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The right to the highest attainable standard of health is a fundamental right of every human being without distinction as to race, religion, political belief, or economic or social condition. 1 Spent wisely, aid and other forms of government spending are essential for attaining this right, as well as driving development. However, taxpayer funds from high-income governments such as the UK, France, and Germany are increasingly being funneled through development finance institutions (DFIs) toward multi-million-dollar investments in for-profit health care corporations in low- and middle-income countries. This contributes to the corporatization and financialization of health care in these contexts and is implicated in profiteering and exploitation, the denial of treatment to those who cannot afford it, and a range of human rights abuses-all with little or no accountability. This paper examines the human rights obligations of a sample of European DFIs and the International Finance Corporation, drawing on the "availability, accessibility, acceptability, and quality" right to health framework. We find that this investment approach is not only limiting the realization of the fundamental right to health for all but also placing significant barriers to accessing quality, affordable health services. 2 ., Competing Interests: Competing interests: None declared., (Copyright © 2023 Marriott, Taneja, and Oduor-Noah.)

Copyright of Anuario Colombiano de Derecho Internacional is the property of Colegio Mayor de Nuestra Senora del Rosario and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article aims to explore the legal consciousness of migrant children in transit at the France–UK border. Based on secondary analysis of legal measures to help ensure child protection, and on ethnographic fieldwork in Calais, this paper shows that the legal consciousness of migrant children is shaped by several factors such as their experience of migration, their previous interactions with public institutions in Europe, their living conditions in transit areas, the police's harassment strategy, the influence of migrant peers and by their own migration plans. We will show that these factors have a deep impact on the legal consciousness of unaccompanied minors and consequently on both their (non‐)claim of protection and (non‐)use of legal tools. By mobilizing biographical sets of data, we will also show that their legal consciousness results from the combination of these contextual factors with their individual experiences and sociological characteristics (education, origin, ...). From a methodological point of view, this contribution provides evidence of the importance of adopting a child‐centred approach in ethnographic research. This approach highlights discrepancies between policy aims and children's needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Religion, despite its signifi cance in social life, has always been a complex and controversial issue, especially in its relation to politics (state), human rights and liberal democracy. From a theoretical perspective, the paper contributes to clarifying the distinction between the public and private spheres, as well as religion the public sphere/space. Besides, the paper analyzes disputes about the free expression of religious symbols in public space through the case of the French Republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The war and Nazi Occupation framed and provided a catalyst for the fight for the citizenship rights of French deaf people, which took precedence over the politics of the conflict. Based on articles published in La Gazette des sourds-muets during the Second World War, and evidence from written and sign language memoirs and interviews, a discourse emerges revealing that deaf people in France mobilised and petitioned for the recognition of their worthiness and rights as French citizens at both local and national levels. Deaf people won the right to be employed in the war factories and to "serve" France by participating in the Relève. Yet the fact that deaf people played active roles in the war as workers, soldiers, teachers and journalists, and that concerns within the deaf community were privileged above national and international politics, has meant that ambiguities remain about allegiance and collaboration. The fear that this history might create rifts within the French deaf community has meant that these stories have remained hidden until now. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to investigate the relationship between the ISO 26000 (global corporate social responsibility standard) adoption and financial performance. The current study aims to explore whether ISO 26000 social responsibility standard adoption has an impact on financial performance. Design/methodology/approach: The study is based on a sample consisting of French companies listed on the CAC-All-Tradable index for the period 2010-2017. This study is motivated by using panel data estimated feasible generalized least squares method. Findings: The results show that that good corporate governance can improve the financial performance. This positive impact is also noticed in the case of labor relations and conditions, environment and community involvement. However, it does not apply to human rights, fair operating practices and consumer issues, as there is no significant relationship between these dimensions and the financial performance. Practical implications: The findings may be of interest to the academic researchers, investors and regulators. For academic researchers, it is interested in discovering how the adoption of ISO 26000 can improve financial performance. For investors, the results show that it is appropriate for different countries to adopt the ISO 26000 guidelines and introduce societal practices in their activities. Originality/value: This paper extends the existing literature by examining the effect of the ISO 26000 standard for financial performance in the French context. The study of corporate social responsibility through its seven societal dimensions has enabled us to understand the guidelines relating to the ISO 26000 standard. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bajo Palabra: Journal of Philosophy is the property of Bajo Palabra: Journal of Philosophy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The purpose of this essay is primarily to present a constructive critique of restrictive measures for wearing the religious veil, which were introduced in France as an overture in 2004 and later in 2011 and secondly, to equate them with the discriminatory policies of Western countries towards Islam. The essay will try to argue the inadequacy of the approach and highlight the hazard and uncertainty it poses. This assertion would be presented by a number of points. Firstly, the paper will illustrate the danger of stigmatization of the Muslim population, specifically women exercising this practice. Secondly, an attempt will be made to examine this policy in relation to Islamic extremism and fundamentalism in Europe, and in addition, it will offer a brief overview of the refugee crisis and the issues it would (re)open in this area. Finally, the essay will propose an exit thesis according to which the Strasbourg Court will have to take the lead in this debate. By examining some of the leading cases before the European Court of Human Rights (in further text abbreviated as 'the Court') in this regard, the essay will raise a series of questions and stress the necessity for the Court to address this delicate issue with due respect and embrace his role as a promoter of human rights. Ultimately this essay seeks to assess France's approach, but also France's apologetic argumentation as wrong in articulating intercultural dialogue. In the same way, it will point out that despite the tendencies to objectify the act of the veil ban, this act has never lost its "political context". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Human Rights Review (Justice Academy of Turkey) is the property of Justice Academy of Turkey and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Women of many cultures and religions find a means of coping with stress and ill health in faith-based practices, such as meditation and prayer. It is customary for Muslim women to participate in such activities, usually with a special dress code, which often includes a hijab. The headscarf ban in French and formerly in Quebec public schools not only forces Muslim female students to shed theiressentialreligious dress code, but also fails to address the resulting health consequences and to acknowledge the cultural aspects of head-covering. This paper argues that the ban on head coverings in public schools is not only an infringement on religious and cultural freedoms, and violation of human rights, but that it is also an unhealthy policy intervention, as it undermines health by restricting prayers, mindfulness and spirituality. Furthermore, the ban has taken away Muslim women's choice to wear a hijab, thus restricting a sense of self-autonomy and in turn causing additional negative health implications. By synthesising these ideas, this paper holds a novel and critical perspective that the headscarf ban policy in France should be re-examined not only because of its infringement of human rights, but also to assess the negative health impacts on affected groups. For these reasons the paper advocates a reversal of the ban, as has happened in Quebec, Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia y Comunicación Social is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Direito Internacional is the property of Revista de Direito Internacional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The research aims to study the features of the French and Russian laws of education, to identify the common and distinctive factors in two types of discourse and the concept of human rights of the higher education institution students, as well as to determine the position of the student community of both countries on this issue. The research sample includes academic papers on the topic under study, legislative texts in the field of educational laws of Russia and France, other official data on French and Russian educational systems, and evidence of Russian and French students on their perception of rights within education field. The comparative nature and the selection of particular countries are due to practical purposes as Russian Higher Education Institutions in General and RUDN University in particular has long standing collaboration with their French partners. The methodology integrated inductive, comparative, and generalizing techniques, thematic analysis through manual coding, and distributional analysis with regard to text layout and key semantic concepts verbal representation. The research methodology also included a survey through respondents' written replies to questionnaire and