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The main aim of this paper is examining the impact of globalization on human rights, focusing on the tragic Rana Plaza collapse in Bangladesh. Globalization has led to increased international trade and investment, but it has also raised concerns about its potential negative impacts on human rights, such as labor exploitation and unsafe working conditions. A qualitative case study approach was used, involving government official documents, and human rights activists' campaigns. The findings indicate that the pursuit of profit and cost reduction in a globalized economy has contributed to the erosion of labor rights in Bangladesh. The Rana Plaza collapse revealed systemic failures in safety regulations, labor law enforcement, and corporate accountability. The disaster had a devastating impact on human lives and deepened social inequalities. To mitigate the negative impacts of globalization on human rights, the study recommends to strengthen labor laws and enforcement mechanisms, promote responsible business practices and fair labor policies, enhance workers' rights to organize and bargain collectively, increase investment in worker safety and health, provide access to justice and compensation for victims of labor rights violations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Human rights defenders (HRDs) fight for various human rights and address concerns related to corruption, employment, the environment, and other issues. They also challenge powerful state and private stakeholders and seek justice for human rights abuses. Therefore, HRDs are increasingly becoming targets of violent attacks and abuse with the aim of silencing them. This article begins by providing a brief definition of HRDs and then proceeds to outline the risks associated with their work in defending human rights. It also identifies the perpetrators responsible for these violations. The article categorises the types of abuses against HRDs into two main categories, with a particular focus on the widespread tactic of using the legal system to target and silence defenders in Europe, which is also emerging globally. It introduces a taxonomy of various types of violations through the legal system. By categorising the types of violations against HRDs and establishing a taxonomy to aid in identifying these tactics, the article seeks to deepen understanding and awareness of the varied abuses experienced by HRDs, as well as their deviation from human rights standards, providing a valuable resource for academics, practitioners, and defenders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When are human rights defenders at risk of being killed? Echoing research on journalist killings, we argue that a democratic context makes it easier for human rights defenders to operate and incentivizes them to continue activities and to pursue information that puts them at risk. De jure protections that defenders have may not be enforced or may not protect defenders from bad actors engaging in politically motivated murder. These factors make human rights defenders more likely to be killed by actors trying to avoid the spotlight and exposure in democratic systems than in other types of regimes. Autocratic regimes provide fewer opportunities to freely advocate for human rights and to pursue or disseminate information about human rights violations by state or non-state actors, reducing the likelihood of defender mortality. Using two new sets of cross-national data on the number of killings of human rights defenders between 1997 and 2010 and from 2014 to 2020, we find that these arguments are generally supported when controlling for other factors that affect the killing of human rights defenders, particularly in democracies with lower state capacity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Founded in 2014, the Syrian Archive is a collective of human rights activists dedicated to curating visual documentation of human rights violations and other crimes committed during the conflict in Syria. Working within the context of the Syrian Archive Digital Memory Project and building on a series of interviews which took place between 2018 and 2022 with 40 photographers and videographers based in Syria or in the diaspora, this article explores the main motivations behind Syrians' documentation of the uprising/war since 2011. It articulates the potential of this crowd-sourced archive of the uprising-war across three main spaces: its testimonial and historical, its evidentiary, and its creative value. Across all three spaces, the Digital Memory Project, and by extension this article, advocate for the creation of a space where reflections on the value of crowd-sourced archives can happen in their authors' own voices, rather than on their behalf. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1983, the world ʼs first rehabilitation centre for torture victims opened in Copenhagen. Individual Chilean activists in European exile had already set up smaller psychosocial centres before. In the dictatorships of the Cono Sur and Central America, but also in other parts of the world, local human rights activists had also begun to join theory and practice of their struggle for liberation with the psychosocial care of survivors of socio-political traumatization processes. Liberation psychology, which also reached the founders of the first European centres through international solidarity, played a key role in this. The essay traces this intertwined history of liberation struggles, human rights work, international solidarity and the founding of therapy centres. From the very beginning, the fight against torture focused on the individual and social rehabilitation of survivors as well as the criminal prosecution of perpetrators. Today, however, many of the centres that have since been founded in numerous German cities have swapped this orientation for a self-image as pure care facilities. Additional political commitment focuses at best on supporting traumatized refugees in Germany. The authors therefore call for a revitalization of