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Recent debates about challenges to the liberal international order (LIO) have led International Relations (IR) scholars, both those critical and supportive of the concept, to examine its origins and effects. While this work has shed new light on the evolution of international order, there has been a surprising absence: Latin America. I explore the theoretical consequences of this empirical gap for IR's understanding of the liberal international order. After assessing the literature's treatment of Latin American and the LIO, I offer a macro-historical sketch of the region's role in the order's critical junctures. The LIO has shaped Latin America, and Latin America has shaped the LIO—but not always in the ways supporters or critics might expect. The region's sovereignty and statehood evolved alongside the LIO—with international experiences very different from those of areas colonized during the LIO's expansion—and, in turn, Latin American engagement shaped the practices of Great Powers through international law and organization, cooperation and resistance. Despite its participation in the LIO's founding moments, Latin America was often accorded second-class treatment and benefits for the region have often been narrow. The experience of Latin American states over two centuries—independent but often internationally unequal—highlights the consequences of partial inclusion or marginalization from the LIO. Deeper study of Latin America's history with the LIO casts light on the ways in which non-Great Powers outside the order's core shaped, and were shaped by, the elements of the evolving order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We study an age-old question in political economy: does government spending on welfare ensure peace? This question was at the heart of the European Welfare State model of the early 20th century, and remains relevant today in face of rising inequalities and political conflict. Yet there is limited empirical evidence about this question. We make use of a panel of 12 Latin American countries over the period 1970–2010 to show that welfare spending has led to substantial reductions in conflict across the region. This effect is more pronounced when associated with reductions in inequality and increasing social and institutional trust. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the author's views on history of gaitanism in popular culture of Colombia. Various topics discussed include populism in country's politics, importance of gaitanism in the Colombian history, political mobilization in 20th century, political language used in Colombian politics and bipartisanship. It further discusses history of conflicts between country's population and oligarchy, political movements in Colombia, gaitanism in 1940s and its existence in political history of Latin American countries.

Copyright of Revista de Sociologia e Política is the property of Revista de Sociologia e Politica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Bolivia, Ecuador, and Venezuela are cases in which, despite of the collapse of party systems, the fragmentation of popular sectors, and the dismantling of corporatism that resulted from neoliberal reforms, a new mode of incorporation nonetheless emerged. This article argues that left government responses to the demands of heterogeneous, mobilized, popular sectors shaped a new incorporation in the political arena. In it governments deal differentially with the proliferation of politically significant popular sectors and subaltern social groups. This segmented popular interest intermediation is explained by the interaction of three broad conditions: the configuration of popular sector forces and their linkages to left parties when they took office after the crisis of neoliberalism, the ideational frames of said parties’ leadership, and the dynamics of opposition and support for the regime’s project. The new incorporation establishes a new normal in the relationship of popular sectors to politics in democratic regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the feelings of vengeance experienced by victims of crime and violence. The author comments on the military dictatorships of Latin America during the 1970s and 1980s and describes the clashes between the governments and political dissenters. An examination of the violations of human rights at the time is also provided.

El artículo discurre sobre la historia de América Latina desde fines del periodo colonial hasta hoy en día. El autor comenta sobre los movimientos anti-imperialistas por independencia en varios países latinoamericanos de 1806 a 1830 y examina los procesos de democratización en la región.

El artículo discurre sobre la historia de América Latina desde el periodo colonial hasta hoy en día. El autor comenta sobre los estudios historiográficos de la región y examina la relación entre la historia y los factores socioeconómicos, socioculturales y políticos que contribuyeron a la historia latinoamericana.

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Latin American & Caribbean Studies (Routledge) is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of IBEROAMERICANA. América Latina - España - Portugal is the property of Vervuert Verlag and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article presents the author's views on the lessons learnt from participatory democracy with reference to Latin American government. Various topics discussed include political participation of citizens in 21st century, importance of political systems, participatory mechanism methodology in local government and political participation experience of citizens. It further informs about regulations imposed on democratic operations, management of political culture and legitimation of public policies.