statistical data processing techniques. The findings provide the evidence that there is an undoubted similarity of the educational systems of both countries, the identity of the thematic blocks on human rights recorded in the national educational laws, as well as the correlation with the text of the Declaration of Human Rights. The data also revealed some specifics with regard to both systems and legislation and differences in Russian and French students' perceptions of their rights. The research results can be used as the recommendations to advance Charters of higher educational intuitions in line with legislation and student expectations. The shaped methodology can be applied to enhance studies of discourse on/of human rights concept and its implementation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the debate around the headscarf in France with the view to critically examining two central arguments put forward by the Stasi Commission for the restriction of the headscarf in French public schools--that the headscarf imperiled public order and that it jeopardized neutrality in the public sphere. In the case of the first argument, this paper argues that France did not meet the threshold requirement necessary to curtail religious rights in public schools. In the case of the second argument, this paper insists that neutrality in the public sphere has always involved some accommodation of religious groups in society and should include the headscarf in public schools. The paper argues that the decision to ban the headscarf is ultimately a controversy about French identity and the values on which the French community is built. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does sustained and increasingly transnational immigration weaken the national character of citizenship regimes? This paper addresses this issue by examining French responses to immigration over a 40-year period. In spite of the changing character of immigration and changing state strategies, all governments throughout this period have sought to maintain the national character by making full access to rights contingent on one's conformity to national values and moralities. As the government made accessing rights dependent on conformity to national norms, the legitimacy of immigrant activists seeking to expand their rights has depended on their abilities to conform to the rules of the national political game. Resisting marginalization therefore requires the assimilation of the immigrants into nationally specific political cultures, which contributes to reinforcing the national character of citizenship regimes. By examining the particular case of France, the paper aims to show how top-down and bottom-up processes by states and activists work in different ways to keep the nation at the center of citizenship regimes in spite of the ongoing and very real challenges presented by transnationalism and globalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Neuromarketing is a recent interdisciplinary field which crosses traditional boundaries between neuroscience, neuroeconomics and marketing research. Since this nascent field is primarily concerned with improving marketing strategies and promoting sales, there has been an increasing public aversion and protest against it. These protests can be exemplified by the reactions observed lately in Baylor School of Medicine and Emory University in the United States. The most recent attempt to stop ongoing neuromarketing research in France is also remarkable. The pertaining ethical issues have been continuously attracting much attention, especially since the number of neuromarketing companies has exceeded 300 world-wide. This paper begins with a brief introduction to the field of neurotechnology by presenting its current capabilities and limitations. Then, it will focus on the ethical issues and debates most related with the recent applications of this technology. The French Parliament's revision of rules on bioethics in 2004 has an exemplary role in our discussion. The proposal by Murphy et al. (2008) has attracted attention to the necessity of ethical codes structuring this field. A code has recently been declared by the Neuromarketing Science and Business Association. In this paper, it is argued that these technologies should be sufficiently discussed in public spheres and its use on humans should be fully carried out according to the ethical principles and legal regulations designed in line with human rights and human dignity. There is an urgent need in the interdisciplinary scientific bodies like ethics committees monitoring the research regarding the scientific and ethical values of nonmaleficence, beneficence, autonomy, confidentiality, right to privacy and protection of vulnerable groups.

In France, since the approval of the first bioethics laws in 1994, the principle of the anonymity of sperm donors has prevailed. This choice is regularly challenged, namely by children who have been conceived under these conditions and have now reached adulthood. In this paper, we will briefly describe the reasons that led practitioners of assisted reproduction to endorse the anonymity principle in 1994. Secondly, we will elaborate on the reasons why this principle is becoming so controversial today. Finally, we shall examine two possible outcomes of the debate, highlighting their respective legitimacy as well as their consequences, as far as the rights of children, the notion of the family, and medical practice are concerned.

