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U tekstu se pomoću teorije nacionalizma analiziraju temeljne ideje konzervativne‎ revolucije. To se čini rekonstrukcijom osnovnih teza političke misli Thomasa ‎Manna, Arthura Moellera van den Brucka, Ernsta Jüngera, Oswalda Spenglera‎i Carla Schmitta. Analizira se način na koji se tumačio odnos jezika i nacije, rata ‎i nacije, liberalizma i nacije, te odnos nacije spram Zapada. Pokazalo se da ‎se smatralo da se u jeziku zrcali duh nacije, da se rat smatrao temeljem nacionalnog ‎identiteta, da se liberalizam smatrao glavnim idejnim neprijateljem njemačkog ‎nacionalnog identiteta te da se odbacivao Zapad, a hvalili Rusija i Dostojevski.‎ Zaključeno je da su osnovu ideologije konzervativne revolucije činili‎ njemački nacionalizam i odbacivanje liberalizma. Istaknuto je da su konzervativni ‎revolucionari zagovarali diktaturu, ali ne i povratak na stari režim monarhije,‎ nego autoritarnu konzervativnu utopiju. Utopijske značajke konzervativne ‎revolucije i danas čine njezine ideje privlačnima radikalnoj desnici.‎, The text uses the theory of nationalism to analyse the basic ideas of the conservative ‎revolution. This is done through the reconstruction of the basic theses ‎of the political thought of Thomas Mann, Arthur Moeller van den Bruck,‎ Ernst Jünger, Oswald Spengler, and Carl Schmitt. The analysis is focused on ‎the way in which the relationship between language and nation, war and nation, ‎liberalism and nation, and the nation’s relationship with the West were ‎interpreted. It can be concluded that language was considered to reflect the‎ spirit of the nation, that war was considered as the foundation of national‎ identity, that liberalism was considered to be the main ideological enemy of‎ German national identity, and that the West was rejected while Russia and‎ Dostoevsky were praised. According to this analysis, it can be stated that the‎ German nationalism and the rejection of liberalism were the basis of the ideology‎ of the conservative revolution. Finally, it can be pointed out that though‎ conservative revolutionaries advocated dictatorship, they didn’t advocate a return ‎to the old regime of the monarchy, but an authoritarian conservative utopia. ‎Precisely because of the utopian features of the conservative revolution,‎ its ideas are still appealing to the radical right.‎

The main thrust of this study was to explore the genesis of the African identity-crisis from the (pre) colonial times to the post-colonial age. The colonialists revolutionized the cultural backdrop of Africa and imposed European values upon African natives. This affected the social, economic, and political identities in Africa. Today, the imagination of identity-crisis in the African continent is appalling. Notwithstanding her potential to grow socio-economically and politically due to the dispensation of emancipation, Africa is still at the periphery of identity-crisis. This qualitative paper argued that the jeopardy of African culture bred identity crisis in the contemporary states of Africa that hinders the continent from progressing. The hegemony of Europeans threatened to bring African culture to a dead end. This is exemplified by Soyinka’s Death and the King’s Horseman, which mirrors the propagation of Western ideologies that Africans ultimately became infatuated with to a degree of perceiving their own culture as unsophisticated. This is developed through the wilful relinquishment of African cultural practices because of European intervention.

