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This is a study of Greenlandic and Danish members of parliament's statements in Folketinget between 1960-1962. The study aims to see in which matters the Greenlandic members presented their statements, as well as what can be discerned from the Greenlandic and Danish members’ statements about the formers possibilities to change Greenland’s political situation.The study will also examine the statements made from a postcolonial viewpoint to see if they overlap with the theory. The study shows that the statements made by both the Danish and Greenlandic members of Folketinget overlap with the postcolonial theory several times. Edward Said, Franz Fanon and Michel Foucoults theories can all be traced within their statements. Foremost, Homi Bhabha and what he described as colonial mimicry is found on several occasions. The Greenlandic members of Folketinget made staments in a variety of political areas, both about specific issues on Greenland itself as well as how to change the asymmetrical relationship between Greenland and Denmark. Their possibilities to alter Greenland’s political situation was greatly hindered seeing as the Greenlandic members of Folketinget could not partake on the same terms as their danish collegues. Greenland also lacked any real political power in foreign politics, and therefore any tangible political voice when negotiating international treaties.

This Master’s (60 credits) dissertation paper examines how three Swedish newspapers describe the political ideology called anti–Semitism in Germany, from the day it was born in end of October 1879 until January 1882 after the campaigns of persecution of Jews in Russia and Germany.Politically, the 1880s were formative years in Swedish history. A party system emerged slowly andseveral new political ideologies found their way into Swedish political life. Many of those wereinfluences from Germany: socialism, nationalism, political conservatism. But also anti–Semitism.This paper is a comparative study between the newspapers Dagens Nyheter (liberal), Nya DagligtAllehanda (conservative) and Stockholms Dagblad (conservative) and describe how the anti–Semitic political movement in Germany, and the ongoing atrocities against Jews in Russia andGermany, were being portrayed in the Swedish media. The survey in the essay shows that the newspapers describe the political ideology anti-Semitismvery differently. Liberal Dagens Nyheter was highly critical against the political form of hatredagainst the Jews, but so was also conservative Stockholms Dagblad, although the latter had a higherdegree of a neutral type of reporting than the former. Stockholms Dagblad leaned towards supportof a Bismarckian type of conservatism, (which at this time had not yet embraced hatred againstJews as an official policy). The newspaper of the three with the strongest support of the anti-Semitic political movement inGermany was the daily Nya Dagligt Allehanda, which very often expressed and reproduced anti-Semitic constructions and derogatory and racist views on Jews.However, the newspaper Nya Dagligt Allehanda did not embrace the most extreme and violent formof anti-Semitism which were being advocated by some German politicians in the 1880s, whichincluded the deportation or even mass murder of Jews.

This Master’s (60 credits) dissertation paper examines how three Swedish newspapers describe the political ideology called anti–Semitism in Germany, from the day it was born in end of October 1879 until January 1882 after the campaigns of persecution of Jews in Russia and Germany.Politically, the 1880s were formative years in Swedish history. A party system emerged slowly andseveral new political ideologies found their way into Swedish political life. Many of those wereinfluences from Germany: socialism, nationalism, political conservatism. But also anti–Semitism.This paper is a comparative study between the newspapers Dagens Nyheter (liberal), Nya DagligtAllehanda (conservative) and Stockholms Dagblad (conservative) and describe how the anti–Semitic political movement in Germany, and the ongoing atrocities against Jews in Russia andGermany, were being portrayed in the Swedish media. The survey in the essay shows that the newspapers describe the political ideology anti-Semitismvery differently. Liberal Dagens Nyheter was highly critical against the political form of hatredagainst the Jews, but so was also conservative Stockholms Dagblad, although the latter had a higherdegree of a neutral type of reporting than the former. Stockholms Dagblad leaned towards supportof a Bismarckian type of conservatism, (which at this time had not yet embraced hatred againstJews as an official policy). The newspaper of the three with the strongest support of the anti-Semitic political movement inGermany was the daily Nya Dagligt Allehanda, which very often expressed and reproduced anti-Semitic constructions and derogatory and racist views on Jews.However, the newspaper Nya Dagligt Allehanda did not embrace the most extreme and violent formof anti-Semitism which were being advocated by some German politicians in the 1880s, whichincluded the deportation or even mass murder of Jews.

