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In this study, I discuss the potential implementation of José Ricardo Morales' relevant dramatic literature (scripts) as an additional pedagogical learning tool for teaching the topics of media manipulation and propaganda in Chilean secondary schools. Moreover, this process encourages students to critically examine and discuss specific past and present-day local conflicts. From a qualitative approach, I analyze several learning objectives from the Chilean national curriculum frameworks that best suit the aforementioned topics developed and problematized in Morales' plays. As complementary, I discuss the previous results with eight randomly chosen secondary teachers and their students about using Morales' plays to teach particular topics in Chilean history. The results reveal that incorporating two of Morales' plays as a reading and writing activity can be helpful for secondary teachers to teach their students the topics of media manipulation and propaganda in authoritarian regimes from a contextualized perspective.

As China increasingly engages in global human rights mechanisms, it has demonstrated a commitment to reforming its national curriculum. Through examining textbooks published during Xi Jinping's tenure, this study investigates how China embeds human rights issues in the English language curriculum. The findings indicate that the human rights issues addressed in the English textbooks have surpassed China's official revisionist narrative. This can be attributed more to the inherent features of the discipline of English than to a deliberate state strategy. Human rights issues are sorted into three categories: strictly taboo, decontextualised, and actively promoted. The meticulously constructed narratives highlight China's leadership in addressing global issues while avoiding critical examination of its domestic human rights situation. As a result, genuine social issues in human rights education (HRE) are overshadowed by propaganda. This study concludes that China's commitment to HRE largely remains an empty promise.

U.S. libraries and classrooms are under siege by private and governmental entities working to simultaneously ban/remove justice-focused literature and inundate these spaces with reactionary/ultra-conservative materials. It is within this educational crisis that we conducted a critical content analysis of the award-winning, best-selling historical fiction series, "Rush Revere: Time Travel Adventures with Exceptional Americans" by Rush Limbaugh. The analysis worked to answer two central research questions: How does the "Rush Revere" series promote white lies about U.S. history? and What curricular violence is enacted through the "Rush Revere" series? Findings illuminate how each book individually centralizes an aspect of white supremacy exceptionalism, capitalism, militarism, patriotism, paternalism - that collectively then creates the infrastructure to indoctrinate young readers into white supremacist ideology.

Scout Rally at Birmingham and Imperial Scout Exhibition organised in July of 1913 by the Boy Scouts Association constituted educational propaganda of the British Empire. The term "imperial", which was used in the British press, reflects the ideological meaning of this outsized event which gathered scouts from the United Kingdom and its dominions, and much smaller groups of scouts from Europe, including quite numerous groups from Poland. In the eyes of Poles, British "imperialism" or "patriotism" confronted as an ideal compared to Russian and German rule, and their attitudes were enthusiastically Anglomaniacal. This is the psychological key to understand the attractiveness of performing on the British arena for the representation of the young generation of Poles who were invited. For Polish scouts, the Scout Rally in Birmingham was an opportunity to demonstrate not only their skills but also patriotism as a function of political presence. This is how the Polish press understood these things, and which after the British -- what needs to be emphasised -- paid the most attention to the events in Birmingham. The most important Polish dailies publishing in Cracow, Warsaw, Poznan, and Lvov (now Lviv) closely followed the course of the rally, which was given the rank of success by a two-sentence "depeche" from London and a lengthy letter published in the "Czas" daily paper. The object of interest for the author of the article is the book written by the founder of Polish scouting, Andrzej Malkowski, which constitutes a noteworthy record of observations made by him during the Scout Rally as well as those made by other organisers of the Polish delegation's trip and of letters from journalists who accompanied this delegation and sent their correspondence to the Polish press from Birmingham, London, and Paris. Only one journalist broke out from apologetic opinions about the excellent performance of Polish scouts, who noticed shortcomings in performance and wrote about them. The article introduces the content of these letters and interprets and compares them. The opinion about the triumphant rally in Birmingham rooted firmly in Polish public opinion, constituting an important element of the founding myth of Polish scouting, which in the history of this movement is worth noting.