Purpose: This article explores the changing attitudes to, and perceptions of Islam that developed over a period in which substantive engagements between Anglo-American strategic interests brought them more and more into contact with Muslim majority governments and cultures. Methodology: Using historical analysis, the article examines selected primary literature to understand how perceptions of Islam within American and British policymaking circles evolved during the European Colonial period. Findings: The key finding is the extent to which perceptions of Islam and Muslims were government not just by the nature of the incidents and issues that politicians and officials were dealing with, but also by the shifting cultural shifts taking place in America and Britain. Originality: The article’s originality lies in the methodological approach of examining US-British policymaker’s perceptions of Islam based upon their experiences. In so doing, the article offers an approach to West-Islam relational debates that avoids critiquing the validity of the observations and instead deepens our understandings of where the perceptions came from as a basis for improved dialogues in the future. أهداف البحث: تستطلع هذه المقالة تغير الاتجاهات إزاء الإسلام والمفاهيم والتصورات المتعلقة به التي شهدت تطورًا كبيرًا خلال فترة أدت فيها الارتباطات الجوهرية بين المصالح الاستراتيجية الأنجلو أمريكية إلى تواصلهم بشكلٍ متزايد مع حكومات وثقافات ذات أغلبية مسلمة. منهج الدراسة: تتمثل في استخدام التحليل التاريخي، حيث تتناول المقالة المؤلفات الأولية المختارة لفهم تطور التصورات والمفاهيم بشأن الإسلام والمسلمين داخل دوائر رسم السياسة الأمريكية والبريطانية خلال فترة الاستعمار الأوروبي. النتائج: تتمثل النتيجة الرئيسة في تحديد مدى تأثر الحكومات بالتصورات والمفاهيم ذات الصلة بالإسلام والمسلمين، ليس فقط من خلال طبيعة الأحداث والقضايا التي كان يتعامل معها السياسيون والمسؤولون، ولكن أيضًا من خلال التحولات الثقافية المتغيرة التي تحدث في أمريكا وبريطانيا. أصالة البحث: تكمن أصالة المقالة في انفرادها بالأسلوب المنهجي لبحث تصورات ومفاهيم واضعي السياسات الأمريكية -البريطانية عن الإسلام، المستندة إلى ما لديهم من معارف وخبرات. ولتحقيق ذلك، تطرح المقالة مقاربةً لمناقشة العلاقة بين الإسلام والغرب يتجنب التطرق إلى التعقيب أو انتقاد مدى صحة الملاحظات والآراء المختلفة ويتبنى بدلًا من ذلك فكرة تعميق فهمنا لمصدر التصورات والمفاهيم باعتبارها أساسًا لتحسين الحوار في المستقبل.

At the request and promises of the European Catholic Christians of the Pope, VII. The marches they organized to establish military, political and religious authority over the lands of the Middle East, which had been in the hands of Muslims since the 19th century, take place in history as "crusades" or "crusaders". Since Jesus was born in Jerusalem, they called the region and the surrounding lands "holy lands" and declared these marches as holy wars in their way. In addition, Christian soldiers participating in the expedition put the Red Cross on their chests and shields, so they were called "Crusaders". The first and third of the eight crusades left their mark as the heaviest campaign in history. Except for the first and fourth of these campaigns, the kings who dominated all other campaigns also participated. On the other hand, the Crusades were a religious, political, and military operation that started not only against Muslims but also from Western Europe between the XI.- XV. centuries. It started as an effort to save Jerusalem, which they accepted as the Holy city of Christianity in Palestine between 1096-1272. The terms "Crusaders" and "Crusades" in a broader sense are used by the Popes of Rome as a religious-military operation, first against the Seljuk Turks and later against the Ottoman Empire to implement the policy of Christianizing the people of the Baltic states and suppress heretical and anti-religious tendencies in Europe and left its mark on history. The Seljuks, who conquered the Muslim regions of the Middle East, conquered the Byzantine lands, and the Byzantine Emperor IV. The Romans tried to stop the Muslims, but the Byzantine army was crushed in the battle of Manzikert in 1071. After that, the Byzantines no longer had the strength to resist. Slowly advancing westward, the Seljuks continued the Crusades, taking almost all of Asia Minor from Byzantium. In this study, the views and approaches about the crusades in terms of world history were evaluated by examining Russian sources., Avrupa Katolik Hıristiyanlarının Papa’nın isteği ve vaatleri üzerine, VII. yüzyıldan itiba-ren Müslümanların elinde bulunan Orta Doğu toprakları üzerinde askeri siyasi ve dini otori-te kurmak için düzenledikleri yürüyüşler ‘’haçlı seferleri’’ veya ‘’haçlı akınları’’ olarak tarihte yer almaktadır. Hz. İsa’nın Kudüs’te doğması sebebiyle bölgeyi ve civar toprakları, ‘’kutsal topraklar’’ adlandırarak kendilerince bu yürüyüşlerine kutsal savaş olarak ilan etmişlerdir. Ayrıca sefere katılan Hıristiyan askerler göğüslerine ve kalkanlarına kırmızı renkli haç işareti koydukları için bunlara ‘’Haçlılar’’ denilmiştir. Toplam sekiz haçlı sefe-rinden ilki ve üçüncüsü tarihte en ağır sefer olarak iz bırakmıştır. Bu seferlerden ilki ve dördüncüsü hariç diğer tüm seferlere hâkimiyette bulunan krallar da katılmışlardı. Diğer bir taraftan, Haçlı Seferleri, XI—XV yüzyıllar arası sadece Müslümanlara karşı değil, Batı Avrupa'dan başlayan dini, siyasi ve askeri bir harekâttır. 1096-1272 yılları arası Filistin’de Hıristiyanlığın Kutsal şehri olarak kabul ettikleri Kudüs’ü kurtarma çabası olarak başlatıl-dı. "Haçlılar" ve "Haçlı Seferi" terimlerinin daha geniş anlamda, Roma Papaları tarafın-dan Baltık devletlerinin halklarını Hıristiyanlaştırma politikasını uygulamak ve Avru-pa'daki sapkın ve din karşıtı eğilimleri bastırmak amacıyla önceleri Selçuklu Türklerine, daha sonraları Osmanlı İmparatorluğu'na karşı dini-askeri bir harekât olarak tarih sahne-sinde iz bırakmıştır. Orta Doğu'nun Müslüman bölgelerini fetheden Selçuklular Bizans topraklarına da fethetmeleri üzerine Bizans İmparatoru IV. Romen Müslümanları dur-durmaya çalıştı ancak 1071'de Malazgirt meydan savaşında Bizans ordusu ezici bir yenil-giye uğradı. Bundan sonra, Bizanslılar artık direnme gücüne sahip değildi. Yavaş yavaş batıya doğru ilerleyen Selçuklular, neredeyse tüm küçük Asya'yı Bizans'tan alması Haçlı seferlerinin devamını getirdi. Bu çalışmada Rus kaynakları incelenerek dünya tarihi açı-sından haçlı seferlerine dair sergilenen görüş ve yaklaşımlar değerlendirildi.

