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This article explores aspects of law's potential for ameliorating the health deficit which Indigenous peoples experience around the globe, with a focus on international law and international legal forums. It considers the challenges and benefits of using these tools and forums to affect changes within domestic systems., (© 2013 American Society of Law, Medicine & Ethics, Inc.)

Global disparities in health among rich and poor nations have been well documented. Health disparities are even worse for women in resource-poor countries than for men. Obstacles to women's health and access to health services include deeply rooted customs or cultural norms, including religious teachings and practices; ideological and political factors; poor health infrastructure; and discriminatory laws or failure to enforce laws designed to protect the rights of women. The most striking inequalities exist in the area of reproductive and sexual health. The situation is worse in those parts of the world in which women are systematically oppressed, have few civil rights, or are in such dire poverty that they are unable to afford preventive and therapeutic services that are otherwise available to women of greater means even in their own countries. These gender inequalities can be remedied, in part, by economic development that would improve women's access to prenatal care and skilled maternity services. In large measure, however, significant improvement in women's health, especially reproductive and sexual health, will only come about with a change in cultural attitudes and practices, in addition to legal reforms and better enforcement of existing human rights provisions.

What is new about contemporary remote control across borders? An important element is the reference to human rights norms by various political actors such as NGOs, migrant associations but also national governments, international organisations and an activist judiciary. It is evident that externalisation policies mirror stark power asymmetries of the global and regional political orders, and thus reflect social inequalities more generally. The contestation around externalized migration control has gone through several periods. Integral to an understanding of control are the practices of migrants themselves, how they seek to circumvent controls or even resist. Thinking further ahead, we may conceive of the border as a paradox, involving both connecting and separating humans and artefacts. Such an understanding of border allows for the possibility of coexistence; difference between two or more entities being a requirement. The border does not belong to either side. How to imagine such a type of border between states is a formidable challenge to social theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This editorial titled "Enhancing the right to science: the triple planetary crisis and the need for comprehensive approaches" emphasizes the importance of the right to science in addressing global challenges such as climate change and biodiversity loss. It discusses the role of the right to science in promoting access to scientific knowledge, protecting against harm, and ensuring academic freedom. The editorial also highlights the need to address global inequalities in scientific practice, decolonize scholarship, and address gender inequalities in the field. It calls for international cooperation and the protection of scientific integrity in the face of disinformation and anti-science sentiment. The article acknowledges the efforts of organizations like UNESCO and the UN Human Rights Council in promoting the right to science but recognizes the obstacles and inequalities that need to be addressed for effective implementation. [Extracted from the article]

The monstrous pendulum of inequality in the twenty-first century swings sideways amid welfare economics and egalitarianism. Horizontal inequalities embodied by pro-poor policy on grounds such as gender, race, and disability, have long been core international human rights concerns. Yet, gross inequalities in economic status, nationally and globally, are still poorly conceptualized by legal scholars, policymakers, and practitioners. In search of a policy lever, this Article argues that as far as economic theory goes, neither theoretical nor empirical economic research adequately correlates economic inequalities and growth. That is, beyond horizontal inequalities concerning the extreme poor. As economic research remains inept in offering efficiency policy justifications, international human rights law, as the primary legal alternative for poverty-related social justice, could fill the gap. In the backdrop of neoliberal welfare economic policy confines, vertical inequalities between societal groups and global inequalities between countries substantively add to a novel realization of human rights and the achievement of United Nations-led sustainable development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In his provocative book, Adrian