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Violence against women represents a global public health issue of epidemic proportions, as well as a gross violation of women's human rights. It can take many forms, such as physical aggression, sexual coercion, psychological abuse, and controlling behaviors. The purpose of the study was to extend past research on recognition of violence against women within the framework of the ambivalent sexism theory and the social dominance orientation (SDO) theory. Specifically, we investigated the following: (a) to what extent different behaviors potentially harming women are recognized as a form of violence, and (b) whether gender, SDO, and sexist attitudes influence such recognition. Participants were 264 University students (43.1% males, M age = 23.09 years). They were asked to rate the extent to which several behaviors constituted violence against women. Participants' sexism was assessed by the short version of the Ambivalent Sexism (ASI) and Ambivalence toward Men Inventory (AMI) scales and the SDO by the SDO Italian scale. Through a factor analysis, we individuated three different groups of behaviors harming women: Physical violence, unequivocally recognized as a form of violence; Limitation of freedom, containing behaviors restraining women's action; and emotional abuse, encompassing verbally and emotionally aggressive behaviors. We tested the relations between variables through a structural equation model, finding that SDO and sexism had a direct effect on the recognition of violence, whereas the influence of gender was mediated by SDO and sexist attitudes. Thus, not gender per se, but gender-role attitudes that seem to affect recognition of some behaviors as a form of violence against women. Implications are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: To synthesize the literature's discussions on oppression and to explore its implications for nurses and nursing., Source: Published literature., Conclusion: Oppression requires a set of norms that are determined by a dominant group and a belief of the inferiority of those outside the dominant group. The attributes of oppression are unjust treatment, the denial of rights, and the dehumanizing of individuals. Nurses and the nursing profession both work with oppressed groups and are themselves an oppressed group. By helping their oppressed and vulnerable patients resist the status quo, nurses will begin resisting their own oppressed environment, which will eventually lead to freedom for their patients and themselves., (© 2011 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.)

Self‐reported level of right‐wing authoritarianism (RWA), the two facets of social dominance orientation (SDO‐Dominance and SDO‐Egalitarianism) and pro‐torture attitudes were measured both in the immediate aftermath (terror salience, N = 152) of the terror attacks in Paris and Brussels and when terrorism was not salient (non‐salience, N = 140). Results showed that RWA and pro‐torture attitudes, but not SDO‐Dominance and SDO‐Egalitarianism, were significantly higher immediately after. Furthermore, RWA and SDO both predicted pro‐torture attitudes more strongly under terror salience. We argue that the reason why RWA is higher under terror salience is a response to external threat, and that SDO‐Dominance may be more clearly related to acceptance of torture and other human‐rights violations, across context. Future research on the effects of terror‐related events on sociopolitical and pro‐torture attitudes should focus on person‐situation interactions and also attempt to discriminate between trait and state aspects of authoritarianism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main contentions of this paper are two fold. First, there is a more than century-old Japanese tradition of human rights based on a fusion of Western concepts of natural rights and a radical reinterpretation of Confucianism, the major proponent of which was the Japanese thinker Nakae Chomin. Secondly, this tradition, although a minority view, is crucial for remedying the serious defects in the present Japanese medical system. In the latter half of the nineteenth century, Nakae Chomin sought to reinterpret Chinese tradition, especially Confucianism, by injecting the concepts of popular sovereignty and democratic equality, drawn from Western sources. The resulting view maintained the Confucian commitment to a moral nexus for society, but replaced hierarchy with egalitarianism. The pressing need for such an approach to patients' rights in present-day Japan is illustrated by two recent cases: the photographing and commercial exploitation of patients' genitals without serious response by authorities, and the attempt by physicians to manipulate the time of death and, possibly, to improperly pressure family members in order to transplant organs from the brain-dead victim of a criminal assault. Such problems stem from hierarchy and paternalism, which seem to be a legacy of the rapid, state-sponsored introduction of Western medicine in the mid-nineteenth century, and in particular from the government's adoption of and support for German military medicine as a model for Japan.

