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Teenagers have the lowest rate of safety belt use and the highest crash rate compared to other age groups. Past studies on teenagers' belt use have mostly been cross-sectional. The first goals of this study were to examine, at licensure, teenagers' and parents' perceptions of risk of crash/injury for newly licensed teenagers when driving unbelted and teenagers' perceived and parents' intended consequences for safety belt rule violations. In addition, the comparability of these variables to other risky driving behaviors was explored. The second goal was to evaluate the importance of these variables in the prediction of teenagers' belt use during the first year of licensure, relative to other factors related to belt use, including demographics and substance use.More than 2,000 parent-teenager dyads were interviewed by telephone, parents at permit and licensure and teenagers at permit, licensure, and 3, 6, and 12 months after licensure.Approximately a third of the teenagers reported at least once at 3, 6, or 12 months post-licensure not always using their safety belt in the past week. At licensure, participants' perceived risk of safety belt non-use was high and ranked among the behaviors most related to crash/injury for newly licensed teenagers, behind driving under the influence of alcohol or drugs. Parent-imposed consequences for safety belt rule violations were not as highly rated as parent-imposed consequences for driving under the influence of alcohol or drugs. Sequential logistic regression modeled the relationship between safety belt use and perceived risk and consequences of non-use, as well as other prospective predictors assessed at permit and licensure, and driving correlates measured after licensure. Teenagers' extreme perceived risk and parents' intended sure consequences for non-use were significant prospective predictors of regular use during the first year of licensure. Other significant predictors and correlates were race (White), high school grade average of "A," not smoking cigarettes, driving a passenger vehicle, and never receiving a traffic citation or engaging in risky driving behaviors, including driving under the influence of alcohol or drugs and running a red light.While the effect size was small for perceived risk of non-use, it is a modifiable factor and focused intervention contrived to enhance perceived risk could increase teenagers' belt use. Perceived risk is discussed as a target for intervention in relation to the Protection Motivation Theory. This theory appears helpful in guiding future research into the modifiable factors studied here as well as other factors, including perceived rewards and costs associated with non-use.

Motor vehicle crashes are highly elevated among newly licensed teenage drivers. Limits on high-risk driving conditions by driver licensing policies and parents can protect novice teens from negative driving outcomes, while they experience and driving proficiency. The purpose of this research was to evaluate the effects of strict parent-imposed driving limits on driving outcomes during the first year of licensure.A sample of 3,743 Connecticut teens was recruited and randomized to the Checkpoints Program or comparison condition. Assessments conducted at baseline, licensure, 3-, 6-, and 12-months postlicensure included parent-imposed driving limits, traffic violations, and crashes. Bivariate and multivariate analyses were conducted to assess the effects of strict parent limits on traffic violations and crashes during the first year of licensure.Thirty percent of teens reported at least one traffic violation and 40% reported at least one crash. More strict parent-imposed limits at licensure, 3-, 6-, and 12-months postlicensure, were associated with fewer violations and crashes in multivariate analyses. Notably, adherence to recommended night curfew was consistently associated with fewer violations and crashes.The findings indicate that strict parent-imposed limits may protect novice teen drivers from negative driving outcomes.

This report describes intervention effects on parent-imposed driving limits on novice young drivers at licensure. Parent-adolescent dyads (4,344) completed baseline surveys at permit and were randomly assigned to intervention or comparison groups. Intervention families received persuasive communications related to protection motivation theory variables including threat appraisal regarding high-risk adolescent driving and coping appraisal regarding restrictions on high-risk driving conditions during the early months of adolescent licensure. Comparison families received standard information on driving, vehicles, and road safety. Among the 4,344 families, 3,786 adolescents obtained licenses, and 3,398 parent-adolescent dyads completed surveys at licensure. Significant treatment group differences favoring the Checkpoints Program were found at licensure for driving limits, perceived risk, expected limits, and outcome expectations. Perceived risk and outcome expectations partially mediated and expected limits fully mediated treatment effects. The results provide evidence that persuasive materials can alter threat and coping appraisal and expectations, thereby increasing parent-imposed driving limits at licensure.