international solidarity partisanship in German psychosocial centres and for reconstructing their self-image of being part of the international human rights movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The last decades have witnessed a conceptual opening of human rights practices, hitherto prerogative of a chosen few legal experts, towards a multiplicity of subjectivities. This afforded human rights scholarship to address subaltern histories and reckon with past exclusions. Conversely, critical deconstruction and empirical diversification have aggravated the seemingly basic, yet thorny quest for defining human rights activism and identifying human rights defenders. This not only poses a challenge to research but, foremost, opens human rights concepts to abuse and undermines protection regimes. In this contribution to the Journal of Human Rights Practice 's Anniversary Issue, I trace the definition dilemma as it emerges from emancipatory developments in human rights practice scholarship. I am not pretending to solve this dilemma; rather, I offer 'metaphorical dislocations' changing the terms of discussion to elicit new avenues of thought. Taking common allusions to the economy of human rights as my point of departure, I pursue Marx's critique of political economy as a metaphor to describe human rights activism as a labour practice that a) produces discursive value qua rendering violence legible and b) transforms activist cultures socio-politically. Hence, I encounter the subjectivity of human rights defenders in the tensions between the co-dependent dimensions of practice and its political representation. The aspiration of this think piece is to emphasize the importance of co-constructing common foundations in the research on human rights activism, and to provoke responses leading us out of the all-too-well known trenches of debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several Southeast Asian nations, including Vietnam, enforce mandatory detoxification in detention facilities for individuals with substance abuse issues. Since 2010, growing concerns regarding human rights abuses associated with compulsory drug detention centres have been expressed by various United Nations agencies, human rights experts, and other stakeholders, prompting calls for their closure since 2012. Despite these concerns, the Vietnamese government persists in employing this strategy under the guise of the "war on drugs," and its discontinuation appears improbable in the near future due to numerous political and social hurdles. This study employs established legal research methods to assert that compulsory detoxification constitutes a breach of human rights. It aims to elucidate to the global academic community the reasons behind Vietnam's persistent use of this measure. By utilizing both Vietnamese and international legal frameworks alongside statistical reports on the outcomes of compulsory detoxification, the research argues that these practices can be viewed as violations of human rights. The article highlights the challenges impeding the prompt elimination of compulsory detoxification in Vietnam based on practical experiences, including insights from random surveys gauging public opinions. The findings indicate a prevalent concern among the majority of individuals who are unwilling to coexist with drug addicts in their communities. This study presents compelling arguments urging the Vietnamese government and policymakers to acknowledge compulsory detoxification as a violation of human rights. Simultaneously, it provides insights for the global community of human rights experts, helping them understand the complexities that hinder Vietnam from abolishing this measure despite objections from human rights organizations. The outlined initiatives in the article also serve as a guide for Vietnamese policymakers and international human rights organizations to comprehend and address the challenges faced by Vietnam in protecting the human rights of individuals struggling with drug addiction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista CES Derecho is the property of Universidad CES and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article summarizes the book "Sospechosos habituales. Diez aproximaciones a los antecedentes históricos del movimiento por los derechos humanos en Venezuela (1936-1999)" written by Rodolfo Montes de Oca. The book analyzes the history of the defense of human rights in Venezuela from 1936 to 1999, focusing on the historical background of this movement in the country. The author, a human rights activist and member of PROVEA, conducts a well-documented research based on his experience in Venezuela. The book consists of ten chapters that address different aspects of human rights in the country, including the systematic violation of human rights during the political conflict and state repression between 1961 and 1969, the role of the Catholic Church and human rights organizations, solidarity with exiles from dictatorships in Latin America, the defense of the right to life against executions carried out by the Venezuelan armed forces and police, the struggle for universal suffrage, women's rights and LGBT rights, the importance of active non-violence in the fight for human rights, and the persecution and murder of human rights activists in the country. [Extracted from the article]

