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Worldwide, subject-matter teachers are commonplace in post-elementary schools. Teachers' specialisation appears as a key characteristic of secondary schools as opposed to the polyvalence of primary school teachers. Historians have already studied the long process of teachers' specialisation, which started, in France as in Prussia (for example), at the beginning of the nineteenth century and developed alongside secondary school modernisation. Those works have usually focused on professional aspects: the structuration of professional groups thanks to the unification of training and recruiting processes, the organisation of teachers within subject-matter associations etc. However, they have not paid much attention to the resistance opposed by other forms of pedagogical organisation, as if polyvalence were were just a backward anomaly, a backward anomaly, doomed to disappear. This paper seeks to shed new light on this question using a comparison between the different forms of post-elementary schooling that existed at the same time in France between the last third of the nineteenth century and the middle of the twentieth, when the slow growth of post-elementary schooling was mainly due to the success of subaltern institutions. In those institutions, dedicated to technical education, girls' secondary education, or upper-lower classes' education ("primaire supérieur", "secondaire special"), different kinds of polyvalence or bivalence were experienced in the classrooms. At the same time, specialisation was triumphing in classical secondary education. Why, how and to what extent did specialisation eventually impose itself in these different institutions? To address this question, two types of material are used. On the one hand, the question is studied on a national level, analysing both the legislation and the controversies it arouses in pedagogical and professional reviews. On the other hand, these views and theories are confronted with a prosopography of post-elementary school teachers in one department, Eure-et-Loir, which offers several forms of post-elementary institutions. This question is addressed focusing on literary disciplines (philosophy, French, Latin, Greek, modern languages and history and geography). By narrowing the scope, the intellectual and cultural stakes of the various pedagogical organisations that were implemented or advocated may more easily be grasped. The first part of the article examines the most common (though relatively untested) hypothesis: there was just one strategy for those who advocated the promotion of subaltern types of post-elementary schooling as part of a democratisation process, and this strategy was reproducing the model of the elite institution, secondary classical education, including its pedagogical organisation, starting with subject-matter teachers. The chronology of the changes, the content of the debates, as well as a comparative inquiry into teachers' remuneration induces us to discard this hypothesis as insufficient if not irrelevant. For girls' secondary education, a trade-off may be observed between equalisation (of salaries, rights etc.) and pedagogical alignment. For the other institutions, there was no lack of advocates for the specificity of the pedagogy or of the institution; however, specialisation was usually considered a process that could ameliorate the quality of teaching in these institutions without renouncing its specificity. In fact, in the period under study, the louder advocates for less specialised teachers came from secondary classical education itself: the specialisation process as well as the fragmentation of the class schedule had pedagogic inconveniences, abundantly noticed and commented on by subject-matter teachers themselves. In the second part, these critics and the two main alternatives suggested by the teachers are examined. The first is linked with the Progressive Education movement ("Education nouvelle" in French). The École des Roches, a private institution, tested an original organisation that combined the tradition of the humanities with the modern characteristic of "Éducation nouvelle": there was only one teacher for history, geography, French, Latin and Greek. The teacher was thus enabled to practise a pedagogy of interest, as advocated by Ovide Decroly. The second alternative was advocated by some modern language teachers: if modern language teachers could teach French as well as a modern language, this pedagogic organisation could give strong unity to the until then defective "modern" curriculum (without Latin). The third part turns towards the effective organisation of post-elementary schools in Eure-et-Loir. To what extent were these alternative conceptions of pedagogical organisation implemented? The analysis of individual records of teachers suggests several results. First of all, in small institutions – be they classical secondary institutions like "collèges" or modern ones like "écoles primaires supérieures" – specialisation of services was a luxury that most teachers could not afford. Most of the time, they had to teach several subjects, even if they had been trained for just one. However, polyvalence was not used as an opportunity to make connections between the subjects. Class schedules rarely enabled teachers to use polyvalence as a way to teach several subjects to the same pupils. More often, polyvalence was used by the administration as an expedient that some teachers explicitly tried to escape, for example by asking for a move to a bigger institution. This mundane reality of small institutions invites us to pay renewed attention to teacher training and its regulation during the same period. At the end of the nineteenth century, teachers' specialisation had been inextricably linked with the modernisation of universities through the specialisation of the "licence de lettres" in 1880. When this model proved to be partially irrelevant for a significant proportion of post-elementary schools, how did universities react? Were universities fit for something other than training specialised teachers? The answer is yes. The curriculum organisation of the licence opened up several possibilities for training polyvalent teachers. This perspective was still looming at the end of the 1930s. The curricula of the different post-elementary settings analysed in this article shared the same characteristics: they worked as "serial codes" not as "integrated codes", to quote Basil Bernstein. Therefore the specialisation, bivalence or polyvalence of the teachers did not have much influence, in itself, on the degree