Favell advocates a grand normative theory for migration scholarship. He aims to debunk research focussing on "integration" and the liberal nation-state. He constructs a lumpen "mainstream" straw man of scholarship that remains wedded to an outdated container model of the nation-state – a feature he argues is effectively apologist for colonialism and empire. Against this, he advocates a theory of society based on postnational borderless, human rights and free movement, that draws its conviction from decolonizing, critical race perspectives on the liberal nation-state and global (racial) inequalities. In my view, the historical evolution of knowledge production on "integration" perspectives is more engaged, diverse, critical, imaginative and socially relevant than this binary master-narrative critique could present. Ultimately, I remain to be convinced whether his prognosis offers a viable way forward, as a scholarly statement, or for migrants in the social world. Readers should decide for themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales is the property of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The 21st century has seen changes in migration patterns in Europe with implications for schooling and civic education: movement from eastern and central European Union member states to western Europe; increased movement between member states for study or work; and growth in the numbers of migrants and refugees seeking asylum in Europe as a result of regional conflicts and global inequalities. This article reviews European standards and policy frameworks on education and migration and considers whether they translate into policy and practice at national and sub-national levels. It identifies tensions between European standard-setting in the field of human rights and democracy, and the responsibilities of national governments in the field of migration and education, specifically education for citizenship. While European rhetoric emphasises democracy and human rights, national education policies stress language acquisition and national values in the integration of newcomers. Less attention is given to educating mainstream populations in human rights and social justice, or in enabling students to recognise and critically examine populist and anti-democratic discourses. National and European education policies that purportedly promote justice may fail to realise inclusive and cohesive citizenship if they acknowledge changing demographics but neglect everyday injustices and European histories of racialisation and racism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taking the new Canadian legislation on migrant domestic workers as an illustration, this article suggests that framing temporary migrant work programs in a discourse of economic labor markets has a dehumanizing effect and tends to obscure both the reality experienced by the workers (within and beyond the workplace) and the forces at play in the creation of these experiences. Ultimately, such a discourse can even serve to justify regulatory frameworks that violates workers' basic human rights and maintain global inequalities. Building on the concepts of informality, unfree labor relations and precarious work, we suggest that a rehumanization process built around the workers dignity is necessary, in order to fully recognize the responsibility of governments in the construction of migrant domestic workers' unfreedom and thus bring to light the illegality of these types of regulatory frameworks. In the end, respecting temporary migrant workers' dignity should translate into an institutional change where these workers not only get to participate in the law-making processes, but also in the very framing and shaping mechanisms of these institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduces articles that address questions of global inequalities and the comparative methods for making valid inferences about economic and social development, democratization, human rights, humanitarian crises, refugee problems, political conflict, and sustainable development issues when treating nations as units of analysis. "Dimensionality and Measurement of Economic Dependency: A Research Note," by Jie Huang and Kazimierz Slomczyński. "Dimensions of Human Rights: A Confirmatory Factor Analysis of Human Rights Provisions," by Elvis E. Fraser. "Political Process, International Dependence, and Mass Political Conflict: A Global Analysis of Protest and Rebellion, 1973-1978," by J. Craig Jenkins and Kurt Schock. "Modeling Democratic Transitions in Latin America: The Use of Discrete-Time Event History Analysis in Comparative Political Research," by Omar A. Barriga.

An introduction is presented in which the author discusses articles within the issue on topics including global inequalities in COVID-19 vaccine access, parallels between COVID-19 vaccine inequity and human rights violations, and human rights-inspired demands for empowerment and representation of low and middle-income countries (LMIC) in global policymaking.