Police crash reports were obtained for pedestrian-motor vehicle crashes in Washington, DC (N = 852) and Baltimore (N = 1234) for the year 1998. Reports were coded using procedures developed and applied in these two cities during the 1970s, including the determination of pedestrian crash type, primary precipitating factor, and culpability. Results indicated substantial differences between crash patterns observed during the 1970s and those observed during 1998. Midblock dart-dash crashes, which typically involve a precipitating factor or critical error by a child pedestrian, decreased (from 37% to 15% in Washington). Across all crashes in both cities, the number of drivers who made a critical error leading to the crash was nearly equivalent to the number of pedestrians who made a critical error. Overall, pedestrians were slightly more likely to be judged culpable (50% vs. 39%). Turning vehicle crashes, which typically involve a driver's failure to grant a pedestrian the right of way at a signalized intersection, increased (from 9% to 25% in Washington). Countermeasures to reduce the number of pedestrians hit by turning vehicles are discussed.

Revenue-collection data from toll roads allow for accurate estimates of miles driven by vehicle type and, when combined with crash data, valid estimates of crash involvements per mile driven. Data on vehicle-miles traveled and collisions were obtained from toll road authorities in Florida. Kansas, and New York. In addition, state crash files and published vehicle-miles of travel were obtained for toll roads in Illinois. Indiana, Ohio, and Pennsylvania. Large commercial motor vehicles were significantly underinvolved in single-vehicle crashes on all state toll roads. In five states, commercial motor vehicles were significantly overinvolved in multiple-vehicle crashes relative to passenger vehicles; the exceptions were Kansas, where they had significantly lower multiple-vehicle involvement rates, and Indiana. where there were no significant differences in multiple-vehicle involvements by vehicle type. The risk of commercial motor vehicle involvement in multiple-vehicle crashes resulting in deaths or serious injuries was double that of passenger vehicles in the two states (Ohio and Pennsylvania) that identified serious injuries. Whether crash rates, on toll roads of commercial motor vehicles are higher or lower than those of passenger vehicles appears to depend on the type of crash, specific toll road. and traffic density.

Problem: On January 1, 1997, Connecticut implemented the first phase of graduated licensing requiring 16- and 17-year-olds to hold a learner's permit for 6 months (4 months with driver's education) prior to licensure. The effect of this change was to raise the minimum licensing age in Connecticut by 6 months (or 4 months) during which time a young person could obtain supervised practice driving. Method: Crash rates for 16- to 18-year-olds in Connecticut, before and after the change, were compared with crash rates in nearby counties in New York State. Results: Fatal/injury crash involvements of Connecticut 16-year-old drivers declined by 22% during the first full year following the law change. Declines did not vary significantly between males and females or as a function of the income level of the city/town in which the crash occurred. Fatal/injury crash involvements for 17- and 18-year-olds in Connecticut and 16-, 17-, and 18-year-olds in New York did not change significantly. Discussion: Companion surveys of parents conducted before and after their teen was licensed showed support for the law change and support for additional provisions generally associated with “graduated licensing.” Summary: Delaying teenage licensure in Connecticut, during which time a teen could engage in more practice driving, was associated with a 22% reduction in fatal/injury crash involvements for 16-year-old drivers. Impact on Industry:Crash reduction will be related to a reduction in overall highway loss including medical costs, property damage, and lost work time.

Parents of 15 year olds in Florida and Connecticut were first interviewed in 1996 about their views concerning new licensing requirements in their states. The same parents were interviewed again in 1999, after most of their teenagers had obtained drivers' licenses. Few parents reported that the laws inconvenienced them, and less than 20% said that the laws made it harder for their teenagers to get jobs.

Sixteen and 17 year-olds were surveyed at motor-vehicle offices in Tennessee after qualifying for their first driver's license. When the survey was conducted during October and November 1995, neither a learner's permit nor completion of a driver education course was required to obtain a license at age 16 or 17. The survey was repeated during December and January 1996–97, approximately one year after a requirement to hold a learner's permit for 90 days or complete a driver education course was implemented. Results from the 1991 drivers (ages 16 and 17) surveyed indicated Tennessee's licensing law change was associated with approximately 100 additional miles and 8 additional hours of practice driving prior to licensure for the typical 16 or 17 year-old, most often while supervised by a parent or guardian. Results are discussed in relation to the prelicense practice driving requirements of graduated licensing systems.