Marriage equality has been a topic of political debate worldwide, with several countries legalising marriage between two consenting adults regardless of sex or gender since the early 2000s. In 2017, Australia legalised marriage equality through the Marriage Amendment (Definition and Religious Freedoms) Act 2017. This decision followed a voluntary postal survey open to adult citizens to gauge public support for marriage equality. Although marriage equality was legislated, there is a need to understand community attitudes in order to promote safe environments for all citizens. Our study investigated demographic, personality characteristics, and social factors predictive of both attitudes towards marriage equality and response to the postal survey. Data were obtained from 250 Australian respondents through an anonymous online survey. Participants held positive attitudes towards marriage equality and 82% had returned a survey in favour of marriage equality. Attitudes towards LGBTQ+ people, sex, sexuality, geographic location, religious fundamentalism, social political conservatism, degree of comfort with gay and lesbian people, attitudes to marriage and marriage gender roles, gender role beliefs, general empathy, empathy towards same sex attracted people, and right-wing authoritarianism predicted attitudes to marriage equality and/or survey response. Findings suggest that increasing empathy towards and contact with LGBTQ+ people may increase more positive attitudes towards LGBTQ+ people and marriage equality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Allegations of child sexual abuse (CSA) across various contexts have often been denied or ignored by a multitude of people, including those who do not personally know the alleged perpetrators or victims. The lack of belief of children's CSA reports is problematic, as this may affect the child's adjustment, the consequences for the alleged perpetrator, and the likelihood of other victims reporting abuse that they experienced. One plausible explanation for low credibility is the variable of social dominance orientation. In the current study, a diverse sample (N = 60) read a hypothetical vignette of a CSA allegation, rated the credibility of the child, and completed the Social Dominance Orientation-7 scale (SDO-7). Results supported that high social dominance orientation predicts low credibility ratings of the child's CSA allegation. Findings may impact how clinicians and investigators approach the assessment of credibility of CSA allegations, how they appraise the opinions of others about such credibility, and jury selection in the court system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this study was to test an integrative model in which worldview beliefs were treated as antecedents of right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and social dominance orientation (SDO), and two sets of attitudes related to the War on Terror: endorsement of restrictions on human rights/civil liberties and support for the US military invasion of Iraq in 2003. Dangerous and competitive world beliefs significantly predicted RWA and SDO, respectively, during structural equation modeling. Whereas both RWA and SDO predicted endorsement of human rights/civil liberties attitudes, only RWA predicted support for military aggression against Iraq. Tests of indirect effects suggested that RWA mediated the effects of dangerous world beliefs on attitudes toward human rights/civil liberties and support for military aggression, whereas SDO mediated the effects of competitive world beliefs on attitudes toward human rights/civil liberties only. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two cross‐sectional studies were conducted with undergraduate and graduate students (mean age = 22 years) in two university campuses in different regions of Turkey to investigate confrontations between conservative religious people and secular‐liberal people and the roles of fundamentalism and authoritarianism for these groups. Study 1 investigated the connections between traditional religiosity and liberties and the impact of religious fundamentalism with a sample of 482 participants. Using hierarchical multiple linear regression and bootstrapping analysis, religiosity was seen as negatively connected to three components of liberties. It was shown that religious fundamentalism had an indirect effect on this connection. In Study 2, with a sample of 260 participants, the negative connection between traditional religiosity with liberties was confirmed. Further, it was found that particularly the conservatism dimension of right‐wing authoritarianism played an explanatory role in this connection. In addition, as an extension of the two studies, it was observed that secular‐liberal participants supported civil liberties in general, but they expressed opposition to freedom of religion in particular, indicating that the antagonism between religious and secular people may also stem from secular‐liberal people. It was found that dimension of aggression of left‐wing authoritarianism played an explanatory role in connection to this aspect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Veganism has become increasingly popular in recent years in many countries including the UK and the USA. Studies have found that vegans tend to be female, lower in Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) and Social Dominance Orientation (SDO), and higher in feminist perspectives (FPS). Study 1 (n = 311) investigated the relationships among meat consumption, ethical veganism (using a custom-written scale), RWA, SDO, and FPS, in a series of questionnaires completed online. RWA, SDO, and meat consumption correlated together in one group of variables; FPS and ethical veganism correlated together in a distinct group. In Study 2 participants also completed the Toronto Empathy Questionnaire (TEQ) as a potential mediator variable. The relationship between RWA, SDO, and FPS as predictors, and ethical veganism as target, was partially mediated by empathy. This pattern of results suggests that individuals who hold egalitarian