Developments in reproductive technologies and its use for practices such as surrogacy and sex determination has challenged the very ideologies that feminism fundamentally represents; equality, liberty and justice. These challenges have become even more pronounced with a growing transnational movement for the use of reproductive technologies which is embedded in existing global inequalities. Practices such as surrogacy in 'transitional economies' like India has raised concerns of exploitation, commodification of women and children from a structural injustice, racist and colonial perspective and stirred yet again the discourse on violation of women's bodily integrity and reproductive justice. Drawing on the Feminist ideologies of equality (socio-economic, health, legal), liberty (freedom of choice, autonomy) and justice (social and reproductive justice), the paper aims to identify the 'humanitarian' thresholds of Feminist ideologies and its global relevance to reproductive justice using a case of surrogacy arrangements in India. This paper observes that the surrogacy practice reinforces the existing global inequalities and causes exploitation, commodification of women and children and violation of basic human rights. Technologies such as surrogacy provides a wider reproductive choice for the affluent people but at the cost of the health, freedom and life of some others (mostly the less affluent women) while designating substantial control and power in the hands of intermediate institutional agencies. While scholars have proposed alternative solutions to reduce inequalities, the debates between 'liberty' and 'justice' are yet to be resolved. The liberals support the idea of procreative autonomy, individual rights and unlimited choices. However, the reproductive justice framework aims at identifying individuals also as social beings in order to be able to analyse the implications of reproductive technologies on women's dignity and integrity as well as in the context of international rights relations. The Asian Communities for Reproductive Justice (ACRJ) developed a Reproductive Justice framework that acknowledges the histories of reproductive oppression in all communities. This model is based on organizing women/girls to change structural power inequalities by examining the control and exploitation of women's bodies, sexuality and reproduction which has been used as an effective strategy for controlling women and communities, particularly those of color manifested through the multiple oppressions of race, class, gender, sexuality, ability, age and immigration status. Global markets based on the supply of 'free-of-cost' or cheap and uncomplicated wombs have developed as a solution to 'infertility' or to the 'profound socio-economic inequalities'. However, pregnancy contracts put women offering this service through social stigma, psychological challenges, violation of her bodily integrity and moreover their health, freedom, liberty and even life at stake. Hence this motherhood market does not conform to the broader reproductive health-rights-justice from a feminist perspective and clearly crosses the 'humanitarian' threshold of the very ideologies that 'feminism' and 'reproductive justice' itself stands for. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The main objective of this study is to analyse tax policies from a human rights perspective. Motivation: This study is inspired by the observation of crises that appeal to us, revive existing challenges, and lead us to re-evaluate public services. In connection with the causes and consequences of these contexts, this study formulates a new approach to taxation practices, connecting the design of tax policies with their capacity to contribute to the realisation of economic, social, and cultural human rights. Design/Methodology/Approach: The research was carried out following a methodology that includes a review of the relevant literature, the analysis of the work of international institutions in the field, and the examination of international and regional legal frameworks for the protection of human rights, in connection with states' obligations to provide adequate services. Main findings: Tax justice stands as a pillar to ensure that states, through the management of public resources, can fulfil their obligations in the mitigation of economic and social inequalities and in the funding of rights and public services. Practical implications/Managerial impact: The changes resulting from globalisation, transnational trade, offshoring of production and, among others, advances in digitalisation, make it necessary to analyse the validity of the foundations of our tax systems towards achieving the long-awaited tax justice. This study aims to contribute to the consolidation of the basis for this necessary connection between tax policies and human rights. Novelty/Contribution: This study argues that only those tax policies that integrate a human rights perspective can be considered optimal for achieving tax justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of European Journal of Social Work is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Digital transformation and "artificial intelligence (AI)"—which can more adequately be called "data-based systems (DS)"—comprise ethical opportunities and risks. Therefore, it is necessary to identify precisely ethical opportunities and risks in order to be able to benefit