Effective July 1, 1993, Louisiana added a provision to its driver licensing law that requires 15-year-olds to complete 36 hours of driver education before they obtain driver’s licenses. The subsequent crash experience of 15-year-olds in Louisiana was compared with that of 15-year-olds in Mississippi, which at the time of this study licensed at age 15; and experience in north Florida, which licenses at age 16. The effect of the new requirement was a 33% reduction in the number of licenses issued to 15-year-olds during the first full year following the law change. The fatal and injury crash involvements of Louisiana 15-year-old drivers declined by as much as 20% annually in the two years following the law change. Involvement rates of older teenagers in Louisiana as well as Florida and Mississippi remained unchanged or increased during the same time period. Louisiana’s night driving restrictions—applicable to drivers younger than age 17 and shown to be effective in previous research—were even more effective after the law change. Fatal and injury crash involvements during the restricted hours for 15- and 16-year-olds were, respectively, 51% and 27% lower than estimated involvements if the night driving restriction had not been in effect. The results of this study provide additional evidence that elements of graduated licensing systems, such as delaying the age of full licensure and night driving restrictions, are effective in reducing the very high rate of teenage involvements in serious motor-vehicle crashes.

High school students in four states were surveyed every six months from their freshmen through senior years. Delaware students could obtain learner’s permits beginning at age 15 years and 10 months and licenses at age 16. Connecticut and New York students could begin learning driving and become licensed at age 16, but New Jersey students could not get their licenses until age 17. Comparisons among states indicated the age at which teenagers first drive on public roads, obtain learner’s permits, and obtain licenses is younger for Delaware students compared with students living in the other states. Comparisons within states indicated students with higher grade point averages and living with both parents, of whom at least one was college educated, were more likely to become licensed at younger ages. The importance of these intrastate personal and family variables was greatest in Connecticut, which allowed a home study option for teaching young people to drive. Implications of these findings for graduated licensing systems, currently being considered by several states, are discussed.

Risk of fatal crash involvement was calculated for older drivers relative to drivers aged 40-49 in the United States during the years 1994-1995. The results indicated that drivers ages 65-69 were 2.26 times more at risk for multiple-vehicle involvements at intersections compared with 1.29 times more at risk in all other situations. The comparable figures for drivers aged 85 and older were 10.62 for multiple-vehicle involvements at intersections compared with 3.74 for all other situations. The relative crash risk was particularly high for older drivers at uncontrolled and stop sign-controlled locations; when traveling straight or when just starting to enter the intersection; and when the specific behavioral error in the crash was failure to yield. Countermeasures will likely involve reducing or simplifying the need to detect and evaluate moving traffic coming from the left and right when at intersections. This can be accomplished by traffic signals with protected left turns, four-way stop signs, and one-way streets. Whereas such devices involve significant cost in terms of dollars and travel delay, their cost-effectiveness may have to be revisited as the United States population continues to age.

Several states enacted elements of graduated licensing systems in 1996. Connecticut introduced a six-month required learner’s permit period. Florida enacted a six-month learner’s period plus a night driving curfew for 16- and 17-year-olds. Parents of 15-year-olds in these states were surveyed to determine their views concerning the new requirements. Parents of graduating seniors in Connecticut and three other northeastern states also were surveyed. Results indicate that, in all six populations, support for graduated licensing was strong. Parents of 15-year-olds in Connecticut and Florida endorsed their new licensing systems, even though there was recognition that they and their children would be inconvenienced to some extent, and many wanted even tougher licensing provisions. Eighty-two percent of Connecticut parents of 15-year-olds thought there should be a night driving curfew for initial license holders, a provision that had been considered but was rejected.

