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The evacuation of 28,000 refugee children from villages in northern Greece by the Communist Party of Greece in 1948 was one of the most controversial chapters of the Greek Civil War, a conflict whose traumatic impact has continued to polarize modern Greek society. A bitterly contested aspect of this evacuation was the issue of whether these children were removed with or without the permission of their parents. After a difficult journey to Eastern Europe, the refugees were cared for in “children’s homes” until they were old enough to live independently. Many of them remained in Eastern Europe; some were repatriated to Greece, and some emigrated to Australia or Canada. Also in 1948, another, smaller group of children was evacuated by the Greek government to “child cities” within Greece, where they were cared for until the end of the Civil War, when most of them returned to the villages where they were born.

In the present era of globalization, ethnic nationalism can no longer be understood simply as a relationship between an ethnic minority and the dominant nation of the state in which it lives. The deterritorialization of national communities, brought about by large-scale population movements, combined with recent developments in the fields of communications and transportation, has enabled diaspora communities to become deeply involved in the political affairs of their homelands. As a result, transnational communities are being constructed, not only by the nations that dominate some states, but also by the smaller, “ethnic” nations that live within and across the boundaries of such states. Together with international organizations like the United Nations and the European Community, these transnational communities are becoming increasingly important participants in nationalist struggles throughout the world. Nation-states are being challenged simultaneously from above and below—from without and within—by international organizations, on the one hand, and by ethnic minorities, on the other. National conflicts are being fought, in other words, on a transnational level.

This chapter begins with a brief account of the history of the Macedanian conflict and a summary of both the Greek and the Macedonian positions on the issues involved. Drawing on recent theoretical work on nationalism and the construction of national identities and cultures, the author then examines the role of classical archaeology in creating the "symbolic capital" with which Greeks and Macedonians each seek to legitimate their own national narratives of historical continuity with ancient Macedonia. Finally, the chapter shows how both groups attempt to promote their national interests in the worlds of academia, public opinion, and international affairs by attempting to appropriate for their own exclusive use two of the most important symbols in the Macedonian conflict-the sun or star of Vergina and Alexander the Great himself. The Macedonian Question has dominated Balkan history and politics for over a hundred years. Keywords: Alexander; Balkan politics; Macedonian conflict; national cultures

Greeks and Macedonians both assert that they, and they alone, have the right to identify themselves as Macedonians. The Greek government denies the existence of a Macedonian nation and insists that all Macedonians are Greeks, while Macedonians vehemently assert their existence as a unique people. This work examines the Macedonian conflict in the light of contemporary theoretical work on ethnic nationalism, the construction of national identities and cultures, the invenstion of tradition, and the role of the state in the process of building a nation. The conflict is set in the broader context of Balkan history and in the narrower context of the disintegration of Yugoslavia. The book focuses on the transnational dimension of the "global cultural war" taking place between Greeks and Macedonians both in the Balkans and throughout the rest of the world. It analyzes two issues in particular: the struggle for human rights of the Macedonian minority in northern Greece and the campaign for international recognition of the newly independent Republic of Macedonia. The book concludes with a detailed analysis of the construction of identity at an individual level among immigrants from nothern Greece who have settled in Australia, where multiculturalism is an official policy.

Traditional plays of the Greek shadow theatre deal with the adventures of Karaghiozis, a poor Greek who is the embodiment of (cunning, slyness). Plays of the comic type, and more specifically, plays in which Karaghiozis assumes a position requiring certain skills, have a standard narrative structure or plot which can be summarized as follows: A wealthy Turkish pasha or vizier, looking for a person to perform a job which requires certain skills, meets Hadziavatis, the subservient town crier, and asks for his help in finding such a person. Hadziavatis agrees at once, sets off, and invariably meets Karaghiozis, who, upon learning of the position the Turk is trying to fill, immediately claims to possess the prerequisite skills. With much humour and cleverness Karaghiozis convinces first Hadziavatis and then the Turk that he can in fact perform the job. Karaghiozis then appears on stage as the skilled person with the appropriate costume or equipment (cook'...