sustainably from the opportunities and to master the risks. The UN General Assembly has recently adopted a resolution aiming for 'safe, secure and trustworthy artificial intelligence systems'. It is now urgent to implement and build on the UN General Assembly Resolution. Allowing humans and the planet to flourish sustainably in peace and guaranteeing globally that human dignity is respected not only offline but also online, in the digital sphere, and in the domain of DS, requires two policy measures: (1) human rights-based data-based systems (HRBDS): HRBDS means that human rights serve as the basis of digital transformation and DS. (2) International Data-Based Systems Agency (IDA): IDA should be established at the UN as a platform for cooperation in the field of digital transformation and DS, fostering human rights, security, and peaceful uses of DS, as well as a global supervisory institution and regulatory authority in digital transformation and DS. The establishment of IDA is realistic because humanity has already shown in its past that we are able to not always "blindly" pursue the technically possible but also to limit ourselves to what is technically feasible when humanity and the planet are at stake. For instance, humans researched the field of nuclear technology, developed the atomic bomb, and detonated it several times. Nonetheless, the same humans limited research and development in the field of nuclear technology to prevent even worse consequences by establishing the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) at the UN. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper has been developed from a keynote presentation at the Conference 'Conceptualizing Vulnerability in a Time of Human Regression' organized by the Human Rights Centre, University of Padova in Padova (November 13, 2023). It revolves around four topics. First, it analyses the ecological crisis, its impacts on human rights and the inequality in climate vulnerability and climate responsibility across different nations and social sectors within nations. The second part explains why we are all vulnerable to this ecological crisis due to the existential threat that climate change is posing to humanity. Modern society is confronting an unprecedented risk of collapse induced by a cascade of social, economic, and political crises facilitated by the ecological crisis. The third part deals with policies that can confront the ecological crisis and reduce its detrimental effects on human rights and public health, reducing our existential threat. The last part delves into two major barriers hindering policies toward equity, ecological sustainability, and protection of human rights: neoliberalism and economism. The final discussion focuses on the need for an alternative socioeconomic system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of European Journal of Social Work is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

There are several considerations of the papacy's vision of what global politics should be like. There are, however, few mappings of the papacy's actual concept of global politics, of how it evaluates the current state of global politics, understood as global political, social, and economic trends, patterns, actors and their relationships. This article delineates Pope Francis' conception of global politics and contextualises it within the papacy's trajectory of participating in global politics. Attending to a particular concept, of how the pope thinks about global politics, helps to better understand and place the papacy in the study of global politics. The article shows how Francis conceptualises global politics from below, from the periphery of society and politics, which leads him to unmask global inequalities. In particular, the article illustrates that Francis contests widespread assumptions of central hierarchic interstate relations and individualism, dominating the conceptual discourse about global politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article further develops and illustrates the argument that relationships between individuals help to explain the success of human rights advocacy in international institutions. Drawing from advocacy theory and socio-legal studies, I shift the attention from collective forms of advocacy to the importance of interpersonal relationships of advocates with individuals in international institutions to influence the development of human rights. I introduce a framework consisting of three analytical steps – mapping the key actors in a network, process-tracing, and biographical research – and apply the framework to three cases of norm development by a United Nations human rights treaty body. My findings highlight the power of interpersonal relationships for the making of human rights, and they inform scholarship on transnational elites, human rights advocacy, and the politics of international law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migration is one of the frontier areas for rethinking the way in which human rights obligations are typically allocated. Not only is migration externalised and privatised, it is also a consequence of structural global inequalities. But complexity cannot be an excuse for lack of human rights accountability. Nor is there an unchecked mission creep: if human rights are indeed universal, there is no other option but to fill post-territorial gaps in human rights protection.