All reported crashes—property damage, nonfatal injury, and fatal—estimated for 1993 in the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration's General Estimates System were examined for 16-year-old drivers. Results were compared to the crash involvements of other teenagers, older drivers, and fatal injury crash involvements as tabulated by the Fatal Accident Reporting System. Sixteen-year-olds were more likely than other teenagers and older drivers to be involved in single-vehicle crashes, and to be in crashes between 6 p.m. and 11:59 p.m. They were also more likely to have been charged with a moving violation and to have been culpable for the crash. Sixteen-year-old drivers in crashes, compared with other teenage drivers, were proportionately more likely to be female and to be accompanied by other teenage passengers. These differences among 16-year-olds, other teenagers, and older drivers are also found when only fatal crashes are considered. Characteristics of the crashes of 16-year-olds can be used as a guide in establishing licensing policies for initial license holders.

Fatal crash involvements of 15-year-old drivers were tabulated for the period 1989 through 1993 for 33 states that issue learner's permits to 15-year-olds, but do not grant regular licenses until age 16. Most 15-year-old drivers involved in fatal crashes either did not hold a learner's permit (57%) or were operating in violation of the terms of their permit at the time of the crash (16%). Compared with 16-year-olds, the fatal crashes of 15-year-olds were more often single-vehicle crashes, late at night, with many passengers in their vehicle, and involved driver factors, such as speeding and failure to drive in the proper lane. Illegal drivers--those without permit or license, and those with permits but unsupervised--were more likely than those driving legally to be culpable and to be in single-vehicle crashes. There were relatively few fatal crash involvements for 15-year-old learner's permit holders engaged in supervised practice driving as permitted by state law. Analysis of these few, and characteristically different, events suggests that learning drivers should limit driving on high speed roads and avoid driving with occupants other than the driver and supervisor.

There were 2074 crashes fatal to a motorcycle driver in the United States during 1992. A computer program was developed to convert Fatal Accident Reporting System (FARS) data for these crashes into standard format English language "crash reports". The computer generated reports were analyzed and crash type categories were defined. Five defined crash type categories accounted for 1785 (86%) of the 2074 crash events: Ran off-road (41%); ran traffic control (18%); oncoming or head-on (11%); left-turn oncoming (8%); and motorcyclist down (7%). Alcohol and excessive speed were common factors associated with motorcyclist crash involvement. Left turns and failure to yield were common factors associated with the involvement of other motorists. Suggested countermeasures include helmet use and enforcement of speed and impaired driving laws.

Efforts to reduce urban crash rates have been hampered by a lack of information about motor vehicle crash types. The present study is based on a systematic sample of 4,526 police crash reports from four urban areas. The sample was weighted to give each area equal representation. Diagrams and narrative descriptions from each report were reviewed, and the most common crash types based on precrash driver/vehicle behavior, were identified. Fourteen crash types were defined, and five of these were found to account for 76% of all crash events and 83% of injury crashes. Although the rank order of the five types differed from city to city, they accounted for the vast majority (69%-81%) of the crashes in each. Potential countermeasures are discussed based on the predominant crash types identified in this study. For example, ran traffic control crashes, the most common types, might be reduced by changes in signal timing, providing all-red signal intervals, increasing sign visibility, and increasing sight distances.

Of 149 large cities surveyed, 72 were found to have nighttime curfew ordinances applying to teenagers of various ages. The typical city curfew identified starts at midnight, ends at 5 A.M., and affects all activity of teenagers ages 13-17 in a public place and unaccompanied by a parent. In comparisons of 47 cities with curfews covering 13- to 17-year-olds and 77 cities without curfews, curfews were associated with a 23% reduction in fatal injury for 13- to 17-year-olds for the 9 P.M.-5:59 A.M. time period. This is identical to the 23% reduction estimated for both fatal and nonfatal motor vehicle injuries for 13- to 17-year-olds in an earlier, more limited study of curfews in Detroit, Cleveland, and Columbus, Ohio.