The article presents the author's views on the challenges faced by the government of Latin America in promoting transparency in 20th century. Various topics discussed include influence of corruption on country's democracy, public behavior towards corruption, regulations related to conflicts of interest, systematic analysis of anti-corruption agenda and use of innovative technology in the government. It further focuses on the decision making process, cross-reference and analysis mechanism of public policy.

Copyright of Historia: Questoes & Debates is the property of Universidade Federal do Parana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The research on hybrid regimes has advanced in the recent years but there is still a gap with respect to a question of their (in)stability. There are researchers asserting that hybrid regimes are only a transitional regime type while others insist on their stable (persisting) character. The aim of this article was to explore the causes of the incumbents' electoral (in)stability in hybrid regimes in Latin America. For that purpose, an instructive comparison of 18 cases of national presidential elections -- eleven of incumbent victory and seven that led to a victory of the opposition - was carried out in the years between 1990 and 2014. The text assessed the validity of the two main sets of hypotheses. The first highlighted the strategy on the part of the opposition forces and the second referred to the context in which the opposition political forces operate. The analysis concluded that while the unification of the opposition as the main strategy to win elections did not appear to be a prominent factor in the explanation of hybrid regime stability, the contextual variables -- strategy on the part of the incumbent and the previous performance of the candidates' platforms in local elections -- seemed to bear some explanatory power. Results obtained in this analysis are handicapped by a relative small sample of data but present a promising venue for future analysis. Future research can confirm our result on a bigger sample or compare our theory with other explanations about electoral (in)stability in hybrid regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT Many studies suggest that mixed-member electoral systems produce different attitudes and behaviors among representatives. This article assesses how this type of electoral system shapes Bolivian legislators' perceptions of their roles as representatives, their district activities, and their relationships with their political parties. It examines these dimensions using elite survey data and interviews with legislators and their personal assistants. The results show that the electoral system does not produce a uniform impact. It shapes how legislators perceive their role as representatives and the nature of the relationship they build with their political parties, but it does not produce differences in the kinds of activities that both types of legislators carry out in their districts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT This article analyzes the relationship between clientelism and citizens' political orientation in Latin America. Consistent political perceptions in the citizenry are central in traditional theories of political competition. This article argues that clientelism hinders the development of consistent political orientation by reducing the utility of information cues, such as left-right labels. More specifically, clientelistic parties generate indifference among their supporters toward the left-right divide by offering them an alternative voting rationale, and increase uncertainty in the political realm by making left-right labels less meaningful. Both arguments are tested with multilevel regression analyses using cross-sectional data covering 18 Latin American countries. The results indicate that clientelistic party supporters are more likely to show indifference toward the left-right dimension and, to a lesser extent, that their left-right orientation corresponds less with their political attitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ciencia Política is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article focuses on the interconnection between race, cultural identity, and anti-imperialism in Latin America during early twentieth-century. Topics discussed include Peruvian writer and diplomat Francisco García Calderón's essay, "Les démocraties latines de l'Amérique," which focuses on Latin American unity and anti-imperialist resistance; García Calderón's identification of racism as the cause of other political and economic problems that hinder the progress of Latin America; and Pan-Latinism, the idea that all Latin peoples who speak Romance languages share a common culture and constitute a race.

