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The radical change of politics and ideology in the post-Communist states in the Yugoslav area caused a revaluation of national histories. The production of desirable history has the political support of the current authorities in the states that emerged from the break-up of Yugoslavia. The features of revaluing the past and writing desirable history are: anti-communism, anti-Yugoslavism and radical nationalism. At the same time, the engaged attitude towards anti-fascism as a national phenomenon is evident. Partisan anti-fascism is diminished or denied, the partisan movement and Communist ideology are criminalized by insisting on real and imagined crimes, retaliation and repression against ideological opponents. Communism is completely declared a totalitarianism and a nationally harmful ideology. On the other hand, the ideology and practice of the subjects of collaboration are being relativized and efforts are being made to relativize responsibility, to present collaboration as a national need. Through a series of resolutions and recommendations from 1996 to 2019, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe obliged the former socialist states to reconsider their past, to "dismantle" communism and remove the consequences of Communist rule, to rehabilitate victims of punishment for ideological conflicts. Everything is at the level of theory and anti-communist ideology. Procedures are not standardized, as the re-examination of the Communist-socialist past should be performed by the proposed subjects who can competently revise history and eliminate the consequences of totalitarian rule. History is being re-examined by whoever wants it, and rehabilitation without guilt is being done by local courts. There are no clear statements that revisionist practice is conditioned by European resolutions and declarations, but the character and content of revisionist journalism is in line with the adopted requirements.

U članku se vodi polemika s tekstom Dragiše Vasića objavljenom u prethodnom broju Tokova istorije. Analizira se metodologija koju Vasić koristi, izvori na kojima je zasnovao svoje teze, argumentacija koja se koristi, literatura na koju se autor poziva. Posebna pažnja je poklonjenja završnom delu njegovog teksta, koji je ocenjen kao politički pamflet nedostojan naučnog časopisa. The article is a polemic with the text by Dragiša Vasić entitled "History and Ethnic Identity in Sarajevo Fog: Examples of Politicizing and Mythologizing the Bosniak Historical Narrative," published in the previous issue of Tokovi istorije. It analyzes the methodology used by Vasić, the sources on which he based his thesis, his argumentation, and his references. Special attention is given to the final part of Vasić's text, which was assessed as a political pamphlet unworthy of a scientific journal.

The aim of the paper was to establish the frames of remembering the Yugoslavian past in the Serbian media in the context of two important anniversaries which coincided: the centenary of the first Yugoslavia (the Kingdom of SHS) and the 75th anniversary of the second, socialist Yugoslavia. Drawing upon the theoretical and methodological paradigms of the memory culture and the concept of framing, the analysis was focused on the coverage of five daily newspapers online editions: Blic, Danas, Večernje novosti, Politika, Kurir and central news programs of the public broadcaster Radio Television of Serbia and Television N1 in the period between 28th November and 4th December. The results of the conducted research showed the presence of three frames: revisionist, nostalgic and critical counter-narrative, constructed by different strategies. The media framing of the Yugoslavian past reflects the decades-long frozen conflict of memory in public discourse between official, institutional, and unofficial critical, engaged, so-called, counter-memories.