Crash rates among teenagers are highly elevated during the first months of licensure. Parent-imposed driving restrictions on initial driving privileges can reduce exposure to high-risk driving conditions, thus reducing crash risk while teens’ driving proficiency develops. This report describes the effect of the Checkpoints Program on driving limits and outcomes. Connecticut teens who obtained a learners permit over a 9-month period were recruited, providing a final sample of 3743 who obtained driver licenses. Families were randomized to the intervention or comparison condition. Intervention families received by mail a series of persuasive communications related to high-risk teen driving and a parent-teen driving agreement, while comparison families received on the same schedule general information on driving and vehicle maintenance. Relative to the comparison group, teens and parents in the Checkpoints Program reported significantly greater limits on high-risk teen driving conditions at licensure, 3-, and 6-months post-licensure; and intervention teens reported significantly less risky driving at each reporting period. By the 12-month follow up teens in the intervention group were significantly less likely than those in the comparison group to have had a traffic violation. However, no treatment group effect was found for crashes. This is the first study to report significant effects on teen driving behavior and performance of education designed to increase parental-imposed teen driving limits.

Introduction Because crash rates are highly elevated during the first months of licensure, it is advisable for parents to limit teen driving so that teens can gain independent driving experience under less dangerous driving conditions. This report describes the effect of the Checkpoints Program on parent limits on novice teen driving through six months post-licensure. Methods Nearly one-quarter of all Connecticut teens who obtained a learner's permit over a 9-month period were recruited, providing a final sample of 3,743 who obtained licenses within the next 16 months. Families were randomized to the intervention or comparison condition. Intervention families received by mail a series of persuasive communications related to high-risk teen driving and a parent-teen driving agreement, while on the same schedule comparison families received standard information on driver safety. Results Families who participated in the Checkpoints Program reported significantly greater limits on teen driving at licensure, 3-months, and 6-months post-licensure. However, there were no differences in reported risky driving behavior, violations, or crashes. Conclusion This is the first statewide study testing the efficacy of the Checkpoints Program. The results indicate that it is possible to foster modest increases in parental restrictions on teen driving limits during the first six months of licensure using passive persuasive communications, but that the levels of restriction obtained were not sufficient to protect against violations and crashes.

Urban arterials by their nature carry heavy traffic volumes and generate large numbers of motor vehicle crashes. The present study involved review of police crash reports to identify precrash events and driver actions for a sample of crashes on urban arterials and describes a method for reducing such crashes based on analyses of collision patterns and identification of locations with excessive numbers of crashes of a particular type. Police-reported crash data were obtained for three urban arterials in the Washington, DC metropolitan area. A total of 2,013 crash reports were analyzed. Seven crash types accounted for nearly 90% of these reports. On each arterial studied, several locations with excessive numbers of crashes of a particular type were identified, and corresponding engineering countermeasures were recommended. Differences between the approach employed in this study and traditional blackspot analyses are discussed.

On 1 July 1996, Florida instituted a graduated licensing program for drivers younger than age 18. For the first 3 months, holders of learner's licenses are not allowed to drive at all between 19:00 and 06:00 h; thereafter, they may drive until 22:00 h. Learner's licenses must be held for 6 months prior to eligibility for the intermediate license. Sixteen-year-old intermediate license holders are not permitted to drive unsupervised from 23:00 to 06:00 h, 17 year-olds from 01:00 to 06:00 h. All drivers younger than 18 have strict limits on the number of traffic violations they can accumulate and, effective 1 January 1997, all drivers younger than 21 are subject to a zero tolerance law for drinking and driving. Florida crash data for 1995-1997 were obtained and compared with similar data from Alabama, a state that borders Florida but does not have graduated licensing. For 15, 16, and 17 year-olds combined, there was a 9% reduction in the fatal and injury crash involvement rate in Florida during 1997, the first full year of graduated licensing, compared with 1995. On a percentage basis, crashes declined most among 15 year-olds, followed by 16 year-olds and then 17 year-olds. Reductions were not seen among Alabama teenagers nor among 18 year-olds in Florida.

Fatal crash-involved drivers of passenger vehicles were identified in the Fatality Analysis Reporting System for the period 1990 through 1995. Each driver was categorized as being alone in the vehicle at the time of the crash or with one or more passengers. Drivers at fault or responsible for crash occurrence were defined as all drivers involved in a single-vehicle crash, or drivers in multiple-vehicle crashes who were coded in the Fatality Analysis Reporting System as committing one or more driver errors. The results indicated that passenger presence was associated with proportionately more at-fault fatal crashes for drivers aged 24 and younger, were a neutral factor for drivers aged 25-29, and were associated with fewer at-fault involvements for drivers aged 30 and older. Relative risk of fatal crash involvement was particularly high for teenage drivers traveling, day or night, with two or more teenage passengers. Additional research is needed to determine how the added risk associated with teenage passengers riding with teenage drivers can be reduced or eliminated.