Slogan has a sound mass base in China for thousands of years, functioning as guidelines for civic practice. Even today, Chinese slogans are often employed by the government to promote policies and socio-cultural values. This paper, adopting an ecolinguistic approach, explores the development of Chinese slogans during the four economic stages since the foundation of PRC (People's Republic of China) to find out how slogans influence the relationship between men, and man and the ecosystem. It is discovered that Chinese slogans in the recent decades have experienced great changes in terms of discourse type, the beneficial degree of discourse and the ecosophy they carry. They changed gradually from destructive discourse to harmonious discourse and they reflect the transition of Chinese ecological philosophy--from 'anthropocentrism', 'growthism', and 'classism' to 'harmonism'. It is hoped that this study can shed light on the eco-discourse analysis to policy language and will bring insight into its future creation.

The Zimbabwean crisis, which began around 2000, had serious ramifications for the teaching of history in the country, especially in high schools. This study investigated the impact of Zimbabwe's economic and political crisis on the production of syllabi for teaching history at high schools. It analyses the hurried changes in the secondary school history syllabi which saw the subject being declared a compulsory subject for all students. In the high schools, history was at the centre of an ideological struggle as the government sought to teach the students "patriotic history." However, others have seen this as a cheap propaganda tool meant to brainwash and hoodwink students into supporting the ZANU-PF regime that presided over the political, social, and economic crisis bedevilling the country. This article, therefore, unpacks the changes in syllabi for schools and analyse how this impacted on the teaching of history in the country. A comparative analysis of the content of the successive syllabi was carried out to flesh out the inclusions and exclusions in the new syllabi. The syllabi compared are 2160, 2166, and 2167 for the ordinary level certificate.

Newspaper coverage of the Canudos War dehumanized the "sertanejos," portraying them in such a way that empathy or grief for their suffering was inaccessible to the Brazilian readership. Euclides da Cunha, a war correspondent for the newspaper "O Estado de São Paulo," was amongst those who contributed to the state's war narrative that represented the "sertanejos" as an inhuman mass and glorified the republican soldiers as heroes. However, in retrospect to the war, Euclides writes his "Os sertões," undermining much of the journalistic rhetoric established during the war by exposing the republican soldiers' cruel acts of violence and condemning the war as illegal. In effect, he inadvertently elevates the sertanejo to the level of a perceivable individual whose death can be mourned. This article juxtaposes a reading of newspaper coverage of the Canudos conflict with Euclides' account in "Os sertões." In doing so, this article elucidates the relationship between life and suspended law, ultimately providing a biopolitical reading of these texts.

This essay focuses on the disavowed histories of Italy's fascist past with a specific focus on how select historical disavowals reverberate in the present through the law of restricted citizenship, policies governing the lives of migrants, and recent pro-natal campaigns. I take as the occasion for my discussion, the 2017 exhibit at the "Museo della Shoah" in Rome, entitled "The Enemy Race: Nazi and Italian Fascist Propaganda." Through representations of the child during Mussolini's reign, the exhibit represents Mussolini's investment in the Italian child, conceived of as Catholic, Aryan, and born on Italian soil. His regime aimed to cultivate a future generation that would purify the nation through physical vitality, a belief in racial elitism, and loyalty to the nation state, while casting Jewish and "non-Italian" children as enemy subjects. I argue that the pedagogical impulse of the "Museo della Shoah" aims, not only to represent life histories that have been imperfectly erased from post-war memory, but also to recognize such a project as an interminable process of reflection that unfolds in a country that continues to suffer under the weight of its disavowed colonial and anti-Semitic history.

This paper explores educating for democratic citizenship with a focus on the intersection between reading and values, specifically the nurturing of social responsibility. Using a pre-designed framework for teaching for social responsibility, excerpts from a young adult historical fiction series are used to consider learning possibilities in the social studies classroom.

From diplomatic spats between Qatar and Saudi Arabia to ubiquitous deceptive "news" updates purportedly sent by the Eritrean government urging all men to marry two wives or risk imprisonment, the future of fact-based reporting appears uncertain as mass media recipients world over become accustomed to consuming "fake news." Despite the exponential expansion of journalism educators in the Middle East and Africa, several curriculums in these regions have been struggling to cope with the rising dominance of the "fake news" movement. Both regions have a well-documented appetite for conspiracy theories and indeed the power of disinformation and propaganda, which seem to have gathered steam in the wake of deliberate dissemination of hoaxes or sensationalist stories predominantly distributed via social media platforms, potentially posing a threat to the credibility of journalism. This article provides an updated state of affairs on the expansion of "fake news" in the Middle East and Africa arguing after an explorative examination of 10 journalism curriculums that educators need to focus on local contexts when preparing journalism modules. Although it is important to discuss global trends, developments, controversies, debates, and discussions involving the "fake news" movement, we think future journalists from both regions would benefit from media literacy courses that identify the difference between fact and fiction in relation to their own contexts. This is relevant because current pedagogical approaches appear influenced by developments abroad especially in these countries' past colonial masters.

