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Questo saggio mira a presentare la figura e l’opera poetica di Giovanni Marrasio (Noto, 1400/1404 - Caltanissetta, sett. 1452), umanista siciliano autore dell’«Angelinetum» e dei «Carmina varia», attivo nella prima metà del sec. XV fra la Sicilia e Siena, Firenze e Padova, Ferrara e Napoli, in rapporti con altri umanisti e letterati (Giovanni Aurispa, Antonio Beccadelli, Leonardo Bruni, Enea Silvio Piccolomini, Carlo Marsuppini, Maffeo Vegio, Niccolò Niccoli, Guarino Veronese), potenti uomini di stato (Niccolò III d’Este, Alfonso il Magnanimo) e di chiesa (papa Niccolò V). In particolare, la disamina si concentra sulle suggestioni che Virgilio, Orazio e Properzio hanno esercitato sulla poesia del Marrasio, senza tralasciare, però, gli influssi della tradizione poetica mediolatina e volgare. This essay aims to present the figure and poetic work of Giovanni Marrasio (Noto, 1400/1404 - Caltanissetta, Sept. 1452), Sicilian humanist author of the «Angelinetum» and «Carmina varia», active in the first half of the century XVth between Sicily and Siena, Florence and Padua, Ferrara and Naples, in rela-tions with other humanists and writers (Giovanni Aurispa, Antonio Beccadelli, Leonardo Bruni, Enea Silvio Piccolomini, Carlo Marsuppini, Maffeo Vegio, Niccolò Niccoli, Guarino Veronese), powerful statesmen (Niccolò III d'Este, Alfonso il Magnanimo) and churchmen (Pope Niccolò V). In particular, the analysis focuses on the suggestions that Vergil, Horace and Properce exerted on Marrasio’s poetry, without however forgetting the influences of the Middle-Latin and vulgar poetic tradition.

Martial 2.14.1 nil intemptatum Selius, nil linquit inausum is a grandiose hexameter, which presents three forms not elsewhere attested in the epigrammatist’s corpus (intemptatum, linquit, inausum). Critics consider the verse as a combination of two augustean intertexts (Hor. ars 285 nil intemptatum + Verg. Aen. 7.308 nil linquere inausum). This centonary way of quotation however doesn’t conform to Martial’s intertextual practice. In this paper is put forward the hypothesis that both Hor. ars 285 and Mart. 2.14.1 descend from Ennius’ Annals. It is then discussed the transmitted text at Verg. Aen. 8.206. There intemptatum, variant reading discarded by editors for intractatum, which has stronger manuscript support and looks difficilior, is worthy of a reconsideration in the light of a linguistic-stylistic analysis and of the possible Ennian origin of the expression.

Fray Luis de León (1527-1591) is well known for his original poetry, but not as recognized for his translations. However, most of the sixteenth century’s stakes are tied to translation: translate allows one to understand the literary treasures of the past (the Bible and the Greco-Roman authors), and forge vernacular language. But, in translation also lies serious danger: fray Luisspends more than four years in jail, accused by the Inquisition of “Judaizing” by translating the Song of Songs from its Hebrew version. A close reading of his translations aims to outline a “luisian theory of translation”, by comparing them with their original text sources (Vergil and Horace in Latin, the Bible in Hebrew and Latin)., Fray Luis de León (1527-1591) est connu pour ses poésies originales, il l’est beaucoup moins pour ses traductions. Pourtant, c’est bien autour de la traduction que se nouent les principaux enjeux du XVIe siècle : traduire permet de comprendre les trésors littéraires du passés (la Bible et les auteurs gréco-latins), et de forger la langue vernaculaire. Il y a là aussi un grand danger : fray Luis passe plus de quatre ans en prison, accusé par l’Inquisition de « judaïser » entraduisant le Cantique des Cantiques depuis sa version hébraïque. Une lecture minutieuse de ses traductions, les confrontant aux textes-sources (Virgile et Horace en latin, la Bible en hébreu et en latin), vise à esquisser les contours d’une « théorie luisienne de la traduction ».