and inclusive views as regards human-human relationships also tend to have similar views as regards human-animal relationships, with empathy as an underlying common factor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social dominance orientation ( SDO) is conceived as an individual's level of support for group-based hierarchy in general that causes support for more specific group hierarchies. According to social dominance theory, group differences in SDO underpin ideological and behavioural group differences related to specific group hierarchies. Using representative 5-year longitudinal panel data from New Zealand ( N = 3,384), we test whether SDO mediates effects of sex and ethnicity on legitimizing myths ( LMs) relating to gender and ethnic hierarchy over time. The SDO mediation hypothesis is supported in the case of hostile sexism. However, it is unsupported in the case of benevolent sexism and LMs relating to ethnic hierarchy, where there was no cross-lagged effect of SDO. Moreover, being in the dominant ethnic group is associated with more legitimization of ethnic hierarchy but less legitimization of gender hierarchy, which is inconsistent with the notion of a general orientation underpinning group differences in legitimation. There was mixed evidence for a reverse path whereby specific LMs mediate group differences in SDO across time. We argue for the need to find alternative ways to theorize ideological consensus and difference between groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Although sexuality is a ubiquitous human need, recent empirical research has shown that people without disabilities attribute fewer sexual rights and perceive sexual healthcare to benefit fewer people with disabilities, compared to non-disabled people. Within a global context, such misperceptions have tangible, deleterious consequences for people with disabilities (e.g., exclusion from sexual healthcare), creating an urgent need for effective strategies to change misperceptions. Methods: To lay the groundwork for developing such strategies, we examined predictors of the recognition of sexual rights of people with physical disabilities within the South African context, derived from three key social psychological literatures (prejudice, social dominance orientation and intergroup contact), as well as the relationship between sexual rights and beliefs about sexual healthcare. Data were obtained through a cross-sectional survey, given to non-disabled South Africans (N = 1989). Results: Findings indicated that lack of recognition of the sexual rights for physically disabled people predicted less positive beliefs about the benefits of sexual healthcare. In turn, high levels of prejudice (both cognitive and affective) toward disabled sexuality predicted less recognition of their sexual rights, while prejudice (both forms) was predicted by prior contact with disabled people and possessing a social dominance orientation (cognitive prejudice only). Evidence was also obtained for an indirect relationship of contact and social dominance orientation on sexual healthcare beliefs through prejudice, although these effects were extremely small. Conclusion: Results are discussed in terms of their implications for rehabilitation, as well as national-level strategies to tackle negative perceptions of disabled sexuality, particularly in contexts affected by HIV. Findings demonstrate an empirical link between prejudice toward disabled sexuality, lack of recognition of sexual rights and viewing sexual healthcare of less benefit for disabled people. Consequently, there is need for increased attention to these dimensions within the rehabilitative context. Contact with disabled people, including dedicated interventions, is unlikely to meaningfully impact beliefs about the benefits of sexual healthcare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We employed a theoretical model of dehumanization to identify the factors influencing attitudes toward asylum seekers within an Australian context. Specifically, we hypothesized that Australians high in social dominance orientation (SDO) would be more likely than those low in SDO to dehumanize asylum seekers. Participants (N = 311) completed an online survey designed to assess SDO, their attitudes and emotions toward asylum seekers, and their tendency to engage in dehumanization. Results indicated that the model can be successfully applied to an Australian context and that dehumanization played a significant role in influencing our participants' attitudes toward asylum seekers. Findings are discussed in terms of future research as well as policy implications for Australian immigration issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Veritas is the property of EDIPUCRS - Editora Universitaria da PUCRS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Objectives: The stability and mobility function of dominant and non-dominant limbs are different. Considering the lack of any previous investigation in this regard, this study aimed to investigate the effect of limb dominancy on anticipatory postural adjustments and reaction time (RT) during gait initiation in healthy people. Materials and Methods: Twenty healthy people with the right limb dominant participated in the study. The two stimuli of warning and response were used within a 2-second interstimulus interval. In addition, the participants were instructed to get ready to initiate walking as soon as they hear the warning stimulus and initiate gait immediately after hearing the response stimulus, followed by measuring the RT and duration of the anticipatory postural adjustment phase. Results: The RT was slower when a person initiated gait with the dominant limb as compared with the non-dominant limb and no significant differences were observed in anticipatory postural adjustment phase duration between the two limbs. Conclusions: In general, our findings demonstrated that information processing capacity for perception, motor planning, and selection of proper motor responses for movement initiation is affected by limb