Books reviewed in this issue. Christopher Darnton, Rivalry and Alliance Politics in Cold War Latin America. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2014. Figures, tables, notes, index, 285 pp.; paperback $40.46, Kindle $35.96. Flavia Freidenberg and Julieta Suárez-Cao, eds., Territorio y poder: nuevos actores y competencia política en los sistemas de partidos multinivel en América Latina. Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca, 2014. Tables, figures, bibliography, appendix, 386 pp.; paperback. Richard Sandbrook, Reinventing the Left in the Global South: The Politics of the Possible. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2014. Tables, figures, bibliography, index, 309 pp.; paperback $34.99. Ignacio Walker, Democracy in Latin America: Between Hope and Despair. Translated by Krystin Krause, Holly Bird, and Scott Mainwaring. Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 2013. Bibliography, index, 262 pp.; paperback $38. Aaron Ansell, Zero Hunger: Political Culture and Antipoverty Policy in Northeast Brazil. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2014. Illustrations, maps, tables, appendixes, notes, bibliography, index, 256 pp.; paperback $32.95. Ronald H. Chilcote, Intellectuals and the Search for National Identity in Twentieth-Century Brazil. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2014. Bibliography, index, 306 pp.; hardcover $99, ebook. Charles Amo-Yartey and Therese Turner-Jones, eds., Caribbean Renewal: Tackling Fiscal and Debt Challenges. Washington, DC: International Monetary Fund, 2014. Tables, bibliography, index, 314 pp.; paperback $25, e-book $9.99. Matthew Louis Bishop, The Political Economy of Caribbean Development. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013. Tables, notes, bibliography, index, 257 pp.; hardcover $95, ebook, pdf. Rose J. Spalding, Contesting Trade in Central America: Market Reform and Resistance. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2014. Tables, figures, appendixes, bibliography, index, 334 pp.; hardcover $60; paperback $29.95. Thomas C. Wright, Impunity, Human Rights, and Democracy: Chile and Argentina, 1990-2005. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2014. Acronyms, notes, bibliography, index, 206 pp.; hardcover $55. Kirsten Weld, Paper Cadavers: The Archives of Dictatorship in Guatemala. Durham: Duke University Press, 2014. Photographs, abbreviations, notes, bibliography, index, 352 pp.; hardcover $99.95, paperback $26.95, Kindle $14.55. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Railways were one of the main engines of the Latin American trade boom before 1914. Railway construction often required financial support from local governments, which depended on their fiscal capacity. However, since the main government revenues were trade-related, this generated a two-way feedback between government revenues and railways, with a potential for multiple equilibria. The empirical tests in this article support the hypothesis of such a positive two-way relationship. The main implication of our analysis is that the build-up of state capacity was a necessary condition for railway expansion and also, to a large extent, for export expansion in Latin America during the first globalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As more Latin American migrants make their way to the United States, the issue of transnationalism has received increased scholarly attention. Transnationalism refers to the delinking of the individual from his or her government and an increase in international ties as a result of the economic globalization that promotes the movement of people, goods, money, and ideas. Prevailing consensus is that the state, particularly in Latin America, is weakened by transnationalism because individuals are freer than ever from state control. This article argues that examining Latin American emigrant policies yields a different conclusion, namely that the state's response to transnational pressures has made governments more active and relevant in certain ways than in the past. Studies of transnationalism must therefore incorporate state strategies for a better understanding of its impact on Latin American governments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Indias is the property of Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article explores the theory which promotes a conditional relationship between a type of public administration and finance, highlighting the cases of Latin American and Caribbean countries. It argues that only democracies that are attractive for median voters must see financial development as they have created their own constitution after transition. Latin America has reportedly seen improvements and reversals in financial results.

The article discusses the concept of postsovereign constitution-making in Latin America as of 2015, and it mentions constituent power, constitutional reform efforts, and revolutions in Latin American nations such as Colombia and Venezuela. Government legitimacy is addressed, along with a comparative analysis of the constitution-making processes in places such as Egypt and Tunisia. The Chilean Constitution of 1980, popular sovereignty, and the Argentinian Constitution of 1853 are assessed.