Savez udruženja boraca Narodnooslobodilačkog rata, kao društveno-politička organizacija, okupljao je nekadašnje partizanske borce, vojne invalide, obitelji poginulih boraca i sudionike Narodnooslobodilačkoga pokreta. Od mnogih funkcija, briga za socijalno-materijalni položaj članova i očuvanje sjećanja na Narodnooslobodilački rat u društvu činili su najvažnije segmente društveno-političkoga rada Saveza. Unutarnjom reorganizacijom Saveza boraca na lokalnoj razini i konsolidacijom novih općinskih odbora 1966. njegove lokalne organizacije jačaju i sve intenzivnije sudjeluju u društveno-političkom životu općine. U radu je prikazan put formiranja Općinskoga odbora Saveza boraca Narodnooslobodilačkog rata Labin, proces jačanja njegova ideološko-političkoga djelovanja, sustav boračke zaštite i općinske socijalne skrbi za borce te forme očuvanja i promicanja ratnih i revolucionarnih tradicija na lokalnoj razini., The Veterans’ Federation (later: Federation of Veterans’ Associations) of the People’s Liberation War of Yugoslavia was founded in 1947 as a socio-political organisation of People’s Liberation War veterans and active participants of the People’s Liberation Movement, with committees formed according to the territorial principle—from the Federal, through republican and provincial, to municipal and local committees. It was characterised by a well-developed system of operation focused on the systematisation of veterans’ care and all forms of material, social, and health care for members as well as preserving and evoking public memory of the war. Combativeness and vigilance became high priorities of its socio-political work, especially from the mid-1960s and early 1970s, when members of the Veterans’ Federation became politicised in the wake of important socio-political changes. Simultaneous reorganisation-related changes and the activation of new municipal committees contributed to the intensification of the work of local veterans’ organisations, which manifested as the establishment of some new commissions and, in the following years, an influx of new members and a closer cooperation with other social and socio-political factors in the municipalities. This paper first describes the founding of the Veterans’ Federation of Yugoslavia, its structure and most important fields of activity, and then the formation, structure, and activities of the Municipal Committee of the Federation of Veterans’ Associations in Labin, which, together with other municipal veterans’ committees in the Socialist Republic of Croatia, represented the focus of veterans’ activities regarding quality of life improvements of its members and preserving the memory of the People’s Liberation War in the local community. This paper examines the most important changes in the Federation of Veterans’ Associations’ mode of operation, describes the local strategies of ideological work and work on creating a culture of memory related to the wartime and revolutionary past, and the ways in which the veterans’ organisation resolved the material and social-health issues of its members, and therefore influenced their quality of life. The research was based on materials of the Republican Committee of the Federation of Veterans’ Associations of the Socialist Republic of Croatia and the documentation of the Municipal Committee of the Federation of Veterans’ Associations in Labin, which has been mostly preserved for the late socialist period.

The Serbian-Bulgarian relations, which were often marked by political and diplomatic conϐlicts and wars, culminated in the World War I. After the war, the Bulgarians became deeply rooted in the collective memory of the Serbs as an “arch-enemy” and the most hated nation. This could also be seen in the way the common recent past was interpreted. The aim of this paper is to show the ways the publicly and ofϐicially treasured memory of the recent past of Serbian-Bulgarian relations can be used politically, and the way the war sufferings and calamities, historical dates and events, were used in the internal political and ideological discourse.

Interpretations of texts on Sarı Saltuk may serve as a central example of the entanglement of Muslim and Christian contexts in (south-)eastern Europe and the Near East. Analyzing the fifteenth-century Saltuk-nâme and reports by Evliya Çelebi from the seventeenth century, a wide extension of the area concerned, as far as Poland-Lithuania, Muscovy and Sweden, can be observed. With the change of the contents of reports from the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, an increasing interest in Christians participating in the veneration of sites connected to Sarı Saltuk can be remarked. Yet descriptions of a veneration of Sarı S altuk in a non-Muslim setting r emain firmly embedded in Christian contexts, complicating a transreligious interpretation of them. In today’s Turkish perspective, though, Sarı Saltuk is no longer contextualized in a manner encompassing Russia and Poland, too, but much more in a context focusing on and affirming national Turkish Anatolian or nationalized post-Ottoman contents in the Balkans., Entangled Religions, Vol 9 (2019): The Changing Landscapes of Cross-Faith Places and Practices

In this article, I present my personal story as a teacher-educator who participated in a binational (Israeli-German) teaching project that investigated the reading processes of students belonging to the second and third post-Holocaust generations. The students read literary works in Hebrew, German, and other languages written by members of the second and third post-Holocaust generations. My involvement in the project triggered the question of how to represent their experience of reading the literary works, of the teaching processes, and of what I learned from the process. This led to the writing of an autoethnography that accompanied my work as a teacher-educator in this project. The autoethnographic writing process was significant for my comprehension of the issue of Holocaust memory due to the fact that I am a second-generation Holocaust survivor. While the experience described is important in understanding the processes that are probably undergone by teachers who are second- and third-generation Holocaust survivors, the manner in which the Holocaust ethos is perceived in Israel precludes discussing them., Forum Qualitative Sozialforschung / Forum: Qualitative Social Research, Vol 19, No 2 (2018)