This article examines the relevance of rhetorical analysis for the theory and practice of rights-claiming. Recent work in the field of human rights proposes that what is important about rights is not what they 'are' but what they 'do'. Utilising performative theory, they suggest that rights-claiming is best understood as a perlocutionary practice of persuasion. The question is, 'How might rights claims be most persuasive?' This article applies insights from the field of rhetoric to investigate how practices of rights-claiming by migrants in France contest French citizenship. It argues that rights claims are ethico-political negotiations of a political situation and that such practices are persuasive when they mobilise transcendent principles embedded within particular political communities. Rhetorical analysis explains how rights can be both inventive and efficacious. In so doing, this article extends the human rights literature by providing a refined rights-claiming analytic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article we seek to unveil the intricacies of Roma migration in the north of France and the shift in the public discourse calling for the protection of human rights. In the first part of the article, we will establish the general framework for the migration of the Roma population in the region of Lille, France and Romanians' perception regarding this matter. In this paper, we attempt to present, in a concrete manner, how the faults in the management of immigration and politics have influenced the alleged relationship between ethnicity and crime, taking into account concepts such as Roma population exclusion, poverty and marginalisation at home and abroad. Moreover, we will show the important changes presented by the public opinion, taking into consideration several highly publicized events that cast a shadow upon the situation of the Roma population in the region. After the Romanian integration in the European Union, the issue of the Roma people has been discussed by the media from all parts of the continent, sliding from a tone of disapproval to proclaiming the need to take political measures. The migration of Roma Romanians in the north of France is a result of an influx of immigrants that grew in the last five years. The dramatic changes happened, especially after 2007, and were followed by a stabilization of migration flows after Romania joined the European Union. As expected, the latest statistics on Romanian immigrants into the French community continue to indicate their important presence in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of ÖZP - Österreichische Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft is the property of Oesterreichische Zeitschrift fur Politikwissenschaft and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Citizenship involves both legal status and lived experience. The Condominium of the New Hebrides (Vanuatu) was based on an agreement between France and Britain, which explicitly denied citizenship to the indigenous majority of the archipelago. Indigenous ni-Vanuatu were officially stateless under the terms by which France and Britain jointly governed the New Hebrides from 1906 to 1980. Although forms of citizenship as lived experience were evident in church, custom and profession, its legal absence sharply curtailed the ability of ni-Vanuatu to fully participate as citizens in a full range of civil, social and political rights that citizenship embodies. While limitations on indigenous legal, political and social rights were not unusual in colonial territories up until World War II, the total denial of any form of civil status was. After World War II, the issue of indigenous statelessness in the New Hebrides became more acute, as it contravened the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, constitutional guarantees to citizenship under the Fourth and Fifth French Republics and the principles of the British Nationality Act of 1948. This paper explores statelessness and citizenship in the New Hebrides and argues that the cumulative experiences of statelessness and the limitations that the absence of legal citizenship placed on political and social rights in the New Hebrides were, like land and custom (kastom), vital issues in the decolonisation of Vanuatu. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The aim of this article is to evaluate how French Major Conventional Weapons (MCW) exports impact on the conflict intensity of recipient countries. The recent increase in French arms exports seems to contradict the French political discourse on the promotion of regional stability. We run zero-inflated ordered probit model in order to analyze the role of the arms trade on the intensity of civil conflicts in 144 countries from 1992 to 2014, using SIPRI and UCDP/PRIO data. Our results suggest that French MCW exports tended not to exacerbate intrastate conflicts during this period. This finding is robust to changes in the empirical framework. We propose two lines of explanations: France seems to be prone to choosing partners that respect human rights and selling more 'defense-oriented' MCW than the rest of the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Legal Thought / Pravna Misao is the property of Legal Thought / Pravna Misao and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines the relationship between globalization and immigration, and makes the case that current foreign policies and immigration regulations in the United States and France result in the violation of the human rights of migrants. In the United States, the House and Senate proposals presented in 2005 and 2006 to stem the tide of immigrants and thereby fix the immigration "problem" either criminalize undocumented workers or transform them into temporary workers. In France, the "selected immigration" bill introduced by Interior Minister Nicolas Sarkozy, and passed in 2006, makes it easier for skilled workers to enter and remain in France and harder for less skilled workers to do so. These proposals and bills fail to see immigrants as human beings with dignity and fundamental rights to a livelihood, a family, and a community, and fail to take into account the receiving countries. complicity in producing emigration. Designed to maximize profits for corporations, and minimize the prices of consumer goods for customers in the Global North, these policies and regulations have a high human cost. This paper explains how temporary worker programs are designed to extract labor from immigrants while preventing them from becoming full and equal members of the communities in which they work and live, and how the criminalization of undocumented immigrants transforms migrants into second-class citizens. From a human rights perspective, all human beings should have the right to food security, to decent health care, to safe working conditions, to an education, to a family, to their cultural identity, and to fight and organize for their rights. Temporary worker programs that permit workers to come to a country only to work for low wages and no benefits, and do not permit them to bring their families, to send their children to school, and to form communities are a violation of these workers. human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses a case concerning night flights and Strasbourg, France's retreat from environmental human rights handled by the European Court of Human Rights. Facts and background of the cases; Review of related to laws; Bases of the court's decision.