Drivers who had been observed wearing or not wearing shoulder belts were compared using vehicle registration data, driver records, and telephone interviews. The observations were made on the New York Thruway during a special seat belt publicity and enforcement program, which achieved a 75% overall belt use. The results showed that those drivers who still did not wear a shoulder belt despite New York law and the special Thruway program were more likely to be male, to be driving older vehicles, to have more prior traffic convictions, to have more prior injury crash involvements, and to say they are more likely to take risks than others. Although drivers reported that assessing points against the drivers license for belt law violations could increase belt use, citations for belt use law violations were very rare, and enforcement would probably have to increase before any new penalty could be effective.

Several U.S. cities have curfew ordinances that limit the late night activities of minor teenagers in public places including highways. Detroit, Cleveland, and Columbus, which have curfew ordinances, were compared to Cincinnati, which does not have such an ordinance. The curfew ordinances were associated with a 23% reduction in motor vehicle related injury for 13- to 17-year-olds as passengers, drivers, pedestrians, or bicyclists during the curfew hours. It was concluded that city curfew ordinances, like the statewide driving curfews studied in other states, can reduce motor vehicle injury to teenagers during the particularly hazardous late night hours.

High school students were surveyed every 6 months from their freshman through senior years concerning licensing, driving, and transportation to and from their various activities. Students in Delaware (learner's permit can be issued at age 15 years, 10 months; driver's license at age 16) were compared with students in Connecticut and New York (permit at age 16; license at age 16) and in New Jersey (license at age 17). During the junior year, most Delaware students, some New York and Connecticut students, and few New Jersey students were licensed. However, even during the junior year, students in the respective states did not differ significantly with respect to time spent at activities such as a paying job, homework, watching television, dating, parties, being with friends, talking on the phone, or participating in sports or school activities. Graduated licensing systems can delay full-privilege teenage licensure and reduce teenage crash rates. These systems also can increase the number of times parents and others must drive. However, the present study's results indicate that licensing delays of as much as 1 year have minimal effects on the nondriving activities of high school students.

Compared with older drivers, and even older teens, greater percentages of 16-year-old drivers in fatal crashes were involved in single-vehicle crashes, were responsible for their crashes, were cited for speeding, had high vehicle occupancy (especially other teenagers), and were female. Sixteen-year-olds were less likely than older drivers to have been drinking. In addition, their crashes occurred at different times than those of older drivers, crashes between 10:00 p.m. and 11:59 p.m. on Fridays and Saturdays being especially likely. Information about the characteristics of the crashes of 16-year-olds is important because this is the age at which most states currently allow teenagers to get an unrestricted driver's license. It is also the age at which restrictions on beginning licenses are being considered in some states. The results of this study suggest that restrictions on teenage passengers, and night-driving curfews with pre-midnight starting times--two provisions used in New Zealand's graduated licensing system--would be appropriate in attempts to reduce crashes of beginning 16-year-old drivers, who have the highest fatal crash rate of any single teen age.

Fatigue and long driving hours have been implicated as risk factors in truck crashes. Under federal regulations, commercial drivers are permitted to drive no more than 10 hours before having an 8-hour break and cannot work more than 70 hours over an 8-day period. Several studies have suggested that violations of these rules are common. A survey of long haul tractor-trailer drivers was conducted to estimate what proportion of drivers report that they regularly violate the hours-of-service rules and to identify the drivers most likely to commit hours-of-service violations. During December 1990 through April 1991, a total of 1,249 drivers were interviewed at truck safety inspection stations, truck stops, and agricultural inspection stations in Connecticut, Florida, Oklahoma, and Oregon. In each state, interviews were conducted during varying periods of the day over the course of seven days at inspection stations. Overall, 89 percent of eligible drivers asked for interviews participated in the survey. According to self-reports, almost three-fourths of the respondents violate hours-of-service rules. About two-thirds of the drivers reported that they routinely drive or work more than the weekly maximum. A primary impetus for violating rules appears to be economic factors, including tight delivery schedules and low payment rates. Many other driver, job, and vehicle characteristics were significantly associated with being an hours-of-service violator. The high prevalence of hours-of-service violations among tractor-trailer drivers is a problem in need of urgent attention. Potential measures to reduce the prevalence of rules violations include more enforcement directed toward carriers, wider use of electronic recorders, and increasing the number of rest areas.