Doğu Roma İmparatoru I.Manuel Komnenos tahta çıktığında ülkesinin doğusunda ve batısında bir çok düşmana sahip olmasına rağmen o öncelikle batı ağırlıklı bir dış politika izlemeyi tercih etmiştir. Bunun nedeni ise Doğu Roma İmparatorluğu’nu batıda dünyevi lider haline getirerek cihanşümul bir imparatorluk tesis etme fikridir. Bu nedenle batıda Normanlara karşı Almanlarla ve Papalık ile yakın ilişkiler kurmaya çalışmıştır. Ancak II. Haçlı Seferi’nin başlaması ve Almanların bu seferde ön saflarda yer alması, Papa’nın bu Haçlı seferini desteklemesi bu ittifak çabalarını boşa çıkarmıştır. Bu durumu fırsat bilen Norman Kralı II.Roger’in saldırıları karşısında yeni politikalar üreten İmparator I.Manuel Komnennos hem Alman Kralı III.Kondrad ile yeniden ittifak kurmayı başarırken hem de Venediklilere verdiği ticari imtiyazlar sayesinde onların donanma desteğini sağlamıştır. Ancak Alman Kralı Kondrad’ın ölümü ve Doğu Roma’nın İtalya ve Adriyatik kıyılarındaki varlığı Venediklilerin çıkarlarına ters düştüğü için Doğu Roma’nın karşısında yer almaları I.Manuel Komnenos’un planlarını suya düşürmüştür. Güney İtalya ve Sicilya’da başarılar elde edilmesine rağmen buralardaki hakimiyet uzun sürmemiş ve Normanlarla yapılan bir anlaşma sonucu Doğu Roma orduları bu bölgelerden çekilmek zorunda kalmıştır. İmparatorun batı ağırlıklı bu politikaları ordunun ücretli askerlerle doldurulmasına ve ekonomik anlamda da ülkenin zor duruma düşmesine neden olmuştur. İmparatorun tek dünya imparatoru olma uğruna Latinlere gösterdiği zafiyet ülke halkının tepkisine yol açmıştır. Cihanşümul politikalar konusunda oldukça hırslı bir imparator olarak karşımıza çıkan İmparator I.Manuel Komnenos bu hedefine ulaşamamıştır., When the Eastern Roman Emperor Manuel I Komnenos came to the throne, although he had many enemies in the east and west of his country, he preferred to follow a predominantly western foreign policy. The reason for this is the idea of establishing a world-wide empire by making the Eastern Roman Empire the worldly leader in the west. For this reason, he tried to establish close relations with the Germans and the Papacy against the Normans in the west. However, II. The start of the Crusade and the Germans being at the forefront in this expedition, and the Pope's support of this Crusade, nullified these alliance efforts. Taking advantage of this situation, Emperor Manuel I Komnennos, who produced new policies in the face of the attacks of the Norman King Roger II, was able to re-establish an alliance with the German King Kondrad III, and also provided their naval support thanks to the commercial concessions he gave to the Venetians. However, since the death of the German King Kondrad and the presence of Eastern Rome in Italy and the Adriatic coasts were against the interests of the Venetians, their opposition to Eastern Rome ruined the plans of Manuel I Komnenos. Despite the successes in Southern Italy and Sicily, the dominance in these areas did not last long and the Eastern Roman armies had to withdraw from these regions as a result of an agreement with the Normans. These western-oriented policies of the emperor caused the army to be filled with mercenaries and the country to fall into a difficult economic situation. The weakness of the emperor to the Latins for the sake of being the only world emperor has led to the reaction of the people of the country. Emperor Manuel I Komnenos, who appeared as an ambitious emperor in terms of world-wide policies, could not achieve this goal.