Summary: Motivation: Human rights non‐governmental organizations (HR NGOs) play a significant role in the protection and promotion of human rights, particularly in the global south. In Bangladesh, human rights violations are a major concern. The government's approach to helping victims of abuses and upholding human rights has become contentious. Therefore, in this context, NGOs' approach to and activism in helping victims, public education, and putting pressure on the government to uphold human rights have been considered vital. Purpose: The article evaluates and explores the key challenges HR NGOs in Bangladesh face in safeguarding human rights. Methods and approach: For this qualitative study, primary data was collected through in‐depth interviews with 25 human rights activists, victims of human rights violations and their family members, journalists, NGO officials, and academics. The 25 participants were selected on the basis of purposive and snowball sampling techniques. Findings The findings suggest that the overall role of HR NGOs in Bangladesh is dubious. The HR NGOs in Bangladesh cannot play an effective role in promoting human rights, and the government's role and its responsibility to help victims and safeguard human rights is not upheld. Bangladesh's government tries to limit the function of human rights groups. The key challenges faced by HR NGOs include the ruling elite's intervention in their activities, the government's oppression and harassment of NGO officials, the country's culture of impunity, NGOs' dependence on foreign donations, restrictive laws used to control the growth of HR NGOs, the HR NGOs' financial condition and political interest, and the ineffectiveness of human rights institutions in Bangladesh. These challenges restrict the growth of the HR NGOs in the country and result in their poor performance. However, although their role and influence are limited due to the many forms of government control and oppression, HR NGOs appear to be more active than the government in upholding human rights. Policy implications: The collective efforts of the HR NGOs, civil society, the government, and general citizens are crucial to protect and support human rights. HR NGOs, civil society organizations (CSOs), journalists, and the general public should not remain silent on gross violations of human rights but should make the utmost effort to encourage citizens to break the culture of impunity and raise their voices against human rights abuses. In this regard, citizens need to understand the concept of human rights. The state's co‐operation in protecting human rights is critical, as the fundamental duty of the state is to ensure the rights of its citizens. Human rights NGOs should monitor human rights situations, help victims of violations, and engage in popular education. The voices of HR NGOs and CSOs should be neutral and united in order to exert enough pressure on the government to change its behaviour regarding human rights. In addition, the judiciary, NHRC, and Anti‐Corruption Commission (ACC) should play an active role in ensuring equality and justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This Essay responds to the increasing adoption by States across continents of repressive, over-reaching laws, regulations, and policies aimed at countering the financing of terrorism. It documents the immense international pressure to adopt counter-terrorism jinancing measures, coupled with the seeming marginalization of concurrent international human rights law obligations. The Essayfirst sets out the applicable legal framework and rapid normative developments in international counter-terrorism jinancing law. Second, the Essay provides a snapshot of existing allegations of human rights violations committed in the name of international counter-terrorism financing obligations, including judicial harassment and undue surveillance of human rights defenders and civil society organization dissolutions. The Essay concludes by proposing several viable avenues for holding States responsible for such abuses, including before international human rights mechanisms, the, International Court of justice, arbitral tribunals, and national courts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article highlights the mobilization of activists in the Sahara to protect the rights of migrants during their displacement towards North Africa. Alarme Phone Sahara is a project that aims to denounce human rights violations and prevent the death of people on the move. Despite the challenges in a hostile political environment, activists seek to raise awareness about the conditions and risks of displacement, document accidents and violence on migration routes, and provide assistance to people in difficult situations in the desert. The organization works to draw attention to deaths in the desert and the repression of human rights defenders. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Revista CS is the property of Rafael Silva Vega and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The study sought to empirically test the contribution of information and communication technology (ICT) to the advancement of human rights, drawing on the fact that safeguarding human rights through the use of ICT is a field of increasing interest to academics and those working towards the advancement of human rights and development practitioners. The literature on ICT and human rights holds the view that ICT can play a significant role in the advancement of human rights. ICT has become an essential instrument for realising human rights, and ensuring its accessibility must be a primary concern for all governments. However, despite the increase in ICT usage, the southern African region has been marred by atrocities and human rights violations. Many southern African governments regularly impose restrictions on human rights defenders, journalists, and rights activists, often to suit political goals. The use of ICT has extensive effects on the human rights agenda and forms an important tool in its endeavours to gather, analyse, and spread information and advocate for fitting remedies in response to human rights infringements. It is against this background that this study sought to examine the contribution of ICT to the advancement of human rights. The study was quantitative in nature, using panel data to estimate its model. The findings reveal a weak positive relationship between ICT and the advancement of human rights. The study recommends that governments and civil society encourage the use of ICT functionality in ways that advance human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A German court recently convicted a minor Syrian official of abuses committed in Syria's civil war. The case was announced with fanfare but has since stirred no interest. Nor should this