A pedestrian safety education film titled And Keep on Looking and aimed at children ages 9 to 12 was evaluated in several cities. The results showed an increase in safe street crossing knowledge among 9- to 12-year-old Connecticut children who viewed the film, and some improvement in safe street crossing behavior among 9- to 12-year-old Seattle, Washington, children. Crash reduction was assessed in a 2-year, citywide field test conducted in Milwaukee. The field test indicated a crash reduction of more than 20% for 9- to 12-year-old children in Milwaukee compared with children in areas surrounding Milwaukee and children in comparison cities.

In New York and other states in which seat belt use laws went into effect in the mid-1980s, belt use rates surged initially, then declined. This pattern of belt use also occurred in Canadian provinces that enacted laws in the mid-1970s; special enforcement programs reversed this trend. In late 1985 a three-week enforcement and publicity program was conducted in Elmira, New York. Belt use rates in Elmira were 49 percent before the program, 77 percent right after, and 66 percent two months later. In Glens Falls, a comparison city without a program, belt use declined from 43 percent to 37 percent during this interval. In a telephone survey after the campaign, Elmira respondents were more likely to say the belt use law was being strictly enforced and were more favorable toward it, compared to Glens Falls respondents. These data indicate that enforcement/publicity programs are an important and feasible method for increasing compliance with belt use laws.

Data on 1562 methadone maintenance patients (experimentals) in New York State were gathered through face-to-face interviews. A control group of 1059 people was constructed by asking the experimentals to volunteer names of non-addicted friends. State driver records for 718 experimentals and 579 controls were obtained and analyzed. In general, experimental subjects were no worse drivers than the controls either as patients or while they were using heroin. This was so despite the fact that the experimentals estimated their mileage to be at or above the national average throughout their abuse of non-narcotic and narcotic drugs and during their methadone treatment. It was also found that drug abusers who drive are likely to drive immediately after using drugs. There was an indication that narcotic users are able to compensate for drug effects.

The objectives of this study were to develop, produce, and field-test public information and education messages to reduce midblock dart and dash accidents among child pedestrians. An in-class film, poster, and six television spots were produced in which children were told to stop at the curb or outside edge of a parked car and look left-right-left for oncoming vehicles before crossing the street. These materials were distributed to schools, movie theaters, and television stations, city-wide, in Los Angeles, Columbus (Ohio), and Milwaukee. Survey results showed that children saw the materials and improved their safe street crossing knowledge. Behavioral observations showed that children crossed more safely. All three cities showed statistically significant pre versus post reductions in child accidents. Across the three cities, midblock darts and dashes by children 14 and younger dropped 21 %, and midblock darts and dashes involving 4-, 5-, and 6-year-olds dropped 31 %.

Belt use among drivers traveling on limited access highways was observed before and after New York's mandatory seat belt use law. The results showed that high-speed drivers had lower belt use rates before the law and increased their belt use less in response to the law. Belt use rates before the law were 25%, 29%, and 28% for the high-, medium-, and low-speed groups as compared with 51%, 64%, and 57%, respectively, after the law. High-speed drivers also had inferior previous driving records, confirming their higher risk of motor vehicle crash involvement.

A questionnaire survey of high school students conducted in 1983 provided information on their self-reported drinking and driving practices. By age 15 the majority reported drinking alcoholic beverages. By age 17 half or more of the males and one-third of the females reported driving after drinking at least once in the past month. About one-quarter of the students estimated that six or more cans of beer would be required to make someone an unsafe driver. Reported frequency of driving after drinking was associated with less time spent on homework and poorer academic performance, working part time, greater participation in social activities, less perceived parental influence regarding their travel, owning a car, driving high mileage, speeding, and having crashes and violations.

