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La utilización de la imagen de Rafael del Riego se configuró como un importante eje de tensión política entre la concepción moderada y exaltada de la revolución de 1820. Frente al consenso inicial en torno a su figura, los sucesos de septiembre de 1820 arrastraron la figura de Riego al campo exaltado. Sin embargo, el imparable proceso de construcción mítica de su figura entre los exaltados llevó a una reacción del propio Riego, consciente de su notable papel simbólico. Así, su imagen quedó envuelta en el proceso de división del liberalismo tras negarse a la intervención en el sistema constitucional. The use of Rafael del Riego’s image became an important point of political tension between moderate and exalted conceptions of the Revolution of 1820. Despite the fact that the figure of Riego was initially a source of consensus, the events of September 1820 led him to be associated with the exalted side. Nevertheless, Riego was aware of his symbolic role, and reacted against the inexorable process of mythical construction of his image. As his image became embroiled in the divisions of liberalism, he refused to intervene in the constitutional system.

This paper puts forward an argument about the relation between narratives and constructed dialogue in political discourse. Narratives of dialogue are special cases of constructed dialogue that emphasize the embeddedness of the speaker, displayed as a discourse participant engaging in a conversation with an ordinary citizen or a public figure. Close analysis of British, German, and French parliamentary debates reveals how narratives of dialogue shape an image of the speaker involved in a dialogue. While being engaged in the activity of debating, parliamentarians simultaneously perform the act of debating. I argue that the main point of narratives of dialogue is not so much to report on a prior or hypothetical situation, but to create the ethos of a Member of Parliament receptive to their interlocutors.

A lo largo de 1820 y 1821 Rafael del Riego se había convertido en un referente indiscutible para el liberalismo exaltado, que no dudó en utilizar su imagen pública en el debate político contra el liberalismo moderado. ¿Por qué a partir de 1822 la actuación personal y política de Riego dejó de contentar a ciertos sectores exaltados? El fallido golpe de estado del 7 de julio de 1822 llevó al poder al liberalismo exaltado con el ministro San Miguel y evidenció aún más la fractura existente entre los exaltados pertenecientes a la masonería y los vinculados a la comunería. Riego, por su actuación y por su condición de símbolo del régimen constitucional, quedó envuelto en el debate político entre ambos grupos del liberalismo exaltado. Estos compitieron por su figura y su ascendencia, a través de la prensa y de los debates públicos en las sociedades patrióticas, hasta que se produjo la invasión francesa de 1823. Throughout 1820 and 1821 Rafael del Riego had become an indisputable model for radical liberalism, whose members did not hesitate to use his public image in the political debate against moderate liberalism. From 1822 on wards, why did Riego’s personal and political action no longer please certain radical sectors? The failed coup d’etat of July 7, 1822 brought to power radical liberalism with San Miguel’s Ministry. It evinced even more the already existing fracture between the radicals linked to masonry and the «comuneros». On account of his image as a constitutional regime symbol, he was involved in the political debate between both radical liberalism groups. Both vindicated his figure and his influence, through the press and in public debates of the patriotic societies, until the 1823 French invasion.

UID/HIS/04209/2013 Isabel Burdiel on Queen Isabel of Spain argues that post-revolutionary monarchies would have to fulfill three fundamental functions in order to survive: politically, socially and symbolically. In this sense, the symbolic image of the monarchy would be built from its public image and of the multiplicity of its materializations: the artistic representations of the monarchs, the news about royal personalities, their acts, ceremonies and rites. Thus, clothing and fashion functioned as a political instrument that imposed patterns of behavior, leading to another aspect of the monarchy-show. In the Portuguese case, and particularly at the end of the Constitutional monarchy, when the Portuguese State was in the midst of a severe financial crisis, and even went bankrupt, Republican propaganda accused Queen Maria Pia of sumptuous expenses related to her wardrobe, being its official residence, the Ajuda Palace, compared to a gigantic closet. The Queen's spendthrift was a recurring theme in court society, disapproved by her relatives and criticized by many of the courtiers. The Portuguese and foreign periodical press reported excessive expenses on dresses, notably with the French House Worth, founded in 1858 by Charles Frederick Worth, responsible for supplying crowned heads like the Empress Eugénie of France, but also opera and theater stars, as Nellie Melba or Sarah Bernhardt. In contrast, the image of her daughter-in-law, Queen Amelia contrasted strongly with that of her mother-in-law. Contained in expenses and discreet in public ceremonies, one does not attribute these excessive spending with wardrobe and fashion. However, the analysis of the private correspondence and diaries of people close to the Royal family shows that her public image was criticized, unlike the motherin-law, understood as a model of Queen, from the point of view of clothing. The aim of this paper is to analyze this double dichotomy and understand the extent to which clothing and fashion have contributed to a public image of the monarchy in its last years. authorsversion unpublished