be surprising. The world has been here before. There was intense excitement in 1998, when British authorities arrested Augusto Pinochet, the former president of Chile, for human rights abuses committed in Chile. It was taken at the time as vindicating the doctrine that the worst human rights abuses fall under "universal jurisdiction," allowing any state to prosecute, even for crimes against foreign nationals on foreign territory. As generally acknowledged today, this "watershed" produced barely a trickle of consequences. Notably, no former head of state has been prosecuted by another state under this rubric. Commentators have remarked upon the disappointing results but not offered much to account for them. This Article is the first to address this puzzle by situating "universal jurisdiction," as a technical doctrine, in the context of its broader impulse, sometimes called "transnational justice"--or previously, "cosmopolitan justice." The underlying claim is that otherwise rivalrous nation-states can and should affirm a broader commonality in prosecuting offenses universally acknowledged to be crimes against humanity. Although the idea has inspired human rights activists, it has failed to engage prosecutors. In analyzing the resulting pattern, this Article makes two central claims. First, the recurring failures of transnational justice cannot be explained by the project's novelty. Centuries ago, the most prominent Enlightenment thinkers endorsed a version of cosmopolitan justice. It was later advocated as a doctrine that might justify interstate prosecutions within the United States. Such doctrines have never been embraced, however, by courts or even by prosecutors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As much as rising inequalities, extreme poverty, unemployment, terrorism, and the disastrous effects of climate change, corruption is a global phenomenon with widespread consequences. The impact that corruption has on the resources and development of countries has been well documented. Recently the effects of corruption on human rights have also been noted. Specifically, it has been demonstrated that corrupt acts or omissions can violate states' duties to respect, protect, and fulfil human rights. Direct and indirect violations of human rights can be identified. The traditional approaches that have been employed in the fight against corruption, particularly the criminal law approach, have been critiqued for their limitation in practice. Specifically, human rights advocates have emphasised the lack of focus on the victims of corruption and the harm caused by violations of their recognised rights. This article examines a people-centred human rights-based approach as a possible response to this caveat. It is argued that human rights provide a "normative framework and legally-binding imperative" for anticorruption strategies. In particular, the article analyses the principle of accountability as contained in the international human rights framework under which states, as duty bearers, are obliged to protect the rights of rights-holders in their jurisdiction from possible violations, either through their conduct or omission or those of third parties. In the event of an alleged violation of rights, the state must investigate, impose suitable punishment, and ensure equal access to remedies for holders of the violated rights. It is argued that this principle contributes several strengths to anti-corruption strategies. They include the empowerment of individual and collective rights-holders to hold states accountable for corrupt acts or omissions that have violated recognised and legally binding human rights. However, human rights procedures and enforcement mechanisms are not without their weaknesses, despite their accepted moral value. Their practical limitations are also examined to determine the actual efficacy of adopting this approach. The article concludes with some recommendations on how the human rightsbased principle of accountability can be employed to overcome these challenges and contribute to the global fight against corruption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The general objective of this article is to analyze the activities of the Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas Human Rights Center (Frayba), a non-profit civil organization located in San Cristóbal de las Casas, Chiapas, Mexico, in terms of memory and archival practices. Information was gathered through interviews and documentary analysis. In particular, we endeavor to understand and discuss how Frayba workers document and analyze human rights violations (not just judicially), based on victims' testimonies and on how they classify and curate their archive. In our opinion, Frayba's human rights activists are "memory entrepreneurs" (E. Jelin) working in a violent context. A distinctive feature of their registry, collection, and archival practices is political activism, which underlies their political project that builds, and reconstructs, a troubled past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Human rights defenders (HRDs) are subjected to serious human rights violations through legal and extralegal actions. Notably, most of the abuses against them remain unpunished, perpetuating a vicious cycle of violence against them. There is room for doubt that international human rights law has failed to provide efficient protection for HRDs, and this article considers the international refugee regime as an alternative system of protection. In this sense the article first discusses the intersection between the terms 'refugee' and 'human rights defender' to establish that defenders fall within the protection of the 1951 Refugee Convention. Following an inductive reasoning, the article considers the most well-trodden defects of the refugee regime and the reluctance of HRDs to adopt refugee status; it concludes that this alternative may not be suitable for defenders. Besides a doctrinal approach, the article employs a socio-legal approach, which is enhanced by interviews with HRDs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A