An image on a screen can produce a greater effect than thousands of words in conveying a message and in popular culture, movies with images as a representation, create a discourse. Out of many, Hollywood which has become a flagbearer of western cinema, plays an important role in constructing identity and images including the stereotyping of Muslims. This paper attempts to identify the discourse of ‘US’ verses ‘THEM’ through Hollywood and in which ways Hollywood has constructed the stereotypical identity of Muslims. The main research question is whether the stereotyping of Muslims in Hollywood is a result of 9/11 global terrorism or has it been shaped by the historical discourse of western orientalism. The case study method has been employed to derive the insights of the discourse with the theoretical lights of Orientalism. A number of Hollywood movies have been cited to validate the identity formation process led by Hollywood in pre and post 9/11 American society and illustrate how the image has been used by Hollywood to construct ‘US’ verses ‘THEM’ in popular culture. This paper argues that Hollywood has depicted Muslims as barbaric, wicked others as a result of the civilizational mission of the West, orientalism and post 9/11 Hollywood cinema advocate these roots, yet with 9/11 Hollywood cinema plays a pivotal role in the securitization of ‘Muslim others’ and politicize Muslims as a threat to western society by stereotyping Muslim society in a post 9/11 epoch.

The coming century of globalization dictates the need to change the perspective in the study of the work of the leading classics of Russian literature in the context of the unity of philosophy and aesthetics of the West and the East, understood as the foundation of the world integrity. This understanding of the world can become the "language" for comprehension the deep layers of the writer's consciousness. At the same time, it should be noted that the forms of reflection of eastern cultural realities and codes in the work of Russian classics occupied many Russian and foreign scholars. The task that the authors of this article have set themselves is the need to show the origins of the creative thinking development among Russian classics (poets and prose writers), so that the picture of the dialogue between the West and the East in their artistic and philosophical heritage acquires completeness, integrity and more solid evidence.

The article deals with the phenomenon of synthesis of East and West cultures in the religious philosophy of B.D. Dandaron - one of the most famous representatives of Russian Buddhism in the XX century. The beginning of the spread of Buddhist teachings in Russian society is also connected with his extraordinary personality. Dandaron was engaged in active yoga, tantric practice, and also gave instructions to those who were interested in Buddhism. As a result, a small circle of people began to form around him who tried to study and practice Buddhism. Dandaron was also engaged in Buddhist activities, studied Tibetan history and historiography, and described the Tibetan collection of manuscripts. It is indicated that Dandaron not only made an attempt to consider Buddhism from the perspective of Western philosophy, but also created his own teaching, which was called neobuddism. As a result, he was able to conduct a creative synthesis of Buddhist philosophy with the Western philosophical tradition. In fact, he developed a philosophical system that claims to be universal and synthesized Buddhist and Western spiritual achievements. Trying to synthesize the Eastern and Western traditions of philosophical thought, Dandaron turned to the well-known comparative works of the Indian thinker S. Radhakrishnan and the Russian buddhologist F.I. Shcherbatsky. The author also notes the influence on the philosophy of neobuddism of the ideas of V.E. Sesemann, a neo-Kantian philosopher with whom Dandaron was personally acquainted. The idea of non-Buddhism had not only a philosophical and theoretical, but also a practical aspect, since the consideration of Buddhism from the perspective of Western philosophy helped to attract people of Western culture to this religion. In General, Dandarons desire to create a universal synthetic philosophical system was in line with the philosophical and spiritual search of Russian philosophy, and was partly related to the traditional problem of East-West, which has always been relevant for Russia.