The recent judgement by the European Court of Human Rights in the Odievre v France case has denied some adopted people the right to access identifying information about their family of origin. Yet, in the UK, adopted people have enjoyed the right to access identifying information for many years. The evidence from practice and research has demonstrated the positive benefits adopted people and their binh and adoptive relatives have gained from an open record policy. In this paper, the authors argue that denying some adopted people access to information that could enhance their personal identity creates an act of discrimination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The practice of informed consent in biomedicine is so widely spread that it must be considered the most important principle within bioethics, and the most universally appealed to within recent legislation. There seems to be a consensus as to its value in research on autonomous persons, but also a problem concerning its application when dealing with people having a serious mental, social or even physical disability. Within the field of artificial procreation there are even more problems. Informed written consent is often demanded from anonymous donors of gametes in order to ensure their consent to the legal and moral consequences of their anonymity. The child resulting from the artificial procreation, on the contrary, cannot consent to, nor be informed before being conceived, of the secrecy laid on the identity of its genetic parents. Some countries resolve this problem by allowing the children, when they reach their majority, to obtain some information pertaining to the health or the identity of their genetic parents. This presents ethical problems. It can be argued that the anonymity of the parents chiefly affects the children, so that an agreement on this point among parents, doctors and others must be regarded as invalid. The paper will argue that a law ensuring the complete anonymity of the parents is disregarding the informed consent and the interests of the children resulting from artificial procreation, and is thus doing more damage to society than good.

In France, gens du voyage ("people who travel" or "travellers") is a term used by the government to categorize various itinerant populations, the majority of which are diverse Romani groups. People categorized as gens du voyage are legally required to reside in particular locations called "dedicated caravan sites." Parliamentary debates about these dedicated caravan sites have clarified that one of the objectives of such sites is to help fulfill the gens du voyage's right to health. However, there is a significant gap between the officially stated goals of such sites and the reality of life within them. This paper draws on research finding that the conditions in most dedicated caravan sites do not conform with the rights of gens du voyage to acceptable sanitary conditions and other underlying determinants of health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history of campaigns against female genital mutilation (FGM) began in the 1920s. From the beginning, it was recognised that FGM was considered an important rite of passage between childhood and adulthood for girls, based on the importance of controlling female sexuality to maintain chastity and family honour, and to make girls marriageable. How to separate the “cut” from these deeply held norms is a question not yet adequately answered, yet I believe the answer is key to stopping the practice. Since the 1994 ICPD, national and international action against FGM has grown and resolutions have been passed in global forums which define FGM as a form of violence and a violation of children’s human rights. These resolutions have contributed to building consensus against FGM and developing national legislation criminalising FGM. Prosecutions or arrests involving FGM have been reported in several African countries and Great Britain, but apart from France, there have been very few. This paper summarises this history and how FGM has been criminalised. It argues that criminalisation may not be the best means of stopping FGM, but can have serious harmful effects itself. It calls for community-led educational information and more support for dialogue within FGM-practising communities, and argues that what is important is addressing the sexual and reproductive health consequences of FGM and gaining the understanding of women who have experienced it and their families as to why they should not make their daughters and grand-daughters go through it too. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Brazilian Journal of Occupational Therapy / Cadernos Brasileiros de Terapia Ocupacional is the property of Cadernos de Terapia Ocupacional da UFSCar and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