dominance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research has long suggested that there may be distinct subpopulations of authoritarian leaders and followers within the broader population. We describe a latent profile analysis of right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and social dominance orientation (SDO) in a New Zealand national probability sample (N = 18,248) that -- for the first time -- reliably identifies these two types. Consistent with the positive correlation between SDO and RWA, most people in New Zealand (about 91.2%) expressed comparable levels of RWA and SDO (i.e., moderate-moderate or low-low, but no high-high profile). Two small and distinct subpopulations diverted from this pattern, instead fitting a high-SDO/low-RWA authoritarian leader (1.2%) or low-SDO/high-RWA authoritarian follower (7.6%) profile. Authoritarian leaders tended to show the least concern for human rights, and were least willing to make personal sacrifices for the environment, but tended to support same-sex marriage, while authoritarian followers were particularly opposed to same-sex marriage, and yet highly supportive of human rights. These two profiles represent distinct subpopulations of people within society who are predisposed to seek dominance over others and those predisposed to unquestioningly follow them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is sometimes argued that unprecedented and drastic interventions to mitigate the economic and social effects of the pandemic must herald the diminution of neoliberal ideology in guiding UK government responses. However, by reference to government approaches to the previous crisis in 2008, and the recession that followed, that view is here considered to be simplistic, resting in part upon an over-narrow understanding of neoliberalism. Instead, it is argued that neoliberal ideology was maintained and further embedded in responding to the financial crisis and recession, especially apparent in the prolonged austerity regime that followed. How this ideology has remained influential in guiding government responses to the pandemic is next demonstrated, and some negative consequences highlighted for both public health and social welfare. Prospects for challenging the influence of neoliberalism are then considered. In some respects, the pandemic may have enhanced resistance to such challenges by, for instance, fragmenting the cohesion of workforces, but it has also generated countervailing forces. These include the emergence of mutual aid groups and social movements which could beneficially coalesce via a human rights framework in undermining the continuing dominance of neoliberal ideology and influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We review psychological research on global human identification and citizenship, Thomas Paine's belief that "The world is my country, and all mankind are my brethren." In turn, we review the theoretical foundations that guided our work, research with measures that preceded our own, and our own work with our correlated scales. We review its foundations, its effects upon attitudes and behaviors, and how it might be enlarged. Global human identification and citizenship is related negatively to ethnocentrism, authoritarianism, the social dominance orientation, and self‐centeredness, but positively to dispositional empathy and the values of universalism, care, and justice. It is expressed in attitudes and behaviors that support human rights and work to reduce global suffering and inequalities. It is associated with greater global knowledge and with efforts to acquire that knowledge. Childrearing that emphasizes cross‐cultural exposure and awareness of others' suffering may promote global human identification and citizenship, as does education that encourages global mindedness. Environments that support global human identification also induce it, as does envisioning it as a moral ideal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the wake of the 2016 election, which surprised pundits and voters on both the left and the right, there has been renewed interest in understanding what predicts American voters' choices. In this article, we investigate the roles of personality and issue importance in how people voted in the 2016 U.S. election. In this longitudinal study of 403 MTurk workers who voted in the election, we assessed the relations between personality (openness, social dominance orientation, and national identity importance) and issue importance (group rights and social justice, economic rights, and individual and national rights), and voting for Clinton or Trump. Our results indicate that both individual differences and issue importance as measured in July 2016 predicted votes in November. We also found that the links between personality and voting were mediated by issue importance. Implications for political psychology and the study of personality, campaign issues, and voting behavior are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines in detail the psychological variables underlying ideological political orientation, and structure and contents of this orientation, in Sweden and Latvia. Individual political orientation is conceptualized on two dimensions: acceptance vs. rejection of social change and acceptance vs. rejection of inequality. Swedish (N = 320) and Latvian (N = 264) participants completed measures of political orientation, Social Dominance Orientation ( SDO), Right Wing Authoritarianism ( RWA), self vs. other orientation, tolerance for ambiguity, humanism and normativism, core political values, system justification, as well as moral foundations questionnaire and portrait values questionnaire. The results showed that the relation among the measured variables was similar in both samples. Swedish participants showed stronger endorsement of egalitarian attitudes and social values, whereas we found more self-enhancing and socially conservative values and attitudes among the Latvian participants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Al-Anbar University for Islamic Sciences