profound observation of human rights endorses democratic norms, socio-political stability, economic prosperity, and the rule of law. Almost all developed states ensure their citizens with the protection of fundamental rights, and, in return, community plays a critical role in nation-building. Many human rights activists and organizations highlight the shortcomings behind the promulgation of laws for human security and plan to maintain security. Some developing states have failed to copy the developed states' human rights policy framework, especially regarding the protection of human rights. They are either trying to deprive their minorities of fundamental rights or confiscating their territories while pushing them into deteriorated conditions. India and Israel are two prominent examples of this connection. This study, therefore, analyses how India is dealing with its minorities, especially Muslims in illegally occupied Jammu and Kashmir. It also calls attention to the expansionist policy of Israel, disposing of Palestinians from their territory, thus experiencing the worst form of human rights violations. The Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) has also forgotten the objectives of its formation. Its leadership is dormant, which has paved the way for India and Israel to inflict more aggression on innocent Muslims. The study suggests that OIC leadership should be more active, saving Muslims from the worst kinds of human rights violations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite all of this, most people in the MENA region are as relieved as many US voters at the outcome of the November election which means that far right President Donald Trump will be leaving the White House. Trump withdrew large numbers of US troops from Afghanistan and Iraq (BBC News, 2020), but at the same time greenlit the Turkish invasion of northern Syria that resulted in the ethnic cleansing of the Kurds (Cockburn, 2020). Policy and Practice: A Development Education Review 139 |P a g e Viewpoint WHAT THE US ELECTION MEANS FOR THE MIDDLE-EAST AND NORTH AFRICA WALID EL HOURI For the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, United States' (US) politics are a matter of life or death. [Extracted from the article]

"Reversing the rivers: a memoir of history, hope, and human rights" is an autobiography by William Schulz, the former executive director of Amnesty International USA. The book reflects on Schulz's twelve years in the role and offers a wider reflection on his life. Schulz discusses his experiences and reflections on human rights issues, including the challenges faced by human rights workers and the impact of the 9/11 attacks. The book also touches on the glamorous side of being a human rights leader, but Schulz acknowledges the contrast with the reality of those suffering human rights abuses. [Extracted from the article]

In the aftermath of gross human rights abuses, when, if at all, should we forego legal accountability? Human rights scholars debated this question in the 1980s and 1990s, in what was referred to as the "peace versus justice" debate. The "justice" side won the day among human rights advocates, among whom the dominant position is that legal accountability is a necessary response to atrocity and cannot be limited by political considerations (a position this Article terms "human rights absolutism'). However, this question has resurfaced in the twenty-first century, in intense debates with interlocutors outside the field of human rights. Faced with the development of international criminal justice, Alien Tort Statute litigation, and regional human rights court jurisprudence on the right to a remedy, courts, state officials, and conservative scholars argue that legal accountability should be limited to avoid hampering states' control of their internal affairs and international relations (a position this Article terms "sovereigntism"). Some scholars take a middle ground and argue that legal responses to gross human rights abuses should be limited only to avoid harm to peace or democratic decision-making. However, the latter have not yet offered a persuasive justification for their position nor a rationale for distinguishing peace and democratic decision-making from other values advanced by sovereigntists as limits to accountability. This Article offers a new middle ground between sovereigntism and human rights absolutism, under a position it terms "human rights realism." Drawing on American legal realism and grounded in human rights values, this approach mandates limiting legal accountability to avoid those consequences that threaten certain core human rights, and the Article identifies armed conflict and economic inequality as relevant consequences. This approach overcomes both human rights absolutists' denial of the politics of accountability mechanisms and sovereigntists' subordination of accountability to values other than human rights. Moreover, drawing on legal realist writing on the right-remedy relationship, this Article offers a robust justification for accepting limitations to legal accountability across a wide range of mechanisms and a principled framework for considering such limitations in light of evolving empirical evidence. The argument is developed by revisiting the debate about universal civil jurisdiction and expanding the analysis to international criminal law and regional court jurisprudence. The Article shows that human rights realism offers not only a promising normative framework for integrating political considerations into human rights enforcement but also that it sheds new light on recent developments, such as African state threats of withdrawal from the International Criminal Court. