CSA, and that resiliency might influence these attitudes. Language: en

Childhood sexual abuse (CSA) is associated with HIV sexual risk behavior. Although many psychosocial correlates of sexual risk among HIV-positive persons have been identified, studies predicting continued risk among HIV-positive adults with histories of CSA are limited. This cross-sectional study identified variables predictive of sexual transmission risk behavior among an ethnically diverse sample of 256 HIV-positive adults (women and men who have sex with men; MSM) with CSA histories. Participants were assessed for trauma symptoms, shame related to HIV and sexual trauma, substance use, coping style, and sexual risk behavior. Logistic regression analyses were conducted to identify variables predictive of unprotected sexual behavior in the past 4 months. Unprotected sex was significantly associated with substance use and trauma-related behavioral difficulties among women and men, and less spiritual coping among men. Unprotected sex with HIV negative or serostatus unknown partners was significantly associated with greater trauma-related behavioral difficulties, more HIV-related shame, and fewer active coping strategies. Thus, trauma symptoms, shame, coping style, and substance use were significantly associated with sexual risk behavior among HIV-positive adults with histories of CSA, with models of prediction differing by gender and partner serostatus. HIV prevention intervention for persons with HIV and CSA histories should address trauma-related behavioral difficulties and enhance coping skills to reduce sexual transmission risk behavior.

Objectives National political commitment is likely to become particularly crucial to sustaining antiretroviral treatment programmes in the coming decade, as donor contributions to HIV funding decreases. The objective of this study is to synthesise information on existing indicators of political commitment to respond to national HIV epidemics. Methods The authors describe and critically evaluate the existing indicators and propose studies to validate them. Results Several indicators have been developed to measure governments9 political commitment to respond to national HIV epidemics—the AIDS Program Effort Index , the United Nations General Assembly Special Session on HIV/AIDS Declaration of Commitment Indicators and the AIDS Policy Aggressiveness Indicators —but the validity of these measures has not been systematically assessed. The indicators differ in their intended use, collection methods, content categories, data coverage, and strengths and limitations. Several types of studies could be used to test indicator validity (based on indicator content, comparisons of the same indicator using different elicitation methods, relationship patterns between indicators, relations between indicators and other variables and the consequences of using the indicators). Conclusions The existing indicators of political commitment to respond to national HIV epidemics are useful for many purposes, including research, policymaking and advocacy. A range of studies could improve the understanding of indicator validity. New data collection and measurement approaches offer opportunities to improve how actors in the HIV community capture the complicated, multidimensional concept of political commitment.

To assess the relationship between men's reported violence against wives and their sexual risk behaviours and sexual health.Cross-sectional analyses of a survey of a nationally representative household-based sample of married men in Bangladesh (n = 3096).Physical and sexual violence against wives during the previous 12 months was assessed and examined for relations to men's extramarital sexual behaviours and sexually transmitted infection (STI) symptoms or diagnosis during this same period, as well as to men's disclosure of such infection to wives and condom use while infected.More than 1 in 3 (36.84%) married Bangladeshi men reported physically and/or sexually abusing their wives in the past year. Men perpetrating such violence were more likely to report both premarital and extramarital sex partners (OR(adj)s 1.80-3.45; 95% CI 1.20 to 8.23); those reporting physical violence were more likely to report STI symptoms or diagnosis in the past year (OR(adj)s 1.68-2.52; 95% CI 1.24 to 3.73). Men perpetrating physical violence and contracting an STI were somewhat more likely to fail to disclose infection status to wives (OR(adj) 1.58; 95% CI 0.93 to 2.70) than infected men not reporting such abuse.Violence against wives is common among Bangladeshi men. Men who perpetrate such abuse represent increased risk regarding their wives' sexual health because they are more likely to both participate in extramarital sexual behaviour and contract an STI compared with non-abusive husbands. Given the growing epidemic of HIV infection among monogamous South Asian women based on intercourse with infected non-monogamous husbands, research and intervention regarding men's violence in marriage and implications of such behaviour for women's sexual health should be prioritised.

Background An unresolved debate in demography concerns the causal sequence between the supply of contraception and the demand for smaller families in fertility decline. Through a mixed-methods approach, we explored the effect of a sudden increase in access to legal abortion on subsequent fertility decline when Ghana’s criminal code was amended in 1985. Methods Using Ghana Demographic and Health Surveys, we constructed a panel of women aged 15–34 years and undertook a spline regression analysis to examine the effect of legal changes in 1985 and fertility decline controlling for social determinants of fertility. In addition, we conducted 17 key informant interviews (KIIs) to understand the reasons for the legal change and competing explanations for fertility decline. Results Multivariate results indicated that the timing of the liberalization of the abortion law coincided with the onset of Ghana’s fertility decline. The KIIs indicated that the reasons for the liberalization of reproductive health laws were in response to famine and physician advocacy. Conclusions While the timing of the abortion law liberalization coincided with the fertility decline in Ghana, we are unable to decouple the effect of the legal change from the effects of a severe famine that affected the region at the same time. Further research on documented and undocumented abortion in Ghana should be conducted to validate the contribution of legal abortion to fertility decline.