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This article explores the nature of domestic labour involved in sustainability transitions at the household level, with waste reduction as an exemplar. We draw on national survey data (N = 2717) from Australia, and qualitative data from a participatory action project working with 34 householders on experiments in low waste living. We found low waste living was challenging work mentally, physically and interpersonally and required information, skills and the resources of time and money. Waste reduction in households also required relational labour inside and outside the household. On the basis of existing literature and our findings we theorise that sustainability labour is comprised of five overlapping elements: physical, cognitive, relational, economic and political tasks. We argue that reducing waste is an example of sustainability labour that is led largely by women, as they work to change household practices and the systems in which these are embedded, towards a more sustainable future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Sustainability transitions research and policy treat households in a narrow way. • A new conceptual model for deliberate household experimentation is presented. • Households appreciate the opportunity to experiment. • Households find low-waste living very difficult. • Future research and policy should explore the model in more domains and territories. Sustainability transitions research and policy treat households and the home in a narrow way. The paper reviews niche-based experimentation and social-practice theory informed sustainability transitions literature to develop a novel framework for deliberate household experimentation. The usefulness of the framework is explored in an action research project on low-waste living in Melbourne. Data was collected through interviews, weekly self-reports and three participatory workshops. The research confirms the usefulness of the framework and offers reflections on deliberate household experimentation. The conclusion is that similar to other niche spaces, household niches are instrumental in demonstrating, learning about, advocating for and critiquing different aspects of sustainability transitions. But in contrast to other niche spaces, households are deeply embedded in the everyday life of what matters to people. If the transition to low-waste living is to be successful, it needs to be planned from the perspective of everyday household life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores conceptualisations of households in sustainability transitions. Existing literature in the field has only engaged with households in a limited and fragmented way, despite the role of households in resource use, shaping social innovation and as a target of environmental policies. The paper asks: how are households conceptualised in sustainability transitions and how could this be further developed in future research? The paper uses systematic review to explore how the literature currently engages with households. We find two overarching approaches to households: a closed-box approach and an open-box approach. The closed-box approach engages households as a fixed unit of analysis, without attention to internal dynamics and how these may interact with system-level changes, whereas the open-box approach unpacks the household as a dynamic social unit and material setting in the context of multiple scales and other social units. Both approaches are further discussed in terms of how they engage with households as users, sites and sources. Based on the analysis, the paper proposes a comprehensive definition of households in transition studies, and identifies four areas for future research in sustainability transitions: households' and householders' agency; unpacking household dynamics; household innovation across scales and socio-technical systems; and households in policy and governance. • Role of households in transitions is systematically reviewed • Distinction is made between closed-box and open-box approaches • Open-box approach is less developed in transitions research • More attention is needed for agency, dynamics, innovation, and policy and governance [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much of the early literature on downshifting proposed that reduced hours at work would lead to reduced levels of consumption, increased hours of leisure, and a more sustainable and fulfilling life, and yet recent survey research has challenged these assumptions. Our study contributes knowledge on the differentially lived experience of contemporary downshifting and its relationship to sustainable and/or thrifty consumption. We undertook qualitative interviews with Australians of working age who had voluntarily reduced their hours of work in order to explore the everyday experience of downshifting and its links with consumption practices in the domains of food, leisure, and transport. These downshifters focused on thrift rather than sustainability and consequently did not reduce their consumption in a straightforward way. We found the everyday experience of downshifting was significantly shaped by caring responsibilities and financial and housing security. Moreover, differential levels of financial security affected consumption levels. Although those with lower levels of wealth closely managed discretionary expenditure, financially secure downshifters did not reduce their consumption overall. We argue that reduced working hours are unlikely to lead to reduced consumption in the absence of an ideological commitment to sustainability and without mainstream support for changing consumption mindsets and practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Reduced paid working hours of 40–59 year-olds is shaped by gender and carer roles. • Home ownership facilitates reducing paid work hours to perform unpaid care. • Consumption after reducing working hours is influenced by income and location. • A complex gendered relationship links environmental and social welfare concerns. The relationship between working hours and sustainability has attracted research attention since at least the early 2000s, yet the role of care giving in this context is not well understood. Focusing on Australians between 40 and 60 years who have reduced their working hours and income, we explore the relationship between working hours, care giving and consumption. Data from the national census (ABS, 2006, 2011, 2016c) were analysed to contextualise patterns in paid working hours, income and carer roles for men and women aged between 40 and 60 years. Findings from a national survey on informal carers (ABS, 2016a) were also consulted. Taken together, the two sources of national data showed that two thirds of all informal carers are women, that the likelihood of assuming informal carer roles increases with age, and that men and women in carer roles work fewer paid hours per week and have a lower weekly income than non-carers of the same age. To gain qualitative insights into these patterns in Australian national data, and the likely implications of carer roles for household consumption, semi-structured interviews were conducted with ten households who subsequently recorded details of their consumption-related expenses over a seven-day period. The interview data showed the strong connection between carer roles, reduced income and paid working hours and its strongly gendered dimension. We argue that women primarily 'downshift' to undertake care rather than for sustainability motivations and that there is consequently a need to connect scholarship on gender and care with that on downshifting. The link between reducing paid working hours, care-giving and household consumption appeared to be less straight forward and varied between households. Our findings suggest that a complex relationship exists between environmental and social welfare concerns that has policy implications and warrants further exploration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Current trajectories of the proliferation and use of information technology (IT) in households present an example of rapid socio‐technical change in an unsustainable direction. We document patterns in the proliferation, use and accumulation of IT in households in Australia, drawing on data from an online national survey (N = 1,475) and qualitative interviews conducted during 2015 and 2016 (N = 36, with participants from three cities and one regional town). We identified cohorts of IT users who shared specific use practices and found that age, life course and income were important for defining and understanding these cohorts. IT practices change with life course transitions, such as children moving through the education system. Practices may be linked with changes in residence and income, and provide opportunities for interventions at such times when both technology and its use are changing anyway. The most concerning development was the use of multiple devices simultaneously, particularly when this included live streaming of high‐resolution video and audio. This practice is increasing in households with teenagers and young adults, and is likely, if unchecked, to become a significant driver of energy demand. We conclude by reflecting on the implications of our findings for (1) influencing current unsustainable trajectories of IT use into the future and (2) conceptualising the agency of householders in socio‐technical change involving fast‐changing technologies. There is an increasing research focus on the multiplicity of transition pathways, but a focus on the life course can, we argue, bring a new and important dimension to this understanding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Waste electrical and electronic equipment (WEEE) contains a significant amount of critical and precious metals. Recovery of these metal resources is important for both environmental and economic reasons. However, the potential for metal recovery from the distributed resource of used electronic devices in households has not been well understood. This paper explores such potential through modelling in-use stocks and spatial distributions of metal resources in household electronic devices based on household survey data, using Australia as a case study. We focused on ten categories of electronic devices: smart mobile phones, plain mobile phones, tablets, laptops, desktops, flat screen TVs, CRT TVs, monitors, hand held music players and game devices. Regression models were built using demographic variables as predictors to estimate the amount of electronic devices currently in use in households, and the bottom-up approach was employed to estimate the stocks of forty three metals contained in the devices. A set of maps were produced to show the estimated distribution of the resource of in-use household electronic devices and specific metals of interest contained in these devices. We find that some metals such as Platinum-group elements have more stocks in Australian household devices than the potential stocks in Australian mineral deposits. There is some intrinsic resource value contained in Australian household electronic goods, and interest in recovery of these particular metals might come sooner than for others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]