These are broad and expansive themes and so what we wish to do is to provide a perhaps dramatic case study example of state engagement with the arts for political and security purposes. Our critical case is that of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) engagement with the arts during the Cold War and newly uncovered archival evidence of the CIA involvement with the writers' organisation which is still thriving today, International PEN. Our argument is that the state security engagement with the arts and literature is an important exemplar of what we term the influence of public education by often covert means, which may derogatively be referred to as propaganda, or what Jameson called the 'political unconscious'. From the archival evidence arising from CIA engagement with the arts we derive three principles of intellectual framing for analysis of the critical aesthetic of philosophy of education: (1) the political aesthetic of security and literature; (2) cultural citizenship as security; (3) the educational ecosystem of literature as securitisation. In sum, we suggest philosophers of education sharpen their treatments of literature in education with more realistic and informed assessments of the aesthetic in political and security contexts. Methodologically, by implication, we think we also make the case for philosophers of education to make greater and more frequent use of primary documentation, particularly archival sources in order to be able to substantiate such sharpened treatments.

Czech-German relations developed in a complex way during the twentieth century. This article addresses the mutual historical and current relations of these nations, in light of historical events in the last century. The analysis is based on the study of period geography textbooks (as an example of one of the tools used to create a picture of the neighboring nation for young people) and recent questionnaires distributed among the borderland population. Moreover, this article seeks to outline the potential role that geography education may play in relation to improving Czech-German, or, more specifically, Czech-Bavarian relations.

This article examines 50 films produced and released between the years 2001 and 2012 that are concerned with the American wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. Using Jacques Ellul's theories set out in his book "Propaganda," the article argues that while the films have failed at the box office, they were intended to function as integration propaganda. The article proposes six different tropes or common frames for understanding how the films avoid dealing with problems raised by the wars. Why the films failed, and what functioned as integration propaganda instead, is the subject for a second article titled "Eyeless in America, the Sequel." (Contains 12 notes.)

To examine Heidegger's pedagogy is to be invited into a particular era and cultural reality--starting in Weimar Germany and progressing into the rise and fall of the Third Reich. In his attempt to reform the German university in a strictly hierarchical, authoritarian and nationalistic mold, Heidegger addressed one group of students and professors and not another. The petit-bourgeois student and the future philosophers he invited with his "logic of recruitment" into the corps of instructors, would share his coded language with its built-in taboos and censorship. The result was a rhetoric of absolute self-reference and a semiotic of pure propaganda, based on the evocation of the ancient Greeks in which the philosopher meant to project all that was properly Germanic. Heidegger's rhetoric is exclusionary; its politics and its philosophy are interpenetrating. His lecture courses grew increasingly poeticized, and thus mired in ambiguity, evasion, elision, avoidance, grandiloquence. Parallels are drawn in this essay between Heidegger and our time. Is Heidegger's insistence on autocratic controls within the German university comparable to the corporate positions taken today by some educators? How does the shifting relation between disciplines affect the role of the specialist? How might the sciences morales or humanities, along with the much maligned "humanism", be redefined morally and holistically?

"The Kallikak Family" is a pre-eminent text in the history of mental retardation and psychology in which Goddard (1912) claimed he proved the heritability of feeble-mindedness and the necessity of institutionalization. The book contains 14 photographs, some of which have been retouched. These photographs were interpreted in this paper within the context of clinical photography of the feeble-minded during the eugenics era, and the conclusion was made that the photographs are masterpieces of visual indictment propaganda that worked on the levels of assumed scientific objectivity, hovel imagery, mutually amplifying juxtapositions, stereotypic images of imbecility, and religious symbolism to achieve persuasiveness. A resolution of alleged "skullduggery" surrounding the retouching is presented.