Why, despite well-established and well-publicized intergovernmental processes that date back to the early 1970s, have we been unable to put in place effective mechanisms to combat climate change? Why, despite the existence of extensive global human rights machinery, do we live in a world where mass kidnapping, rape, torture, and murder continue to blight the lives of so many? Why, despite a great deal of effort on the part of intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) and nonstate actors, have we been unable to make much of a difference to the lives of the ultra-poor and attenuate the very worst aspects of growing global inequalities? Most fundamentally, why have the current international system and the outcomes that it has produced remained so inadequate in the postwar period? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been much theorizing, but little empirical exploration, of the relationship between transitional justice (TJ) and economic structures. In this article, we articulate three models implicit in present studies: TJ as a roadblock to economic growth; TJ as a bridge to human development; and TJ as a vehicle of inequality. We then perform a plausibility probe of these models using a new cross-national dataset of human rights prosecutions, truth commissions and reparations. We find that TJ is correlated with both increasing inequality and human development, while it appears unrelated to economic growth. In order to clarify the nature of these relationships, we examine the case of Argentina. We conclude that TJ, while perhaps a byproduct of global inequalities across countries, does not necessarily contribute to the expansion of aggregate inequality within specific countries. In fact, it might provide some tools for resisting economic abuses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The profound changes in Earth systems dynamics are affecting the health of the entire planet and the realization of a broad range of human rights. In this paper, we propose that the grand narrative of human rights including the legal right to a clean, healthy and sustainable environment recognized by the United Nations in 2022 requires the acknowledgment of the interconnected challenges posed by planetary crises. We discuss how planetary boundaries (PB) research can provide evidence-based arguments and clarify State duties concerning their international human rights law commitments. The economic, social and cultural rights are deeply connected with the right to a healthy environment. Human rights to water, food, or health, for example, can all be understood in the context of Earth systems change. Civil and political rights go beyond individuals to include also collective action and participation to tackle planetary social-ecological challenges. Gaps remain in human rights law concerning some of the PBs, which risks overlooking the interconnected drivers of ecosystem degradation. Clearer legal standing and justification for legal demands, for example concerning the impacts of water use, land use and deforestation, are needed to tackle PB overshoot. States must act at various spaces including the global economic systems and the global supply chains of goods and services for humanity to reach planetary safe and just spaces. Weaving international human rights law and advances at various geographical scales on the right to a healthy environment with PB provides a powerful tool for defending the prerequisites of good life for everyone, everywhere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses some questions and presumptions raised for liberal cosmopolitans regarding political theory and environment. It highlights how liberalism works to formulate political theory to deal with issues about the environment and global justice. It says that continuing economic development results to environment deterioration and heightened global inequalities, thus consideration of ecological debt is necessary when setting up the aims of global environmental justice. It also presents the development of global justice through ecological constraints with respect to human rights.

This chapter outlines the main ideas of my book National responsibility and global justice. It begins with two widely held but conflicting intuitions about what global justice might mean on the one hand, and what it means to be a member of a national community on the other. The first intuition tells us that global inequalities of the magnitude that currently exist are radically unjust, while the second intuition tells us that inequalities are both unavoidable and fair once national responsibility is allowed to operate. This conflict might be resolved either by adopting a cosmopolitan theory of justice (which leaves no room for national responsibility) or by adopting a 'political' theory of justice (which denies that questions of distributive justice can arise beyond the walls of the sovereign state). Since neither resolution is satisfactory, the chapter defends the idea of national responsibility and proposes a new theory of global justice, whose main elements are the protection of basic human rights worldwide, and fair terms of interaction between independent political communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social developmentalism is fraught with the fallacies of growth. In a world plagued by paroxysm of neuroses, fear, self-righteous contempt, violence and global inequalities, universal needs—survival, justice and human dignity—call for new strategies for social transformation. It implies a fresh critique of social development, its theory, practice and politics. This paper seeks to deconstruct the kitsch of outdated constructs that sustain and perpetuate oppressive structures of social exclusions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information about the social work's role during and after the Covid-19 pandemic. It highlighted global inequalities and the political disjunctures between popularism and public health advice. It demonstrates how social work as resilient and adaptive when lending support and advocacy the disempowered and vulnerable.