Prikaz knjige Kishore Mahbubanija “Has the West Lost It? A Provocation”.

This article suggests to read West German parliamentary debate on the first oil crisis as a semantic struggle on the concept of the West. Drawing on latest research, the West is considered to be a narrated concept with its meaning being negotiated upon when being evoked. Even though the West does not refer to any empirical reality, it is not an arbitrary concept either. Rather it repeatedly presents itself in three ideal typical narrative forms: being the civilisational, the modern and the political narrative. As shown by the analysis of the parliamentary protocols of the winter 1973/74, West German parliamentarians applied all of these narratives. However, with the civilisational narrative being referred to only marginally and the modern narrative applied with consent, it was foremost the political narrative that led to parliamentary dispute. Whereas the conservatives interpreted the political narrative in terms of the Cold War geopolitics, the social-liberal government under Chancellor Willy Brandt tried to renegotiate the political narrative by shifting focus to the European integration process. In West German parliamentary debate, the oil crisis of 1973 henceforth functioned as a catalyst for expressing different interpretations of the concept of the West, and above all, the political West. Against the background of the Cold War, these different interpretations of the political narrative of the West reflected the domestic struggle on German identity.

From 1846 to 1866, the United States expanded national power in the West while confirming it in the South. In the far corner of the Southwest, two unlikely groups of men worked together to facilitate Southern California’s incorporation into the Union: southerners—migrants from the antebellum South; and Californios—the Spanish-surnamed cattle ranchers of Alta California. Drawing upon census data, legislative documents, militia records and other sources, this dissertation demonstrates that seigneurial notions of social hierarchy and masculine honor stood behind their political alliance in a faction known as “the Chivalry” and their coordination of cavalry companies in vigilante justice. While a desired state split may have done much to entrench seigneurialism and local militia organization, the primary result of the alliance was not to mediate but to hasten the region’s incorporation. They brought a rough order to Southern California in the wake of the Mexican-American War that privileged white Americans and Californios over Indians and Spanish-surnamed people of lower social status. They also stimulated a military build-up in the region during the Civil War that strengthened local connections to the capitalist economy of the expanding nation-state. Driven by a desire to protect the embattled sister republics of the United States and Mexico, Californios would generally side with the Union and many joined the California Native Cavalry Battalion. Also known as the California Lancers, this mostly Spanish-surnamed unit played a critical role in Unionizing Southern California. The Chivalry alliance, though not fully destroyed by the Civil War, was greatly weakened by it, and a window of opportunity closed for those benefiting from a hybrid seigneurial society—land-owning rancheros, white southerners and a limited number of free black southerners. By focusing on the sectional dimension of American identity in the West and also on class distinctions within the Spanish-surnamed population, this dissertation outlines a case of culture trumping race in a period of US history typically defined by conflict between North and South on one side of the country and between whites and western peoples of color on the other.

Purpose: This article explores the changing attitudes to, and perceptions of Islam that developed over a period in which substantive engagements between Anglo-American strategic interests brought them more and more into contact with Muslim majority governments and cultures. Methodology: Using historical analysis, the article examines selected primary literature to understand how perceptions of Islam within American and British policymaking circles evolved during the European Colonial period. Findings: The key finding is the extent to which perceptions of Islam and Muslims were government not just by the nature of the incidents and issues that politicians and officials were dealing with, but also by the shifting cultural shifts taking place in America and Britain. Originality: The article’s originality lies in the methodological approach of examining US-British policymaker’s perceptions of Islam based upon their experiences. In so doing, the article offers an approach to West-Islam relational debates that avoids critiquing the validity of the observations and instead deepens our understandings of where the perceptions came from as a basis for improved dialogues in the future.