French Government issued a ban on homosexuals in France from eligibility to donate blood in 1983 due to the HIV epidemic that had happened in France during that time. After that, public policies related to blood donations for homosexuals continue to develop. In the latest development, people in France can donate their blood regardless of their sexual orientations started from March 16, 2022. This study examines the role of homosexual community in France in affecting the elimination of discrimination in blood donation activities experienced by homosexuals in France. By using qualitative methods, public policy concept by Larry N. Gerston (2014), and public health and human rights theory by Chris Beyrer (2014), it is found that the blood donation policy of the French Government was based on the current circumstances and not a reflection of the acceptance of the existence of the homosexual community in France. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Collected Papers of the Faculty of Law in Split / Zbornik Radova Pravnog Fakulteta u Splitu is the property of Split Faculty of Law and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The recent acquittal of Dutch MP Geert Wilder on a charge of inciting racial hatred, banning of veils in France, and the burning of the Koran in the US, are part of a sequence of criminalisation of Muslims. Iconographic figures of Muslims were demonised, beginning with the publicising of libellous cartoons of the Prophet Muhammad, initially in Denmark and then much of Europe, depicting him as a terrorist. There are international conventions that prohibit the discrimination of communities based on their religious beliefs. In the UK, the Racial and Religious Hatred Act 2006 has extended the ambit of the Public Order Act 1986 to cover religious harassment. However, the failed prosecutions under the statute show that it does not extend to vilification of the belief and only addresses the people who practice the creed. The findings of researchers in the UK and US show that the fundamental rights in granting freedom of expression vary according to the constitutions but their expression needs to be balanced with the effect on the rights of a minority. This paper presents an argument that the commission of hate crimes should include a grossly offensive insult to a religious faith for the improved protection of minorities from racist attack, even if the intention of the perpetrator is to invite contemporary discussion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Collected Papers of Zagreb Law Faculty / Zbornik Pravnog Fakulteta u Zagrebu is the property of Sveuciliste u Zagrebu, Pravni Fakultet and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Educacao & Sociedade is the property of Centro de Estudos de Educacao e Sociedade and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A Correction to this paper has been published: https://doi.org/10.1007/s12142-021-00616-2 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Going to Europe" has become something of a clarion call in recent years, nowhere more so than in the penal field. The aim of this paper is to examine the extent to which the impact of this clarion call has led to any enhancement or even extension of the rights of prisoners in Europe. It will focus on the three major European developments with particular relevance to prisoners: the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms; the Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners, and, arguably the most interesting and potentially far-reaching, the European Convention for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. These are all initiatives of the Strasbourg, France-based Council of Europe. A noteworthy and interesting but relatively unremarked development in recent years has been the attempt to set international standards and formulate international modes of regulation and inspection in the penal field. Partially this is an indirect result of broader attempts to regulate international relationships and establish human rights benchmarks throughout the world in the turbulent period following the Second World War.

This article analyses the journey of the so-called Izieu telegram – a telegram sent by Nazi perpetrator Klaus Barbie to report the raid of a Jewish children's home in France to his superiors – from its creation to its use in multiple transitional justice mechanisms, including an international military tribunal, domestic trials in France, and various memorialisation projects. In doing so we apply the concepts of activation and the records continuum approach, both borrowed from archival studies scholarship, to analyse how an individual record becomes continuously recontextualised through its use in transitional justice processes and in the process contributes to those same processes. We conclude by highlighting both the benefits of bringing archival concepts into dialogue with transitional justice scholarship and practice, and the tensions inherent in that endeavour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a comparative evaluation of the rankings of French corporations in human rights performance. Also cited are the various social and human rights performance assessment methods like the Corporate Human Rights Benchmark (CHRB), the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) Guidelines for Multinational Corporations, and the United Nation's Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights (UNGP).