In recent years anthropologists have increasingly turned their attention to the analysis of women's lives and the roles women play in societies throughout the world. Excellent examples of work in this area can be found in Women, Culture, and Society edited by Michelle Rosaldo and Louise Lamphere. The essays in this collection raise many important questions and provide valuable theoretical constructs with which to answer them. Rosaldo and Lamphere suggest that we should examine women as "social actors whose goals and strategies are intrinsic to the process of social life" (p. 11). In this way we are forced to confront the following questions: What is the exact nature and extent of the powers exercised by women in various societies? How and in what context do they exercise these powers? Rosaldo and Lamphere argue that in attempting to answer these questions we must keep in mind the universal structural opposition between the domestic sphere, with which women are associated, and the public sphere, with which men are associated. Closely linked to this opposition is the "asymmetry in cultural evaluation of the sexes" (p. 17) by which women are denied the authority, prestige and cultural value which men are accorded. This asymmetry does not, however, imply that women are powerless. Drawing on Weber's distinction between authority and power, Rosaldo and Lamphere are careful to point out that while men exercise culturally legitimated authority over women, women nevertheless have many kinds of informal power by which they are able to influence others and attain personal goals. As a result of the distribution of authority within a society the exercise of power by women is often seen as manipulative and illegitimate (p. 21, 97-112). The challenge facing anthropologists is to specify the exact nature of women's power as it is exercised in the context of male authority. The purpose of this paper is two-fold. First I present a general analysis of the strategies and powers used by women in rural Greece

The Anastenaria is a ritual involving trance and possession which is performed in several villages and towns in northern Greece. It is a ritual system of psychotherapy which is often effective in treating illnesses that in Western psychiatric terms would be considered psychogenic in nature. This paper focuses on the role of the dance of the possessed Anastenarides in the therapeutic system of the Anastenaria. I hope to show that this dance contributes to the therapeutic effectiveness of the Anastenaria because it provides the Anastenarides with an opportunity to experience a cathartic release of anxiety, to structure this cathartic experience, and to transform a state of anxiety, suffering, and illness into a state of joy, power, and health.

GREEK SHADOW THEATER, which is primarily an urban phenomenon, was largely ignored until recently by Greek folklorists, who focused their attention almost exclusively on the culture of rural Greece. The decades of the 1960s and 1970s, however, witnessed a remarkable surge in interest in Greek shadow theater.' Much attention was devoted to the link between Greek shadow theater and ancient Greek comedy, the relationship between the Greek and the Turkish traditions of shadow theater, and the "Hellenization" of Greek shadow theater in the 19th century.2 Works in the latter area focused on such topics as the evolution of the full cast of "traditional" characters and the development of the "complete" repertoire of "classical" plays. In stressing the importance of Greek shadow theater, Greek folklorists have claimed that Karagiozis, the poor, hungry trickster, with his hunchback, bare feet, and long arm, who has come to personify the tradition of Greek shadow theater, is "the genuine stereotype of the common Greek" (Zarikos 1976:75), "the only genuine expression of modern Greek reality" and "the voice of the modern Greek people" (Trezou 1976:62). However, while popular and scholarly interest in Greek shadow theater was increasing dramatically, the tradition itself was undergoing drastic, and what many considered disturbing, changes. Well-known puppeteers were growing old, and no young people were taking their place. Fewer and fewer puppeteers were traveling through Greece giving performances in small cities and towns, while open-air theaters in large cities were being forced to close, to make way for apartment buildings and stores. Furthermore, live shadow theater performances were declining in popularity because of increased competition from movie theaters and television. Puppeteers recorded plays on long-playing records and gave short weekly performances for children on national television. Comic booklike pamphlets, orfiladhia,3 containing shadow theater plays were published inexpensively and anonymously and were advertised as "the indispensable companion of every child." Karagiozis, then, had taken his place beside Mickey Mouse, Davy Crockett, and other comic book characters on the shelves of kiosks and stationery stores throughout Greece. The reaction of Greek folklorists to the entry of Greek shadow theater plays