This study examined the general and specific deterrent effects of Wisconsin's 1982 law mandating 3- to 6-month license suspensions for first-time convicted drinking drivers. General deterrence (stopping drinking and driving among the general public) was studied statewide by examining latenight, single-vehicle, injury crashes involving male drivers before and after the law. The results showed a substantial reduction in these presumably alcohol-related events. Specific deterrence (stopping repeat drinking and driving among those convicted) was studied by comparing subsequent convictions and crashes for first-time convicted drivers before and after the 1982 law. The results showed that those drivers convicted under the mandatory suspension law had fewer subsequent convictions and crashes. It was concluded that 100% mandatory license suspension is an effective legal sanction against drinking and driving.

The relationship of driver licensure rate differences to 16 year old lifestyles was assessed by surveying 15 and 16 year olds in New York, Michigan, and New Jersey. Michigan 16 year olds reported the highest rates of licensure (56 per cent), whereas New York (14 per cent licensed) and New Jersey (2 per cent licensed) had much lower rates. Teenagers in Michigan reported greater decreases in use of bicycles and reliance on parents and relatives for transportation but, for the most part, the differences in 16 year old licensure and mobility were not reflected in lifestyle differences.

This study assessed the effects of New York State's recently adopted mandatory seat belt use law on teenage drivers. Teenage drivers were observed as they entered high school parking lots before the law was adopted, after it was adopted but before it was effective, one month after the effective date, and again five months after the effective date. The results showed that 14% of the teenage drivers were wearing either shoulder or lap belts or both prior to adoption of the law. This increased to 22% after adoption of the law, 60% one month after the effective date of the law, and 63% five months after the effective date. Teenagers using seat belts were more often female, were younger, had completed driver education and had a longer trip from home to school. Both before and after the law, teenage belt use was similar to, but typically lower than, belt use in the community in which the school was located.

Students in 75 high schools in seven states participated in a questionnaire survey. The results showed that high school students want to become licensed as soon as possible and that parents are important in teaching them to drive. Once licensed, the majority of students have their own cars, though they do not typically pay the majority of the costs. Seventy-one percent of licensed students who do not have their own cars reported that they can usually or always use a family car. Most students, particularly younger ones and females, reported that their parents expect them to conform to certain rules or restrictions when driving and when riding as passengers. The most common restrictions were that their parents asked them not to drive after drinking, to tell parents where they were going and with whom, and to be home at a certain time. Students were far less likely to report that their parents required that they wear seat belts.

New York and Louisiana, two states having night driving curfews, were included in a questionnaire survey of high school students conducted in 1983. Most students in these states knew about their curfew law. In both states the majority of licensed drivers said they had violated the curfew, but the majority claimed to have violated the curfew no more than twice. Students do not believe that the police enforce curfew restrictions vigorously, but many parents require their children to obey the law. New York students were more knowledgeable than Louisiana students about the restrictions, and there was more evidence in New York than Louisiana of reduced driving resulting from the curfew. These findings are consistent with results of an earlier study that found curfews in both of these states reduced crashes but estimated crash reductions during curfew hours were greater in New York than in Louisiana.

Substantial reductions in motor vehicle injuries can be achieved by raising the minimum licensing age or instituting night driving curfews for beginning drivers. A questionnaire survey of public high school students' views on restricting teenage driving was conducted in the following states: California, Colorado, Louisiana, Michigan, Mississippi, New Jersey, and New York. The results indicated the following: (a) Slightly less than half felt there should be some restrictions on teenage driving. (b) The majority thought that restrictions on teenage drivers that did not apply to all drivers were bad, and slightly more favored a seat belt use law for all drivers rather than one applying to teenagers only. (c) In general, high school students preferred the age that they could obtain licenses in their own states as the minimum age for obtaining licenses, whether that age was 15, 16, or 17. (d) Teenagers in states with night driving curfews were more likely to favor curfew laws, but more than half of those in states without curfews expressed some support for such laws.