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how Norway's quest for moral authority to be recognized as a "champion of ideals" came under strain in the 1990s when the Norwegian state's oil company Statoil expanded its operations both in Norway and abroad. While we know much about Scandinavia's international activism after the end of the Cold War, we know less about how Scandinavian businesses responded to or potentially impacted this activism. The aim of this article is therefore to begin addressing this issue by examining Statoil's response to some of Norway's moral and ethical aspirations in the post-Cold War global arena. Particular attention is paid to the tension between Norway's ambition to be an early mover for sustainable development and a human rights advocate, and Statoil's approach to environmental problems and human rights violations. As such, the article explores the role of state-owned enterprises in profit-making and global expansion during a formative decade when economy became an increasingly important determinant of Norwegian foreign relations, and ethical and moral objectives with roots in earlier decades were revitalized through an unprecedented number of international initiatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the human rights dimension of security as a prerequisite for designing a comprehensive cybersecurity framework. As a result of "securitisation" of this field, there has been a prevailing image of the need to sacrifice freedoms for the objective of national security - with the right to privacy being among the most contested rights in cyberspace. compromised accounts, phishing, internet blocking, filtering, censorship practices, information gathering, excessive electronic surveillance with facial software, data collection and profiling - these are some of the practices with potential for infringing on this right. But risks in cyberspace are not experienced evenly by everyone. Human rights defenders, journalist, activist, minority and marginalised groups are particularly at risk. They have been intentionally on a larger scale and with far-reaching consequences not only for their digital but often physical and psychosocial security. The conclusion will reason that there is a need for more safeguards as countervailing measures against possible human rights violations. Efficient translation of human rights standards into cyberspace realm needs to be ensured together with greater regulation and accountability. Beyond creating adequate legal and regulatory protection, building necessary awareness and skills for digital security is a measure of key importance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Relaciones Internacionales (1699-3950) is the property of Autonomous University of Madrid, Spain, International Relations Studies Group (GERI) Law Faculty and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Two years since the ARSA attacks and the military's clearing operations in Rakhine, violence and continuing atrocities are being committed by the Tatmadaw (Myanmar Army) against the Rohingya and Arakanese civilians in Myanmar. This article examines the developments since August 2017 and the continuing failure of the international community to adequately respond to human rights violations and humanitarian needs of conflict-affected communities inside and outside of Myanmar. The article argues that despite the strong international outrage against the Tatmadaw's atrocities, the international community's failure to act springs from three main factors. First, the United Nations remains divided in response to the crisis as a result of ongoing systemic and structural deficiencies. Second, there is a lack of political will on the part of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to collectively impose sanctions against an erring member. Finally, the ongoing full autonomy of the Tatmadaw to operate above the law and remain unaccountable for continuing atrocities in the country. Their autonomy is facilitated by a precarious democratic transition led by Aung San Suu Kyi who appears more concerned about domestic repercussions of giving in to international pressure than about her tarnished reputation as a human rights defender. This article details the ongoing humanitarian needs of affected communities within and outside the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mia Manuelita Mascarihas-Green, a Filipino environmental lawyer, was shot and killed, with her three children and a nanny bearing witness. Police believe her murder was in retaliation for her client's suit against a resort in a land rights dispute.* 1 Digna Ochoa was a prominent human rights lawyer in Mexico who, as a part of a Truth Commission, investigated human rights violations committed during Guerrero's "Dirty War. "2 At the age of 37, she was shot dead in a Mexico City office, followed by leaked investigation documents indicating the State already planned to conclude she had committed suicide. Samira al-Nuaimy, a human rights defender in Iraq known for promoting women's rights, was kidnapped, tortured for five days, and publicly shot to death by a firing squad at the orders of Islamic State militants A These women are among the many human rights lawyers who are targeted and killed as a result of their work defending fundamental freedoms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Burundi's prosecutors have called for former prime minister Alain-Guillaume Bunyoni to be sentenced to life in prison on charges that include threatening the life of the president. Bunyoni, who has been on trial since September, pleaded not guilty to all charges and argued for acquittal due to a lack of evidence. The prosecution also requested 30-year prison sentences for six other defendants. Human rights activists believe that Bunyoni's arrest is the result of a personal rivalry with President Evariste Ndayishimiye, but note that the charges do not relate to previous human rights violations committed by Bunyoni while serving as security minister. [Extracted from the article]

In the article, the authors explain why the campaigns against refugees at the Balkan route are one of the feature of border externalisation policies in the European Union (EU). Other topics include how the pushback campaigns violate national, EU and international laws, and how the pushback measures like arbitrary detention and extreme violence leave refugees with lasting physical and psychological trauma.