of integration of the curriculum. From this perspective, specialisation could probably guarantee better teaching of the subject matters. However, polyvalent teachers were better suited to small schools than specialist ones. Considering demographic and geographic constraints, there was a clear trade-off between specialisation of teachers and separation of publics. In small cities, it was necessary either to mix the pupils to specialise the teachers, or to accept some kind of polyvalence to keep different types of students separated; the debate was still open during the 1930s. School massification, coeducation and the baby-boom era rapidly settled the matter for small cities after the Second World War, giving way to an effective specialisation of teachers. But the question remained open, until the end of the 1970s, for rural settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article underlines the significance of emotions in shaping political culture by analyzing a largely forgotten spectacle, the "Christmas Tree of the Alsatians and Lorrainers." Held annually in Paris from 1872 until 1918, the event aided children whose families had fled Alsace and Lorraine to retain French citizenship following France's defeat in the Franco-Prussian War. It also provided an afternoon's entertainment for a paying audience. The Christmas tree was strongly associated with Alsace, and the event was a spectacle of patriotism, widely reported in the popular press. Through music, verse, and performance, those present mourned "the Lost Provinces" and celebrated the patrie, mobilizing for the Republic the emotions roused by the loss of Alsace and Lorraine. This event highlights the significance of popular cultural practices in developing the "sympathetic emotional regime" that underpinned the successful implantation of the Third Republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses royal heritage and the sale at auction of the crown jewels in France during the early Third Republic. Emphasis is given to topics such as the conservation of historical and artistic objects, the cataloging and bid management for auction items, and the symbolism of the sale in the opposition of art historian Germain Bapst.

This article uses an 1881 revolt by settler students at the normal school of Algiers to explore issues of settler identity formation, anticlericalism, and racism. It argues that in the early Third Republic, settlers began to see the public school as a key site for creating a distinctly "Algerian" identity, one that excluded both Algerian Muslims and even new arrivals from the metropole. In this effort, settlers sought to implement radical versions of French republicanism and anticlericalism that were in reality highly restrictive, as they combined both metropolitan disdain for Catholicism and colonial scorn towards Islam. The investigations precipitated by the revolt reveal a colony and metropole whose fundamental concepts took shape in circuit between France and Algeria. The version of republicanism that emerged in Algeria served as an important precursor for the exclusive republicanism and its prohibitions on the public expression of faith in the ascendency in France today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To explain racial fissures in France today, one must revisit the structural and ideological failings in the origin of key Republican institutions. This article analyzes how the symbolic and material significance of labor structures imposed on black French citizens in the Third Republic produced differentiation in the value of labor to the nation. The production of social patterns and belief systems based on racial inequality were integrated into the structure of the French welfare state. The experience of black political actors, Hégésippe Légitimus, Blaise Diange, Lamine Senghor, and the state illustrates how the welfare state, as an engine of assimilation, defined a differential and racialized status for blacks during the process of crucial institution building. Although the majority of blacks in the French Empire were subjects during the Third Republic, the experience of those who were citizens indicates contradictions related to incorporation and race. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In the early Third Republic, southern wine producers in the Aude confronted a new competitor: Algerian wine. This article explores Audois efforts to curtail Algerian wine production in the aftermath of phylloxera, the wine crisis, and the 1907 strikes. Focusing on the actions of the Confédération générale des vignerons, this article shows how local winegrowers transformed the Algerian wine industry into a symbol of industrial, profit-driven agriculture and global integration. Cast as a civilizational struggle that pitted "French" traditions and cultural practices against the unsavory and immoral habits of colonial competitors, the fight against Algerian wine provided southern wine growers with a way to distinguish and add value to their own wines. The result was a new myth of southern viticulture that, despite hybridized vines and industrial production methods, recast the Midi as the guardian of true "French" agricultural production and a rural culture based on age-old traditions and a moral economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When shipping companies first experimented with transporting wine in steel containers in the 1930s they promised to revolutionize the way French Algeria sent its most important export to metropolitan France. What capitalists saw as a rational and efficient use of new technology, however, dockworkers and barrelmakers saw as a dire threat to their livelihoods in a time of intense economic hardship. This article traces the social conflict that followed the introduction of the wine tanker and the declining use of wine barrels in port cities in both Algeria and France. In doing so it illustrates the wide range of people and places that held a direct stake in economic activity arising from France's colonization of Algeria, from the rural environments in which wine was produced all the way to distant urban spaces such as Rouen. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article considers popular opinions in France towards Russia during the fin-de-siècle which helped lead towards the Dual Alliance military treaty between the two countries. Topics explored include the Franco-Prussian War of 1870-71, a comparative study of autocratic Tsarist Russia and France's democratic Third Republic, salons by pan-Slavic activists Olga Novikova, Princess Liza Trubetskaia, and Juliette Adam.