Memory and oblivion have been, since the emergence of our species in this world, signifiers that named the great challenge of symbolic survival in the world of life. It is the constant struggle to record not only our own existence, but a way to move it, build it and live it, thus exorcising the ghost of oblivion; because oblivion is the enemy of life itself, it is the name of the lost experience. What would become of us if we forget experiences - beyond their beauty or pain--and the learning that, many times with great effort, we have stepped into this entanglement between the human species and the passing of time? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under what conditions should presidents reshuffle the cabinet in response to critical events? We propose a model that underscores the interplay of political shocks, the electoral calendar, and constitutional term limits to explain cabinet turnover in presidential regimes. Our theory indicates that mass protests and media scandals represent critical events with different political dynamics. While presidents seeking reelection may choose to protect activist ministers in order to deliver successful policy outcomes, there is little to be gained in the long run from recurrent scandals. However, presidents discount long-term goals when elections are close and when they initiate a lame-duck period. We test those predictions using survival analysis with an original data set for 12 Latin American democracies between 1978 and 2007. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Holding elections has become a global norm. Unfortunately, the integrity of elections varies strongly, ranging from “free and fair” elections with genuine contestation to “façade” elections marred by manipulation and fraud. Clearly, electoral integrity is a topic of increasing concern. Yet electoral integrity is notoriously difficult to measure, and hence taking stock of the available data is important. This article compares cross-national data sets measuring electoral integrity. The first part evaluates how the different data sets (a) conceptualize electoral integrity, (b) move from concepts to indicators, and (c) move from indicators to data. The second part analyses how different data sets code the same elections, seeking to explain the sources of disagreement about electoral integrity. The sample analysed comprises 746 elections in 95 third and fourth wave regimes from 1974 until 2009. I find that conceptual and measurement choices affect disagreement about election integrity, and also find that elections of lower integrity and post-conflict elections generate higher disagreement about election integrity. The article concludes with a discussion of results and suggestions for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This essay uses the specter of Mexican presidential rhetoric (specifically, Plutarco Elías Calles’ 1928informe) to remark on the nationalistic limitations of U.S. presidential rhetoric scholarship as a whole. Such limitations can lead to possible mis- and under-readings that can hinder the applicability of U.S. scholarship to other “American” places. These observations are then followed by a reading of Calles’informethat argues for a wider hemispheric approach to our understanding of “American” presidential rhetoric. Such an approach aims to push our collective gaze beyond the territory of the United States to the point where the rhetorical histories of Latin America rub uncomfortably but productively against our own U.S.-centrism. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Cadernos EBAPE.BR is the property of Fundacao Getulio Vargas, Escola Brasileira de Administracao Publica e de Empresas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyzes the constitution of the area of studies on the history and development of political science in Latin America over the past ten years. Several studies have been proposed to account for this process showing the growth of the discipline in the region. In this paper we will highlight the main actors and their scientific and academic production, as well as the processes of institutionalization and professionalization of political science. This article aims to classify these studies from the early exploratory approaches up to the production of more sofisticated descriptive works, from a comparative perspective, in order to finally arrive at the new current trends that attempt to perform a “metatheoretical" approach with contributions from epistemology, sociology of knowledge and the history of the science. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction to a special dossier is presented in which the editor discusses the impact of earthquakes in Latin America including aspects such as the social dimension of earthquakes, their political consequences, and the relationship between disaster relief and education.

Early twentieth-century environmentalism or environmental determinism, as it is more pejoratively known, has been widely denounced by critical human geographers on the grounds of its well-established role in imperialist dispossession and subordination. Recently, however, historical geographers have re-visited environmentalism in an effort to better understand its diverse and often contradictory deployments. This article examines environmentalist thought as a function of Latin American anti-imperialist reform movements in the first half of the twentieth century, arguing that progressive Latin American intellectuals emphasized constitutive links between race and place to support community claims to land and subsistence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Trabajos y Comunicaciones is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

El artículo discurre sobre la relación entre la memoria colectiva e histórica y muesos. El autor comenta sobre los aspectos teatrales en este tipo de museo, los cuales ayudan a llamar atención a las condiciones sociales de los temas exhibidos. También se considera el estado de los museos en América Latina durante las dictaduras del siglo 20.

This article discusses the political and military campaign known as Operation Condor in Latin America during the 1970s and 1980s, which promoted conservatism and the repression of Communism. The author comments on the implementation of Operation Condor in such countries as Brazil, Paraguay, and Chile, and describes the prevalence of state-sponsored terrorism, including torture, execution, and kidnapping, to root out any anti-government, pro-communist activists. The collaboration during Operation Condor between Latin American countries, as well as the United States, is also examined.