The Alien Tort Statute ("ATS") was enacted in 1789 and for roughly two centuries seemed fated to go down as a curious historical footnote. Invoked only a handful of times over the ensuing two hundred years, the ATS had new life breathed into it in 1980 with the Second Circuit case of Filartiga v. Pena-Irala. The ATS subsequently became a vehicle for victims of human rights violations seeking redress in U.S. courts. But while Filartiga represented a small window of opportunity opening for human rights activists, this utility would prove short-lived as the Supreme Court quickly began to curtail the applicability of the ATS: first putting its hand on the window sill with the case of Sosa v. Alvarez-Machain, then slamming it closed in Kiobel v. Royal Dutch Petroleum Co., and finally bolting the lock and throwing away the key recently in Jesner v. Arab Bank, PLC. This constant chipping away at the ATS has sharply limited the circumstances in which it can be invoked, rendering it virtually toothless. This Note argues that the Court's interpretations of the ATS post-Sosa is both flawed and at odds with its underlying intent. It will contrast the workable standard laid out by the Sosa Court with the subsequent brittle constructions of the Kiobel and Jesner Courts. This Note posits that the standard imposed by the Court in Sosa is best interpreted using Justice Breyer's concurrence from Kiobel and Justice Sotomayor's dissent in Jesner and calls for the adoption of a synthesis of these as the best interpretation of the ATS going forward. Specifically, this hybrid test interprets the first prong of Sosa through Justice Sotomayor's Jesner dissent and relies on customary international law to inform courts as to what recognized norms are. It interprets the second prong of Sosa through Justice Breyer's Kiobel concurrence and allows courts to use their discretion in determining whether enforcement of these norms is appropriate, viz, does it concern distinct American interests. This Note will show that this hybrid test is an appropriately constrained interpretation of the ATS based on its text, history, and intent, and will also apply this hybrid test to two recent cases to demonstrate its viability and applicability in practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes a tool to strengthen the leadership of rites and ceremonies for reconciliation and truth, using a multidisciplinary approach and bringing together political topics (reconciliation and truth), anthropological concepts (rites and ceremonies), and management sciences issues (leadership) in a special urban context that requires reconciliation and truth after a long, irregular war with multiple violations of human rights. After formulation of the research problem, we were able to relate reconciliation and truth with leadership, rites, and ceremonies. Once so related, we analyzed the historical evolution of rites and ceremonies, with special emphasis on the organizational context, to finally propose a tool to strengthen the leadership of rites and ceremonies for reconciliation and truth. The utility of this tool was confirmed in the case of Socorro Mosquera, a manager and human rights defender in Medellín, Colombia. The eclectic and integrative approach brings originality to the study, while the methodological application of mixed approaches increases its value. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between culture and freedom of religion or belief (FoRB) is often seen as a negative one, with freedom of religion often invoked to defend human rights violations. In response, many human rights advocates draw a distinction between culture and religion, and what is insinuated is that culture is the problem, not religion. However, the reality is that in many cases, culture and religion are not so distinct, with cultural practices becoming "religionized" and religious ideas becoming part of the culture. Recognizing this relationship can open up other more positive avenues for the promotion of human rights and FoRB. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]