This article sheds light on the unexplored field of UNESCO schools in Finland, and the results clarify the relationships between curricula, international commitments, and the understanding of educators in the educational field. It examines how teachers and principals of UNESCO's Associated Schools Network (ASPnet) in Finland describe their understanding of the role of global citizenship education (GCE). It draws on the typology proposed by Oxley and Morris in which forms of global education are divided into cosmopolitan types and—more critically—advocacy types and subtypes. The article also draws on concepts connected to GCE in the Finnish curricula (namely, ecosocial understanding and human rights). Findings indicate that educators perceived equality, democracy, and ecological sustainability as part of UNESCO schools and their own work. On the other hand, the need for increasing student-centered approaches was noted, racism was perceived as a difficult topic, and active deconstruction of inequalities was less referenced. When analyzing the results through typologies of global citizenship, the critical, spiritual, and economic aspects of GCE received less attention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 28 April 2022, the Westminster Parliament passed the controversial Nationality and Borders Act. The Act is the single biggest overhaul of the UK's immigration system in decades. The Act aims to deter illegal entry into the UK; remove more easily those with no right to be in the UK; and increase the overall fairness of the system. Notwithstanding these seemingly laudable objectives, however, this article argues that the Act represents a retrograde step in the protection of victims of human trafficking. Relying upon Nils Christie's 'ideal/iconic victims' and Stanley Cohen's 'folk devils' critique, the article contends that, in an age of heightened securitisation and moral panics, the Act will create 'folk devils' of victims of trafficking who do not self‐identify, and unduly penalise victims of trafficking who have committed offences in the course, or as a consequence, of being trafficked. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The question of whether global norms are experiencing a crisis allows for two concurrent answers. From a facticity perspective, certain global norms are in crisis, given their worldwide lack of implementation and effectiveness. From a validity perspective, however, a crisis is not obvious, as these norms are not openly contested discursively and institutionally. In order to explain the double diagnosis (crisis/no crisis), this article draws on international relations research on norm contestation and norm robustness. It proposes the concept of hidden discursive contestation and distinguishes it from three other key types of norm contestation: open discursive, open non-discursive and hidden non-discursive contestation. We identify four manifestations of hidden discursive contestation in: (1) the deflection of responsibility; (2) forestalling norm strengthening; (3) displaying norms as functional means to an end; and (4) downgrading or upgrading single norm elements. Our empirical focus is on the decent work norm, which demonstrates the double diagnosis. While it lacks facticity, it enjoys far-reaching verbal acceptance and high validity. Our qualitative analysis of discursive hidden contestation draws on two case studies: the International Labour Organization's compliance procedures, which monitor international labour standards, and the United Nations Treaty Process on a binding instrument for business and human rights. Although both fora have different context and policy cycles, they exhibit similar strategies of hidden discursive contestation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

PURPOSE: The International Alliance of Academies of Childhood Disability created a COVID-19 Task Force with the goal of understanding the global impact of COVID-19 on children with disabilities and their families. The aim of this paper is to synthesize existing evidence describing the impact of COVID-19 on people with disabilities, derived from surveys conducted across the globe. METHODS: A descriptive environmental scan of surveys was conducted. From June to November 2020, a global call for surveys addressing the impact of COVID-19 on disability was launched. To identify gaps and overlaps, the content of the surveys was compared to the Convention on the Rights of the Child and the International Classification of Functioning, Disability and Health. RESULTS: Forty-nine surveys, involving information from more than 17,230 participants around the world were collected. Overall, surveys identified that COVID-19 has negatively impacted several areas of functioning - including mental health, and human rights of people with disabilities and their families worldwide. CONCLUSION: Globally, the surveys highlight that impact of COVID-19 on mental health of people with disabilities, caregivers, and professionals continues to be a major issue. Rapid dissemination of collected information is essential for ameliorating the impact of COVID-19 across the globe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States is an imperial nation. From its origins as a settler colony to its status today as a dominant economic and political power armed with the largest military force on earth, it has established and extended its power over others—taking land, extracting resources, exploiting labor, and ensuring unequal relationships that benefit its interests. Despite its founding declaration, the U.S. has never recognized the self-evident equality of all men, and its conceptions of rights have never been universal or inalienable. As its history shows, the United States has continually created categories of nonhuman and not-quite-human subjects disqualified from the inalienable rights that could shield them from its exercises of imperial power. Put differently, the extension of U.S. imperial power has required denying rights to those swept under its influence and control. The United States is at once a self-pronounced