This article examines doctors’ role in the spread of morphine addiction, or morphinomanie, in late nineteenth-century France and the impact of morphine’s use and abuse on medical professionalisation. Although in the 1860s and 1870s doctors had treated morphine as a sort of analgesic panacea, by the early 1880s they began to recognise morphine addiction as a serious social crisis. In a competitive medical marketplace, individual doctors used morphine’s analgesic power to enhance their own credibility in the eyes of their patients. However, this same substance also threatened the legitimacy of the medical profession, as doctors and patients alike succumbed to the new iatrogenic pathology of morphinomanie. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the role of empire and internationalism in French revolutionary socialist thought at the beginning of the Third Republic. Whilst French revolutionary socialists frequently employed colonial examples and operated within wider traditions of either imperialism or anti-colonialism, the concept of ‘empire’ itself remained vague and undefined in their thought. Previous literature on the subject has focused overwhelmingly on the writings of Communards deported to New Caledonia in the 1870s; however, this article argues that the deportees in fact remained theoretically unconcerned with imperial and international questions. Rather, it was those who remained in Europe that produced more clearly elaborated theories on empire and international engagement. Such ideas subsequently served to demarcate the limits and possibilities of universal equality and solidarity, which were central to revolutionary socialist thought during this period. Consequently, it will be suggested that despite their recent rise in popularity, empire, and colonialism are not the best categories of analysis for approaching such themes, for they cannot be isolated from broader concerns with international and transnational thought. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the fiscal policies instituted by France's Third Republic in the late nineteenth century. Taxation was increased to pay for public programs such as education and transportation. Topics considered include the historiography of taxation and the theories of sociologist Max Weber, state-building and war, French President Adolphe Thiers, nineteenth-century taxation and theories on income tax. A comparison of the tax systems of France, Great Britain, and the U.S. is presented.

Intelligence in France evolved as it professionalized at the end of the nineteenth century, led by determined individuals within the French army. However, in the centuries prior to the professionalization of espionage and counterespionage, military men rejected intelligence, viewing the practice with skepticism and disdain. This article asserts that there was a change in views towards espionage, particularly among the military, beginning in the middle of the nineteenth century. As the army went from eschewing intelligence to embracing it and taking the lead in its practice, the nature of intelligence work in France consequently reflected the goals and aims of the army, prioritizing military intelligence over others. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article explores the epistemological and cultural evolution of nostalgia in nineteenth-century France, focusing on the crucial period (1850-1914) when the concept lost its medical meaning and embraced new cultural scenarios created by the rise of a modern nationalism and the perception of national territory. The analysis examines two major scientific discourses on nostalgia, medical and geographical, recognizing that these representational systems broadly exceed the limits of scientific logic and function as heterogeneous genres that include political, philosophical, and literary concerns of the period. By tracing the genealogy of the concept of nostalgia, the article establishes a relationship between the medical thesis and the work of Paul Vidal de la Blache, who is considered the founder of the discipline of modern geography in France. The article delves into the cultures of sensibility and explores the politics of feelings--areas of research that are quite relevant for our own nostalgic era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By 1939, there were an estimated 150,000 immigrant Jews in Paris: half the entire Jewish population of France. More than seventy-five percent of them came from Eastern Europe. Scholarship on the immigrant Jewish community in Paris primarily focuses on the role that the Yiddish-language immigrant press played in demarcating political affiliation. Less explored, however, are the roles that the Yiddish press played in creating a Jewish community rooted in both French and Jewish cultural norms. This article analyzes Naye prese through its use of culture and gender constructs to understand more fully the larger implications of the Yiddish press in Paris. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the cultural identifications of doctors of French origin working for the colonial medical service in Algeria at the end of the nineteenth century. As representatives of the state, doctors were expected to uphold the gendered values of civilisation which underpinned the French Third Republic and its empire. Yet they also formed part of a mixed European settler community which insisted upon its own racial and cultural specificity. Faced with a series of centralising reforms to the service from 1878, doctors tied their pursuit of professional freedom to a wider settler movement for autonomy. In so doing, they came to embody a self-proclaimed 'new white race' which sought to physically regenerate the empire. In tracing these doctors' mediation between their governmental employers and their settler patients, this article exposes tensions within French medical culture in Algeria and reflects on the consequences for the operation of colonial power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reexamines the legacy of Wagnerism in France through the lens of cultural and intellectual history. Taking the Revue wagnérienne (1885-88) as its central subject of analysis, it demonstrates that contributors to the Revue developed from Richard Wagner's work several strategies for transcending the Franco-German nationalist conflicts so trenchant in the 1880s. Falling beyond the confines of any one academic discipline or aesthetic category, the Wagnerism presented on the pages of the Revue wagnérienne borrowed from scientific thought, aesthetics, religion, and politics in equal measure. This comingling of approaches expressed by the authors suggests that Wagnerism in the 1880s created an intellectual space for seemingly contradictory perspectives to coexist. Grappling with Wagner's works and ideas, then, provided French intellectuals with an opportunity to imagine alternatives to many of the political, cultural, and ideological polarizations of the early Third Republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a theory of military retrenchment by states in relative decline. I argue that a declining state will choose to withdraw foreign military deployments and security commitments when there exists a suitable regional 'successor' to which it can devolve its current responsibilities. The degree of a successor's suitability and the strategic importance of the region to the declining state interact to determine when and how rapidly retrenchment will occur. Importantly, this devolutionary model of retrenchment predicts significant variations in retrenchment patterns across a declining state's multiple regional commitments. It advances the literature by producing nuanced predictions of precisely where, when, and how quickly retrenchment will occur. This paper assesses the theory empirically through an examination of Great Britain's varying regional retrenchment strategies prior to World War I. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the summer of 1907, France experienced one of its largest social disturbances since the Revolution, as the winegrowers of the Languedoc-Roussillon led a mass protest movement that paralysed the region and challenged the state. Although the Grande Révolte evoked references to the Albigensian Crusade, and juxtaposed North and South, it never fully represented a moment of Occitan regionalist rising. The failure of the cultural organisation the Félibrige to fully engage with protesters led to a fissure between political and cultural expressions of Occitan identity that marked the movement thereafter. By combining linguistic anthropology and historical analysis, the authors are able to foreground a key aspect of national identity formation as it occurred in 1907. Considering the impact of the Grande Révolte on the identity and language of the Midi offers us an insight into the development of regionalism both within and beyond the borders of the French nation. Pendant l'été 1907, la France vécut de grands troubles sociaux auxquels l'État dut faire face, à savoir la Grande Révolte des vignerons du Languedoc-Roussillon qui glaça la région. Bien que la Grande Révolte ait évoqué des références à la Croisade des Albigeois et ait juxtaposé le Nord et le Sud, elle n'atteignit jamais le niveau d'un vrai soulèvement régionaliste occitan. Le manque de coopération entre l'organisation culturelle du Félibrige d'un côté et les manifestants de l'autre provoqua une fissure entre les expressions politiques et culturelles de l'identité occitane, qui désormais marquerait le mouvement. Les auteurs allient l'anthropologie linguistique et l'analyse historique afin de souligner un aspect principal de la création d'une identité nationale en 1907. Prendre en considération l'impact de la Grande Révolte sur l'identité et les langues du Midi nous donne un aperçu du développement du régionalisme en France et hors de France. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper examines some of the debates over maternal instinct in France under the Third Republic. It focuses on the work of three naturalists (Fabre, Perrier, and Giard) and shows how these scientists shaped, reinforced, or challenged feminine identities as well as a number of sexual social conventions making constant reference to the natural as their authority. This paper highlights these scientists' views on womanhood and maternity and their stances on contemporary feminist discourses as well as seeking to establish the extent to which these views and stances influenced their scientific discourses and practices. It also aims to demonstrate the interpenetration of science and policy, not only in terms of the transfer of political concepts into the scientific domain (and back again), but also as a joint construction process, which produced a new political and natural order in nineteenth century France. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses historiography of the French Third Republic in the 20th century and also discusses public, scientific and political debates based on it. Various topics discussed include republican historiography of the republic, anti-feminism, political history of the republic, republican model between 1989-1992, republicanization of France and brief discussion on national identity.