In this work, it is retrospectively addressed the processes of invention and transformation of the western development story over three centuries. The idea is to show the relationship that has existed between the historical conjunctures and the relaunching of civilizing narratives; for this, three moments of understanding are identified: progress, biological order, and modernization. These moments allow us to observe which way, why, and under what context the development was configured and profiled as one of the greatest promises of modernity. It is argued that development has been a discourse of transhistoric power that has made Euro-American practices, experiences and traditions a universal cultural model, through which a hegemonic and essentialist vision of the West has been strengthened, while building a deficit and outsourced alterity.

The article takes up the concept of “Central Eastern Europe” only to show that it makes sense if we can reshape our political imagination. What is crucial is our perception of the West which now is based on intellectual assumptions about the continuity of Western civilization. Rather, we should reflect on the role of discontinuity as the key to contemporary politics or, more broadly, to modernity. To explain this possibility, the Humanists’ (Irving Babbitt’s and Paul Elmer More’s, preceded by Thomas Hulme’s) approach is briefly surveyed, with special reference to the question of civilization vs. barbarism as the most relevant, or most urgent, distinction in the modern world. The main message is that we, the “Central Eastern Europeans,” are very much in need of political realism. This ought to be, however, a type of realism based on profound philosophical insight, like that of the Humanists.

From his early studies, beginning with the Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, Weber began to realize that religious orientations provide strong motivations to reshape, or rationalize the mundane world. He then found that rationalist inclinations also affected music and the arts, and thus seemed to penetrate all spheres of artistic, social, and political life. At the same time Weber’s inquiries deep into the history of law back to the Romans illustrated the same process of making the European legal system more systematic, logical, and tightly integrated. This resulted in a whole range of legal innovations such as constitutionalism, parliamentary democracy, elections by consent, a clearly defined notion of due process of law, the invention of legally autonomous corporate entities, and much more. This network of legal constructions I refer to as the hidden structure of modernity, greatly overlooked because of its being taken for granted. However, when a comparison with the development of Islamic law is undertaken, we discover that its legal rationalization led in an entirely different direction.

This paper explores the experience of women in academia by looking both back and at the present. We consider two women who searched for and found academic accomplishment. Together, they serve as representatives of a new way of living for women in the late-19th and early-20th centuries. Eliza Ritchie (1856-1933) from Canada and María Goyri (1873-1954) from Spain are exemplars of the emerging contributions of women in the academy as part of the changing role for women in Western culture and the need for women to support each other in shared feminist causes. These women shared the same time period, the same intellectual values, the same commitment to scholarship, and the same incredible determination to help develop a modern society that could embrace the full incorporation of women. This paper considers their accomplishments in light of academia today in both Canada and Spain in regards to the advancement of women. It also examines some lingering inequalities in terms of tenure and promotion, salary, research capacity, administrative and leadership positions. Such an international collaboration contributes to the shared sense of sisterhood for women in academia today. Este artículo explora la situación de las mujeres académicas en la Universidad de hoy, tomando como referencia el momento de su incorporación. Para ello se estudia la trayectoria de dos mujeres, pioneras estudiantes, y académicas después, que ocupan espacios restringidos para ellas hasta entonces. La canadiense Eliza Ritchie (1856-1933) y la española María Goyri (1873-1954) son ejemplo de la emergente contribución de las mujeres en la Academia y parte fundamental del cambio de roll que jugará la mujer en los sistemas académicos de Occidente. Contemporáneas, y con una sólida trayectoria académica, compartieron su compromiso con el papel clave del conocimiento en el desarrollo de las sociedades. También con la defensa respecto al papel imprescindible, en igualdad de condiciones que el hombre, que debía jugar la mujer en la sociedad. Desde su incorporación al mundo académico los logros conseguidos han sido muy importantes. Sin embargo, el artículo analiza cómo, ser mujer o hombre, sigue determinando la carrera académica en Canadá y en España en términos del puesto ocupado, de las posibilidades de promoción, del salario recibido, y de la capacidad investigadora. Un problema que excede fronteras y al que esta colaboración internacional pretende contribuir con un sentido de hermandad. Sin financiación No data JCR 2020 0.242 SJR (2020) Q1, 238/1388 History 0.390 IDR (2019) C1, 10/61 Comunicación UEM