Copyright of Actualidad Jurídica Ambiental is the property of CIEMAT, through its Centro Internacional de Estudios de Derecho Ambiental (CIEDA) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This speculative opinion is based on an apparent dream caused by Donald Trump's decision to withdraw the U.S. from the Paris Agreement. The account includes a comparison between arguments against the abolition of slavery and those against ending a fossil-fuel based economy in favor of sustainability through a green approach. Recent social disturbance in France shows that a carbon tax has not been persuasively advocated. But it should be clear that unchanged laissez-faire economics will produce disaster in light of the facts about global heating and climate change. This account is based on historical and contemporary quotations from American political figures from both the XIX and XXI centuries. The parallels raise fundamental issues of human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whilst theorists in physics have been striving for a 'theory of everything' to explain the interconnections of matter across time and space (Hawking, 2006), western social theories are largely segmented and situated within a limited scope of time and space with little attention to the multiple dimensions of reality that western physics and indigenous knowledge have already validated (Blackstock, 2009a , b). Ten years ago, I developed the Breath of Life theory (Blackstock, 2011) to provoke a conversation about Indigenous ontological approaches that place human experience in an interconnected web of reality across time, space and dimensions of reality. The overall goal was to engage other theorists into the communal building of a 'theory of everything' to inform social sciences and to highlight the richness of Indigenous ontology and epistemology. This article revisits the Breath of Life theory and argues that a greater emphasis on equity within and between the relational worldview principles (Cross, 2007) would be a useful modification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the height of the Cold War, major democratic arms suppliers have claimed that they take into consideration the human rights records of existing and potential purchasing states. After the Cold War, supplier policies suggested an increased focus on matters of human rights. But do their records match their rhetoric and their formal policies? We examine the arms transfer patterns of the four major democratic suppliers between 1976 and 2009. We argue that, if practice matches policy, then democratic suppliers should not transfer weapons to states violating human rights. However, because the global interests of these suppliers shift over time, we expect some transfers of major weapon systems to states that violate human rights, but not of the types most implicated in human rights abuses. Thus, we build on the existing arms transfer literature by disaggregating exports based on weapons type. The ordered logits we run for each major democratic supplier from 1976 to 2009 show that the major democratic suppliers generally do not account for human rights violations in the importing state, with the one exception being the United States transfer of land weapon systems. This research is important not only to arms and human rights research, but to foreign policy scholars in general. The patterns of supply and the continued preference of states to provide major conventional weapons to states with poor human rights records reveal important policy priorities for these democratic states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses police brutality during the social movement of May-June 1968 in France. Topics discussed include accusations of police brutality levelled by students and residents; repressive violence against demonstrators; and prominence given to police violence against women demonstrators in the national press.

Over the past 20 years, rules governing citizenship stripping have been debated and modified several times in France and Britain. Through this process, deprivation of citizenship has been transformed into a sanction that specifically targets ‘Islamist’ terrorists. This article examines the revival of citizenship deprivation from the mid-1990s onwards and draws on parliamentary debates, legal cases and interviews with lawyers and officials. It shows that governments develop strategies to make sure they are able to rid themselves of individuals whom they present as dangerous to the nation, even if this implies going back on or bypassing human rights norms. The theoretical argument put forward is that deprivation forms part of an effort to ‘renationalise’ citizenship, that is, to reassert national membership as a privilege that states can take back and to prove that this membership still matters both to provide individuals with rights and to protect the national community’s identity. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]