Från Reagan till Trump: Populistiska uttryck inom det republikanska partiet 1980–2017 är en kandidatuppsats av Angelica Carlsson. Syftet med studien är att förklara förekomsten av populistiska uttryck inom det republikanska partiet i USA under tidsperioden 1980–2017. Populistiska uttryck i politiska tal av presidenterna Ronald Reagan, George W. Bush och Donald Trump undersöks och graderas utifrån Kirk A. Hawkins sex kriterier över populism. Talen analyseras också utifrån de teoretiska begreppen tunn respektive tjock populism. För att förklara de populistiska uttrycken beaktar studien den historiska kontexten och utvecklingslinjer inom det republikanska partiet. Utifrån studiens resultat kan konstateras att de populistiska uttrycken är högst i Reagans och Trumps tal, medan Bushs tal har en lägre grad av populism. I studien förklaras detta utifrån den historiska kontexten, där 1980 och 2016 präglades av mer politisk instabilitet än 2000. Studien belyser hur populism inte uppstår ur tomma intet utan ska förstås i relation till kontexten i vilken den uttrycks. From Reagan to Trump: Populist expressions within the Republican Party 1980–2017 is a bachelor thesis by Angelica Carlsson. The aim of the thesis is to explain populist expressions within the Republican Party in the United States during the period 1980–2017. Populist expressions in political speeches by the presidents Ronald Reagan, George W. Bush and Donald Trump are investigated and graded based on Kirk A. Hawkin's criteria of populism. The thesis is also taking the theoretical terms thin and thick populism into consideration. In order to explain the populist expressions the historical context and the historical development of the Republican Party is taken into account. The main findings of the thesis is that Reagan's and Trump's speeches has the highest degree of populist expressions, while Bush's speeches has a lower degree of populist expressions. The study explains this from the historical context, where 1980 and 2016 were characterized by more political instability than 2000. The study illustrates how populism does not arise from nothing and should be understood in relation to the historical context.

This thesis investigates the debate in the Swedish parliament (Riksdag) and the depiction of the newspapers at the time of the imposition of the Swedish state institute of racial biology in 1921. The thesis also aims to investigate what arguments were used for and against the institute and if the depictions of the newspapers were any different depending of their political standpoints. The investigation is based on material from three national newspapers, a government bill, and the protocol from the debates in the riksdag. The theoretical approach is based on phenomenology and the approach of history of mentalities, in order to see the 1920’s norms and attitudes in the right way. The conclusion of the thesis is that the debate was almost non-existent, both in the newspaper and in the political space. The main argument for an institute was the protection of the Swedish race, whereof the main argument against a state institute were financial and the approach that the institute could be integrated with an already existing department of the Karolinska Institute in Stockholm. The newspapers were quite silent about all this as well and only published the decisions from the riksdag. However, one of them also published an exchange of opinions between Herman Lundborg and C G Santesson, whose debate comprised arguments of the organisation of the institute. The norms and attitudes were found to be more about science and slightly about nationalism, whereas what we nowadays call racism seemed to not be included at all.