Explores the evidence of nationalism, propaganda, and the treatment of war and peace in the school curriculum and textbooks within four countries during the end of the nineteenth century and beginning of the twentieth century: (1) Britain; (2) France; (3) Germany; and (4) the United States. (CMK)

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Scholars know little of the inner lives of past children. Discovering a large collection of adolescent art, now older than 80 years old, seems like an archival treasure. James "Jimmy" Kugler (1932–1969) of Lexington, Nebraska, drew more than 120 sheets of comic strips, including retelling the Pacific theater of World War II as a violent confrontation of humanoid "Frogs" and "Toads." The rest of the collection are gangster horror stories and violently humorous, single-panel drawings. What historical context helps make sense of such art? My father died over 50 years ago, and few if any of his classmates and loved ones are still alive. I describe searching through local newspapers, telephone directories, contemporary American propaganda and comic books, movies, just about anything that my father might have read, watched or seen. I treat the project as a microhistory of adolescent rebellion inspired by wartime propaganda and popular culture. What we may want from the past, I argue, contrasts what the past cannot give us. I hope to depict the necessity, and limits, of historical explanation and speculation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

MELQUÍADES PRIETO Escritor Saqueo de una aldea.Sebastien Vrancx (S. XVII) representó así a las tropas españolas en las Guerras de Flandes. (PRISMARRCHIVO) La fama de invencibles que ganaron los tercios, [...]

Stecopoulos, H., 2023. Telling America's Story to the World: Literature, Internationalism, Cultural Diplomacy. New York: Oxford University Press. Excerpt used with approval of Oxford University Press.

Thirty years have passed since the collapse of the Soviet Union, and while most former and current communist states have integrated themselves into the global economy, North Korea is still largely, and fiercely, resistant to it. It is one of the poorest countries in the world, with millions living without electricity and suffering from malnutrition. It is also one of the most repressive regimes in contemporary times, with hundreds of thousands imprisoned and tortured without probable cause, compelled to perform forced labor in a vast network of concentration camps. Typically, widespread destitution and oppression inspire liberal reforms or democratic revolutions, but neither have happened in North Korea. This raises the question of how the regime has maintained internal control so effectively for so long. One explanation for its survival is the pervasive security apparatus, but mass surveillance and state-sanctioned violence cannot be the exclusive explanations. One of the key ways cultures maintain stability without coercion is religion, which can be defined as a belief system adhered to by a community and supported through behaviors that result in a desired psychological state. This article argues that the ruling-Kim dynasty’s personality cult functions as a state religion that regulates the daily lives of North Koreans and contributes to the regime’s survival. Using Émile Durkheim’s religious framework and Clifford Geertz’s thick description I will examine propaganda works, social institutions, and defector testimonies to understand and explain the efficacy of the myths and rituals of the state.

Whereas later sixteenth century critics follow classical precedent when considering satire as intended to 'laugh folly out of court', (1) individuals writing on the cusp of civil war show a [...]

“Soiuz” in Russian means “union” — a key word in the formal name of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Once the world’s largest state, the Soviet Union comprised 15 republics and more than 100 distinct ethnic groups. The country celebrated its diversity while at the same time emphasizing the unity of all Soviet peoples. Throughout the 1922–1991 history of the USSR a highlydeveloped system of symbolic representations was used to portray the strength of the union. For example, the state emblem visually bound the Soviet republics to the state through a heraldic ribbon using all the titular languages of the republics. Likewise, the national anthem celebrated the “unbreakable union of free republics”. The Soviet symbol set also included unique, but visually unifying, symbols to represent the 15 union republics—their flags, emblems, and anthems. There were also flags for the autonomous republics within these union republics, based upon the republic flags. In addition to the symbolic portrayal of the cohesiveness of the Soviet Union, there were two other types of “unions” that were vital to Soviet symbolism — the unity of workers and peasants, as well as the brotherhood of all the world’s communists. Both concepts were central to the symbolism of the Soviet flag and the state emblem, and to other uses of symbols within the country. This paper will examine the many ways in which the concepts of union and unity were symbolically portrayed in Soviet society including the use of flags, emblems, imagery, and slogans. It will demonstrate the importance of the concept of “soiuz” in the Soviet Union. Finally, it will show how unity symbols were central to Soviet messaging both domestically and internationally.