The article provides an outlook of the regional relations concerning nuclear technology in Latin America. For that purpose, we initially discuss the historic relationship of the Latin American countries with the set of rules, norms, principles and organizations involved in nuclear governance. The article provides an analysis of the connection between the multilateral institutional framework and the bilateral arrangements aimed at curbing the proliferation of nuclear weapons in the region. The current state of nuclear cooperation among the countries of the region is also mapped. In addition, the article assesses the peaceful use of nuclear technology in the region and the potential expansion of the use of nuclear energy by the Latin American countries. Considerations on the trends for nuclear cooperation among the countries of Latin America are also offered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the third wave of democratization, all Latin American countries except Cuba have had competitive political regimes, but the quality or level of democracy has varied significantly across countries and over time. One of the best predictors of this variance across countries and time is each country's experience with competitive politics before 1978. Even controlling for a wide range of other explanations, countries with more democratic heritages before 1978 have higher levels of democracy in the contemporary period. This finding, in turn, raises another question: what accounts for the effects of past levels of democracy on the post-1978 period? A hybrid fixed-effects model shows that democratic trajectories are institutionalized through political parties and judicial institutions. Countries that had institutionalized parties under democracy and supreme court justices who served under democracy in the pre-1978 period have been more able to build high-level democracy in the contemporary period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do Latin American citizens admire the United States for its material wealth and the opportunities this creates for them, or do they revile the United States because of the military and economic threat it has historically posed? Both narratives have a strong presence in Latin American societies, and much scholarship on mass anti-Americanism in the region portrays the dominant narrative as one of the United States as threat. In this article, we consult surveys from contemporary Latin America and find that various forms of ongoing economic exchange with the United States--trade, aid, migration, and remittances--are the primary influence on mass perception of the northern hegemon and actually promote goodwill, rather than bitterness, toward the United States. Moreover, we demonstrate that the most powerful channel through which economic exchange does so is consumption: inflows of US imports boost pro-American sentiment more than do other forms of exchange. In contrast, the legacy of US imperialism has little resonance in mass beliefs about the colossus of the north. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the author discusses the ways in which Latin American violence challenges sociologist Norbert Elias's understanding of the relationship between violence and societal development, or what he terms the "civilising process." Topics addressed include the role of violence in Latin American state formation, elite culture in Latin America, and the difficulties historic periodization poses to the application of Elias's model.

This essay provides a model to analyze the development of political science in Latin America along the last sixty years. It identifies some of the theoretical disciplines, such as law and sociology, which set it in motion at the beginning, but at the same time they hindered its development as an independent science until recent decades in which political approaches predominate. Likewise, this essay shows the structural conditions of its development through the illustration of several variables, such as the proliferation of academic programs, political science scholar associations and academic production in journals, in order to evaluate the degree of institutionalization of political science in Latin America thus far. It concludes that political science in Latin America has accomplished its autonomy as an independent science, but it shows great diversity across the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales is the property of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of IBEROAMERICANA. América Latina - España - Portugal is the property of Vervuert Verlag and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

What accounts for the virtual absence of new Catholic parties in Latin America over the past four decades? From the late nineteenth to the mid-twentieth centuries, Catholic activists organized a variety of political parties in the region. Yet since the 1970s, despite the dramatic expansion of political opportunities in Catholic-majority countries, Catholicism has played only a marginal role in the formation of new parties. This article develops a novel interpretation of this phenomenon, arguing that changes in the structure of religious communities and church–society relations resulting from the reforms of the Second Vatican Council account for the absence of new Catholic parties. Empirically, it explores this topic through the structured, focused comparison of two periods of social and political upheaval in Venezuela. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article discusses the history of the concept of regionalism, with a particular focus on Latin America. The author comments on the the cultural and political importance of Latin American countries to the region as a whole. He also describes the sense of nationalism and unity in Latin America and considers specifically the states of San Luis Potosí in Mexico and Antioquia in Colombia. A comparative analysis of the general history, historiography, and intellectual history of these states is also provided.