is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Research on human and civil rights has only rarely addressed people's attitudes toward disability rights in the context of American society. This study was designed to gain a better understanding of why certain individuals might oppose expanded rights for people who have disabilities. Pearson's correlations revealed that individuals high on social dominance orientation ( SDO) and right-wing authoritarianism ( RWA) were more likely to reject rights for persons with intellectual and physical disabilities than individuals scoring lower on these factors. Structural equation analyses indicated that both SDO and RWA are directly implicated in opposition to expanded rights for these groups. Moreover, the effects of SDO on rights attitudes appear to be mediated through internal motivation to respond without prejudice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is a central assumption of our research that threats to a fragile security and violence can continue during postconflict peacebuilding and that these threats are driven by many of the same sociopolitical dynamics that initially led to war. We examine a critical but much less queried area of postwar societal instability—violence directed at segments of the population who may still be targets for those seeking dominance. Using a survey of 300 individuals who testified before the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY), we seek to explain violence, threats of violence, and other forms of intimidation directed at those who witnessed human rights violations during the wars in the former Yugoslavia. Our theory of postwar violence emphasizes the vulnerability of the (potential) victims of postwar violence. We argue that victims are selectively chosen because of their vulnerability. We develop and test an alternative explanation for this selective targeting that emphasizes the level of exposure an individual may have because of testifying at the ICTY. The results demonstrate quite convincingly, however, that it is vulnerability rather than exposure risk that predicts who is most likely to be targeted with human security threats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of sport as a contributor to sustainable development and human rights is well established. However, evidence on sports professionals’ understanding of its contribution and their readiness to maximize its impact in this field is insufficient. This study aimed to ascertain sports practitioners’ understanding and application of human rights principles in and through sport and to explore the extent to which individual and contextual factors can influence the inclination to adopt a human rights-based approach. An international sample of 151 sport-related practitioners (56% male, 43% female, and 1% preferred not to say), ranging from age 18 to over 65, including teachers, coaches, and academics, completed three validated questionnaires on sport and human rights designed for the study (RITES-Q, RITES-SE, and RITES challenges). The questionnaires included standardized measures of social dominance and personality (the SDO-7 scale and the 10-item personality inventory) and some open-response questions exploring instances of sports’ association with human rights. Results show that while sports practitioners acknowledge sport's impact on promoting human rights, there were significant differences based on age, gender, educational level, personality traits, and social dominance orientation. Given the situational and dispositional variation in responses, we argue that it is important to establish a systematic approach to include human rights principles in the education curricula of sports-related professionals. To conclude, we call for the inclusion of three key elements of human rights education in sport curriculums: (a) knowledge about fundamental human rights; (b) learning through human rights in sports-based interventions; and (c) empowering for human rights in the sport sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

“Family law” is the term applied to the legal regulation of marriage and parenthood within a society, and may serve to express a society's accepted ideals concerning male–female relations. Adopting a feminist evolutionary analytic (FEA) approach, we hypothesize that nation-states with higher degrees of inequity in family law favoring men, codifying an evolutionary legacy of male dominance and control over female reproduction, will experience higher rates of violence against women. This hypothesis is borne out in conventional statistical analysis, both bivariate and multivariate, suggesting that policy attention to family law so as to make it more concordant with norms of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) may have salutatory effects on women's physical security over time. These results may also have policy implications for societies with, or contemplating, enclaves of inequitable family law. Where, after all, do universal human rights begin? In small places, close to home.—Eleanor Roosevelt [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper suggests that groups should be given a more central role than they generally are in the capability approach. Being a member of a group or groups is an intrinsic aspect of human life: the quality of groups with which individuals identify forms an important direct contribution to their well-being, is instrumental to other capabilities, and influences people's choices and values. The argument is illustrated empirically by reference to identity groups in conflict; and to empowering and enriching groups among the poor. The paper concludes that one should analyse and categorise group capabilities as well as individual capabilities. While capabilities are beings and doings of individuals in the capability approach, groups are included in some of the analysis. The paper is thus consistent with the capability approach, but argues that groups play a much more dominant role in human life and well-being than appears in much of the analysis of capabilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]