paragon of rights, among other liberal democratic values, and a violator of rights, especially for those who most need to draw on its protections. This paradox is fundamental to the United States, regardless of its proclamations to be a defender of rights at home and across the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scepticism often dominates the debate regarding the potential of human rights for eroding border regimes. Powerful actors make use of human rights to justify migration control. However, subaltern groups can also rely on human rights to challenge oppression. In this article, I argue that the ambivalence of human rights must be contextualised within the wider human rights politics pursued by different social actors. By drawing on my ethnography of the social movement contesting border regimes in Berlin, I analyse how different social movement organisations contest deportation and I emphasise crucial differences in their approaches to human rights. More specifically, human rights NGOs, which I conceptualise as moderate organisations, draw on legal notions of human rights and oppose deportations only partially. In contrast, radical organisations oppose all deportations by elaborating non-legal notions of human rights. I contend that NGOs see human rights as imperatives that need to be upheld by the law and state institutions. In contrast, radical organisations conceive of human rights as aspirations for social justice and locate the source of human rights in social struggles. These differential approaches to human rights entail a distinctive potential for eroding border regimes as they underpin different models of migration governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic, it is clear that the struggle for global health justice must be our highest priority. To understand the challenges that such a priority faces, we must recognise that this struggle has a long history, and to analyse current challenges within this historical perspective. This commentary explores the gradual construction of the global health justice movement during different historical periods (tropical/colonial medicine, international health, and global health) in the history of approaches to health worldwide. It examines the changing relationship between the political economy of capitalism, colonialism, and racism. It analyses attempts to confront injustice through both human rights and social justice movements in seeking to address stigma and discrimination as well as poverty and social exclusion. It highlights emerging battlegrounds such as access to medical treatments and healthcare services as well as the ways in which private interests continue to undercut such efforts. But it also points to windows of opportunity for defending principles such as solidarity and social inclusion, for building advocacy/analysis alliances and toolkits to inform social movements, and possibilities to reconstruct global health 'governance' mechanisms and institutions in accord with the most basic principles of health justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the contribution of decolonising states to the nascent international order emerging after the end of World War II. More precisely, it investigates the Indian contribution to the emerging international human rights regime, focussing on two key contributions: the advocacy for a strong supranational authority endowed with substantial enforcement mechanisms for the realisation of human rights and the equally strong defence of a bifurcation of civil-political and socio-economic rights into two treaties. Both contributions have been largely ignored within International Relations – and where they have been acknowledged, they have been subsumed into either narratives of liberal progress (as in the case of human rights enforcement) or Cold War rivalry (as in the case of a separation of the two Human Rights Covenants). In contrast, this paper seeks to shed light on the agency of Indian diplomats and politicians. It shows how their positions were neither simply replications of pre-existing scripts nor bare executions of superpower preferences. Instead, they were responses to the challenges of becoming a post-colonial state in a still overwhelmingly imperial world. Two challenges stood out: the definition of citizenship in light of internal diversity and a widely dispersed diaspora and the challenge of development against the backdrop of highly unequal global economic relations. In this article, I trace the movement of key protagonists between the Constituent Assembly and the United Nations to show how they were engaged in a project of postcolonial worldmaking, which required the simultaneous transformation of domestic and international order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we discuss the inextricable entanglement of public health and political revolution, and why comics is a particularly amenable medium to explore how different people come to terms with illness and mortality against the backdrop of political, economic, and environmental crises. We discuss our process in creating a sequential comic narrative, Lissa, that portrays a working-class Egyptian family, informed by hundreds of interviews and ethnographic research in Egypt on the vulnerabilities that expose people to kidney and liver disease and the difficulties of accessing proper treatment. Lissa also draws on ethnographic research and interviews in the U.S. on a seemingly unrelated topic - the social and political calculus of managing genetic risk for breast and ovarian cancer within a commercial healthcare system. We draw out the similarities in bioethical dilemmas between these two disparate clinical realities by composing an unlikely friendship between two fictional characters: Anna, the daughter of an American oil company executive living in Cairo, who has a family history of breast cancer - and Layla, the daughter of the porter of Anna's apartment building, who grows to become a resolute physician struggling for better public health justice and rights in Egypt. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]