The astronomical periphrasis cum frigidus olim / iam cadit extremoque inrorat Aquarius anno in Verg. georg. 3, 303-304 does not indicate, as almost all scholars maintain, the exit of the Sun from the sign of Aquarius, in mid February, but a different astronomical phenomenon, the so-called evening setting of the constellation, which took place in the last days of December, right at the end of the civil year and at the beginning of the winter season. The same phenomenon is alluded to also in Hor. sat. 1, 1, 36

Estuda-se a percepção do tempo nos poetas augustanos, analisando-se as duas perspectivas fundamentais, a dos poetas epicuristas (Horácio, Ovídio, poetas elegíacos) e a dos poetas estóicos (Vergílio). Verifica-se que, embora dependam da teorização filosófica de origem grega, manifestam características pessoais que vão para além dela. We have studied the perception of time in augustan poets, namely the two main perspectives, one of epicurist poets (Horace, Ovidius, elegiac poets) the other of a stoic poet (Vergil). We verify that, although they do depend on philosophical teorization of greek background, they show personal features that surpass those speculations.

Cet article se propose de mettre en perspective les attestations historiques, épigraphiques et littéraires qui témoignent d’une forme complexe de damnatio memoriae contre le personnage de Marc Antoine, l’ennemi d’Octave, le futur Auguste. La notion même de damnatio memoriae, c’est-à-dire de condamnation du souvenir d’un individu, pose problème au sujet de Marc Antoine et la première partie de l’article consiste en une discussion des divers éléments pour tenter de définir si Marc Antoine a réellement été la victime de ce type d’atteintes mémorielles orchestrées par le princeps. La seconde partie examine les références poétiques au personnage dans les œuvres de Virgile, Properce et Horace, qui viennent confirmer la mise en place d’une stratégie politique d’oubli à l’égard de l’ennemi vaincu. Entre dit et non-dit, le personnage de Marc Antoine est ainsi l’objet d’une flétrissure poétique, parfois appuyée sur le nom même du personnage et parfois pratiquée sous forme allusive, d’une sorte d’infamia qui vient conforter l’analyse opérée en première partie du dossier. Il faut se souvenir qu’il faut oublier : telle pourrait être la formule adaptée à l’étude du traitement de la mémoire de Marc Antoine à l’époque augustéenne. This article provides a viewpoint on historical, epigraphic and literary proofs that testify of a complex form of damnatio memoriae against Mark Antony, Octavian’s enemy, the Augustus to be. The very notion of damnatio memoriae, which consists of a condemnation of the memory of a given individual, raises issues regarding Mark Antony. The first part of this article discusses various elements to attempt to explore whether or not Mark Antony has actually been victim of this type of memory condemnation, orchestrated by the princeps. The second part examines poetical references to the character of Mark Antony in Vergil’s, Propertius’ and Horace’s works, which confirm the application of a political strategy of forgetting targeting the defeated enemy. Between said and unsaid, Mark Antony’s character is subject to a poetical stigmatization, sometimes focusing on its name itself, sometimes applied under allusive form, like a kind of infamia that reinforces and confirms the analysis performed in the first part of the article. One must remember that one must forget: this could be the most applicable saying when it comes to the study of the treatment of Mark Antony’s memory during the Augustan period.

The return of the Golden Age under the aegis of Dionysus is a theme that was developed in Rome towards the end of the Republic and at the beginning of the Empire, in a period stretching from Catullus to Ovid. The image was later appropriated by Augustus, who integrated it into the aesthetic and religious programme of the Principate. I shall begin by examining these Augustan images, and then move on to look at the evolution of Dionysian iconography under the Julio-Claudians, paying particular attention to the decor of the Domus Transitoria and Domus Aurea.