In countries where military conscription has been in force such service has been defined as a masculine duty as opposed to feminine caring and life giving duties. Conscientious objectors not only question a societal contract of duties and civil rights; they also challenge a politically hegemonic masculinity by opting out of one of its main homosocial arenas. This article investigates the changes made to non-combatant conscription service legislation and how it was discussed and designed as a condition for male citizenship in Sweden 1965–1978. In 1963, the Social democrats and the Liberals demanded changes in the restrictive non-combatant conscription legislation adopted during World War II. Critics regarded the connection of the non-combatant services to the armed forces as too manifest. New legislation was introduced in 1966. A state board was established to evaluate requests for civil service, transferring evaluation from the military to the civilian sector. The non-combatant service areas were expanded in order to take individual requests into consideration, without compromising the need for conscripts within the total national defense. Members of Jehovah’s Witnesses, who refused unconditionally, were controversially exempt from all service, as they were deemed unfit, comparable to alcoholics and anti-socials. A notable increase of ethical and political non-combatant applications in the last years of the 1960s and early 1970s proved challenging to the 1966 legislation. In 1973 a new governmental commission was appointed to propose changes. One problem was the application evaluation board’s partiality towards religious objectors and the nature of the proceedings, which were criticized for being too intrusive, thus clashing with the objectors’ civil rights. In 1978 the approved service sectors were further expanded into the civilian sector, for example by allowing environmental work, school assistance and service with the Red Cross. The legislative changes indicate that the link between conditioned male citizenship and military service was weakened, when challenged by the non-combatants’ alternative masculinities. Title in english: Duty and Exception: Non-Combatant Legislation and the Conditions of Men’s Citizenship in Sweden 1965–1978

This study deals with questions about norm building and arguments for community in official royal rhetoric in the Swedish realm from 1660 to 1919. Every year, an intercession day proclamation issued by the King in Council (Kungl. Maj:ts böndagsplakat) was read out from pulpits across Sweden. Like many communiqués, they belonged to the proclamation system, which included the spreading of information, laws, and propaganda; at least up to the mid-19th century, it was possible to reach the majority of the population with these letters. Looking for other concepts of community than in the research discourse on nation and nationalism, I have been inspired by Charles Taylor's discussion about ?social imaginaries?, where attention is paid to other elements than just the ethnic one in an imaginary community, or to ideas about what kept a society together. An important conclusion is that the sense of community connected to ethnicity in a long-term perspective has to be regarded as overrated in relation to other arguments; this can challenge the answer, according to research on nationalism, to why people feel loyal to a kingdom or a people. For an alternative perspective, I have put two arguments for a sense of community up against each other, both using the middle of the 17th century as a starting point. One argument is represented by the idea, for example from Olof Rudbeck, about community from an ethno-religious context, alluding to people's past and its great achievements; the other argument is represented by Samuel Pufendorf's idea about a sense of community based on mutual obligations, focusing on security in a society. These two concepts can be seen throughout the entire period and are equally weighty reasons for community in the letters. However, it is the concept of people that undergoes the most distinct changes. They are best described as a transition from an ethnic theology, i.e. an affinity with Christianity, to an ethnic Swedishness. The other argument has a greater continuity and might be even stronger and more suggestive since it describes Sweden, in a narrative style, as the potential or actual ?land of bliss?. According to this argument, people are not joined so much through their ethnicity, but rather through their ability, or by their desire, to agree on mutual societal values. The following are catchwords for this state of bliss: security and unity, peace and improvement, peace and order, justice and understanding, and calm, love, happiness, compassion, and welfare. Most likely, these arguments were also the most practicable in terms of the audience's own expectations from life.

The object of this thesis is to examine the incorporation of the former Danish province of Blekinge into Sweden after the Treaty of Roskilde in 1658. This question has been analysed before but such studies have usually been coloured by the use of national ideas and notions born of a later age than the period under examination. This thesis analyses the so-called Transition Problem using theoretical models and ideas taken from the state formation debate which stresses such concepts as the conglomerate state, centralisation, homogeneity and a striving towards professional administration. The main sources are the archives of a Swedish Royal Commission, the Skånska Kommissionen, 1669-70. This material has made it possible to analyse how the inhabitants of Blekinge regarded their new rulers. In this context questions of identity are also discussed. A description of the interaction of authorities and subjects is central to the thesis and forms the basis of a discussion of integration. An analysis of the tenets of Lutheran Christianity has been deemed of great importance as these norms and values made possible a fruitful meeting between the groups involved. The thesis stresses the role of the inhabitants in the process of integration but also looks at the activities of Royal commissions and seeks to analyse their meetings with the citizens of the realm. A special chapter examines Blekinge's role in, and relationship to, the kingdom of Denmark in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.