Protocolo y ceremonial están presentes en todas las etapas de la historia de la humanidad actuando como instrumentos de comunicación no verbal que transmiten mensajes de jerarquía y poder a sus destinatarios sociales. Desde la antigüedad encontramos referencias a los ritos ceremoniales que relatan acontecimientos de la vida social, especialmente los que tienen un carácter simbólico, honorífico o conmemorativo, como las entradas triunfales de los soberanos en las ciudades, las ceremonias de coronación o investidura, las bodas y exequias de los miembros de familias reales o los desfiles militares. Protocol and ceremonial are present at all stages of the history of mankind, acting as instruments of nonverbal communication that convey messages of hierarchy and social power to their recipients. Since ancient times we find references to the ceremonial rites that relate social life events, especially those with a symbolic, honorary or memorial, and triumphal entries of rulers in the cities, the coronation or inauguration ceremonies, weddings and funerals of members of royal families and military parades.

Protocol and ceremonial are present at all stages of the history of mankind, acting as instruments of nonverbal communication that convey messages of hierarchy and social power to their recipients. Since ancient times we find references to the ceremonial rites that relate social life events, especially those with a symbolic, honorary or memorial, and triumphal entries of rulers in the cities, the coronation or inauguration ceremonies, weddings and funerals of members of royal families and military parades. Protocolo y ceremonial están presentes en todas las etapas de la historia de la humanidad actuando como instrumentos de comunicación no verbal que transmiten mensajes de jerarquía y poder a sus destinatarios sociales. Desde la antigüedad encontramos referencias a los ritos ceremoniales que relatan acontecimientos de la vida social, especialmente los que tienen un carácter simbólico, honorífico o conmemorativo, como las entradas triunfales de los soberanos en las ciudades, las ceremonias de coronación o investidura, las bodas y exequias de los miembros de familias reales o los desfiles militares.

Public image and perception of the power in Polybius’ Histories. When assessing political power in the Histories most Polybian scholars lay stress on its mode of exercise, but scarcely on its legitimacy in the eyes of those whom it seeks to rule. However the public image a power gives or wants to give and the ensuing perception by others play a relevant causal role in the stability of a power relationship or in ambiguous diplomatic relationships. Thus, they constitute by themselves a key issue, which is both political and cultural., Guelfucci Marie-Rose. L'image du pouvoir et le point de vue de l'autre dans les Histoires de Polybe. Enjeux politiques et culturels. In: Dialogues d'histoire ancienne. Supplément n°9, 2013. Le point de vue de l’autre. Relations culturelles et diplomatie. 1ère rencontres SoPHiA (23-24 mars 2012, Mulhouse) pp. 151-172.

O objeto deste artigo será analisar o conjunto de representações que definem o músico no imaginário social das sociedades grega e romana antigas. Para tanto, buscaremos reconstituir a imagem pública que o homem antigo fazia dele. Essa imagem compunha-se, veremos, de um cluster, algo coerente, algo contraditório, de noções, conceitos, valores e preconceitos. The object of this article is to analyse the representations set that defines the musician in the social imaginary of the ancient Greek and Roman societies. The objective is to rebuild the public image that men of Classical Antiquity had created in relation to the musicians. Such image was composed of a cluster, rather coherent and contradictory, of notions, concepts, beliefs and preconceived ideas.