While explicitly Foucauldian analyses have declined in recent years in the social sciences, Foucault’s ideas continue to strongly influence scholars’ approaches to power, governance and the state. In this article, we explore how Foucauldian concepts shape the work of political ecologists and social scientists working on environmental management, multispecies ethnography and the Anthropocene – often in an unrecognized way. We argue that – regardless of whether or not Foucault’s work is explicitly cited – his legacy of linking scientific projects, population management and state control continues to have an outsized impact on thinking in these fields. It is time, we assert, to directly consider how such theoretical inheritances are affecting the shape of political ecology, in particular, and the social sciences, more generally. How, we ask, are Foucauldian traditions at once enabling and constraining more-than-human scholarship? In this article, we explore the contributions and limitations of Foucauldian approaches in environmental contexts through empirical attention to trout introduction and management efforts in South Africa. Our overall aim is to call for a deeper conversation about how scholars working on environmental topics engage the science-governance nexus. The article ends with proposing landscape, as a material enactment of more-than-human politics, as a useful analytical category to this end.

Deux catégories de récits de voyage sont présentées ici, des récits de mandarins chinois envoyés en mission diplomatique à l’étranger par la cour impériale et ceux de particuliers en voyage privé. À la fin de la dynastie des Qing, ils se rendent en Occident ou au Japon pour découvrir et observer ces pays qui se modernisent. Les réflexions de ces auteurs chinois sur la position de l’Empire du Milieu dans la compétition internationale, sur son avenir et sur la puissance de la civilisation occidentale peuvent éclairer les chercheurs d’aujourd’hui sur plusieurs questions fondamentales de la Chine moderne, telles que la diminution de la valeur du sinocentrisme, le nationalisme, la tradition et la modernité. Two types of travel notes will be presented here: the notes of the Chinese mandarins sent by the Imperial Court to foreign countries and the notes of the individual travellers. In the late Qing period, they went to the West and Japan to discover and observe these modernizing countries. Their reflections on the position of China in international competitions, the future of China and the power of Western civilization, can shed light on today's research on several fundamental issues facing modern China, like the diminishing value of Sino-centrism, nationalism, tradition and modernity.

V článku je stručně popsána historie a současnost jaderného vzdělávání na Západočeské univerzitě v Plzni. Počátky jaderného vzdělávání na bývalé Vysoké škole strojní a elektrotechnické jsou spojené s osvojováním jaderné technologie ve Škodovce. Připomíná významnou roli zakladatele oboru prof. Josefa Bečváře a další osobnosti československé a české jaderné energetiky The article briefly describes the history and present of nuclear education at the University of West Bohemia in Pilsen. The origins of nuclear education at the former University of Mechanical and Electrical Engineering are associated with the acquisition of nuclear technology in Škoda. It recalls the important role of the founder of the branch of prof. Josef Bečvář and other personalities of Czechoslovak and Czech nuclear energy.

Murphy, Ann: Dancing on the Rim of Dreams: A Variety Show Starring Five California Dance Pioneers in Five Acts with Prelude, Sagas, Historical Asides and FinaleCalifornia entered the national bloodstream in the early days of the Gold Rush and quickly became a mythic place ripe for dreamers, religionists, bigamists, outlaws, failures, utopianists, entrepreneurs, ex-slaves and poets. Tales of the West had been flying East for years, but when word of gold spread in 1849, the stories became a siren call and the settlers heeded it in ever-growing numbers. But for women, the promise of California was far more than the lure of mining enough gold for a down payment on a plot of land. For the bold who went West, California promised an unfettered world and electrifying antidote to the physical servitude of women in the East. Movement both en route and in California became a liberator that not only fed women's suffrage but led to the creation of an indigenous art form developed and nurtured by women: modern dance. By looking at five dance pioneers, Dancing on the Rim of Dreams explores California's role in the evolution of an original American art form.