Između 1870 i 1945, Alzašani i deo Lorenaca12 (Mozelani13) menjali su svoju nacionalnost četiri puta. Za vreme dva svetska rata 1914–1918. i 1939–1945, neki su nosili francusku, a većina nemačku uniformu. Prvi svetski rat 1918. godine završili su kao pobeđeni, da bi se 1919. našli u taboru pobednika na osnovu odluka Konferencije mira u Versaju koja ih je dodelila Francuskoj. U Drugom svetskom ratu 1940. godine doživeli su poraz kao i svi Francuzi, zatim je najveći broj njih uključen u nemačku vojsku (1942), da bi 1944–1945. bili oslobođeni od strane saveznika. Jedan alzaški humorista mogao je zato da kaže da je jedina uniforma koja im je po svoj prilici odgovarala bila uniforma ratnih zarobljenika. Kako je, dakle, izgrađeno pamćenje takve populacije? Kako je ono urezano na kamenu spomenika stradalnicima koji u srcu gradova Alzasa-Mozela svedoče danas o podvojenosti prošlosti ovih oblasti? Podeljeno i suprotstavljeno nasleđe prošlosti istoka Francuske može da se analizira u nekoliko hronoloških i problemskih celina. Razvoj značenja pojmova sećanje (souvenir) i pamćenje (mémoire) u francuskom društvu u drugoj polovini 20. veka pokazuje u kojoj meri su spomenici žrtvama stradalim u ratovima bili odraz vremena u kome su nastali. Za razliku od većine spomenika stradalnicima u Francuskoj, spomenici u Alzasu i departmanu Mozel najčešće nose hrišćanska obeležja. To može da se objasni posebnom zakonskom regulativom koja je primenjivana u Alzasu-Mozelu posle njihove reintegracije u nacionalne okvire 1918. godine. Ipak, ikonografija i natpisi na ovim spomenicima su se razlikovali između većih i manjih gradova u inače veoma urbanizovanoj oblasti Francuske. Poseban status ovih oblasti doprineo je da se između dva svetska rata uspostavi osoben „građansko-religijski“ kult u kome je sveštenstvo imalo značajnu ulogu. Uspostavljeni model pamćenja prošlosti radikalno je izmenjen za vreme aneksije Alzas-Mozela od strane nacističke Nemačke, koja je uništavala spomenike koji su podsećali na francusko prisustvo. Period neposredno posle Drugog svetskog rata i povratka ovih oblasti Francuskoj bio je sličan razdoblju posle Prvog svetskog rata: insistiralo se na patriotskom ushićenju ali i obnovi religijskih osećanja. Međutim, veliko kulturološko i religijsko previranje krajem šezdesetih godina XX veka imalo je posledice i u domenu pamćenja. Na osnovu postulata opšteg osporavanja svakog autoriteta, stavljani su pod znak pitanja i pojmovi oko kojih je nekada uspostavljan konsenzus u društvu: otadžbina, vojska, vera i poštovanje prema žrtvama predaka. Od tada je priliv građana zainteresovanih za komemorativne svečanosti bio u stalnom opadanju. Ipak, krajem devedesetih godina XX veka došlo je do ponovnog oživljavanja interesovanja za Prvi svetski rat pod uticajem izražene pažnje koja je poklanjana Drugom svetskom ratu. Mnogi spomenici stradalnicima su „ponovo otkriveni“ zbog različitih pitanja koja su počela da interesuju široku publiku. U ovom periodu, javila su se i nova mesta pamćenja koja se znatno razlikuju od onih iz dvadesetih godina XX veka bilo da podsećaju na proces francusko-nemačkog pomirenja, aspekte francuske kolonijalne prošlosti ili lokalne istorije Alzas-Mozela. U Alzas-Mozelu, kao i u ostatku Francuske, pamćenje prošlosti doživelo je velika previranja u poslednjih tridesetak godina. Zbog povećanja nezainteresovanosti mlađih generacija za javne svečanosti kao i usled procesa dehristijanizacije, „nacionalni i hrišćanski“ kult vezan za spomenike stradalnicima u Alzas-Mozelu izgubio je veliki deo svoje snage. Ipak, nezaobilazni u srcu gradova, spomenici stradalnicima su ostali važan simbol za Alzašane i Mozelane koji žele da ispolje svoju vezanost na lokalnom, nacionalnom i ponekad konfesionalnom nivou. Na taj način, oni izražavaju dvojnost i posebnost istorije koju mnogi ne žele da zaborave, čak i ako je ona odavno prevaziđena i uzvišena francusko-nemačkim pomirenjem i procesom stvaranja Evrope čiji je Strazbur jedan od centara.