About 2,800 volunteers of the American contingent of the International Brigades, generally known as the Abraham Lincoln Brigade, served in Spain from 1937 to 1939. After the fall of Barcelona at the end of January 1939 many ended up in French refugee camps. This article draws on first-hand eye-witness accounts to paint a picture not only of the withdrawal from Spain after the fall of Barcelona in January 1939 but also of conditions within the camps in France. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1934 French politics became polarized in a bitter struggle for the soul of France between Jeanne d'Arc and Marianne. In the course of the war in Spain, the positions taken by the Left and Right did not change; they simply hardened. Socialist doctrine was grounded in pacifism, but now it had to confront fascism. The Right, in its many varieties, was pro-appeasement and pro-Mussolini, and did its best to close its eyes to Italo-German rapprochement; Hitlerism was viewed as a terrible danger, but it was still the lesser ideological evil. Toulouse provided a fine observation point on Spain, and its varied press included the centre-left La Dépêche, of international renown. Among its writers, Heinrich Mann and Émile Vandervelde expressed an excessive pro-Republican optimism (as did Léon Blum in Le Midi Socialiste). L'Express du Midi called for volunteers for Franco, and Franco fumed at the poor response. Guglielmo Ferrero meanwhile warned that Europe was now plunged into the greatest intellectual and moral confusion in all its history. With Franco's victory, what all sides came to realize was that France now faced hostile forces on three frontiers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the conceptual and organisational connections between late nineteenth-century civil-liberties activism and the emerging human-rights paradigm of the twentieth century. The comparison of the two largest and most influential civil-liberties organisations to emerge in Britain and France before the First World War (the British Personal Rights Association and the French Ligue des droits de l'homme) has three objectives: to place the two groups in a wider context of civil-liberty organisations of the pre-First World War era and to identify personal connections and inspirations. Secondly, by analysing functional definitions of ‘rights’ and who these rights should apply to, the article argues that although one group conceptualised their activism on the basis of ‘civil liberties’ and the other on ‘human rights’ there were significant similarities between the approaches of the two groups. Moreover, differences stemmed from internal politics within each group rather than the dissimilar conceptual framework. Finally the article seeks to understand why the Ligue des droits de l'homme was much more successful than the British Personal Rights Association both in its ability to mobilise supporters, and in inspiring sister organisations in other European countries. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the diplomatic correspondence of the French ambassador to the Ottoman Porte or court at Istanbul, Charles-Joseph Tissot, at the time of the French invasion of Tunisia. It also explains the French rationale for their justification for the action which the Turkish government regarded as an act of war, and describes the life and diplomatic career of the ambassador. The religious/political ideology of Pan-Islamism is highlighted throughout.

National and international critics of Paris's 1900 Universal Exposition claimed that it was a disaster on various levels. That year, in addition to two walkway collapses that killed thirteen people, Paris experienced numerous construction and transportation accidents; electrical failures and fires; a deadly heal wave followed by a water shortage, near sewer failure, and "great stink"; and typhoid and smallpox outbreaks that killed more than a thousand people. Taking the spatial turn in exposition studies, this article interprets these claims as part of a conservative disaster discourse that targeted the exposition to undermine the Third Republic and its progressive conception of urban modernity. Thus, rather than examining an actual disaster, I show how the Republic's critics used fears of impending disaster to cast modem Paris as a "risk society" characterized by "normal accidents," which in turn questioned the Republic's project, widely hyped at the exposition, of controlling nature and achieving social progress through science and technology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the history of public welfare institutions in France, focusing on the activities of mutual aid societies and labor unions in the second half of the 19th century and early 20th century. The author outlines the development of social legislation and policy, particularly the legalization of mutual aid societies during the Second Empire under French Emperor Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte. She then details conflicts between mutual aid associations and trade unions, under leadership of Marxist French politician Jules Guesde, over the goals and direction of social security policy.

D'une façon générale, l'enseignement de l'histoire a acquis une légitimité sociale du fait que l'étude du passé est censée délivrer aux élèves des clés de compréhension du présent, c'est-à-dire du temps où ils vivent. Mais ce topos ne dit rien du sens que donnent à cette expression les historiographies scolaires, inscrites dans des sociétés où l'expérience du passé a configuré le rapport qu'elles entretiennent avec les diverses facettes du temps. On peut donc se demander de quelles significations, selon les contextes et les aires géographiques, est chargée cette généralité, en d'autres termes historiciser la notion même "comprendre le présent". C'est ce questionnement qui a été appliqué à l'enseignement de l'histoire en France, pour la période 1870–1940 – celle de la Troisième République – où il a représenté, sept ans durant, un des piliers de la formation des élèves – masculins – de l'enseignement secondaire. Les républicains, arrivés au pouvoir après la défaite de 1871 contre la Prusse, entendaient en effet dispenser à la jeunesse française, appelée à constituer les futures élites de la nation, de solides connaissances historiques. L'enjeu était de taille: dans un pays affaibli et, de surcroît, divisé politiquement, il s'agissait de rassembler, autour de la nation et des valeurs républicaines, les forces du pays. Quel statut a donc donné au présent cet usage scolaire de l'étude du passé alors que les historiens, dans le contexte de professionnalisation de la discipline historique qui caractérise au 19è siècle les États-nations, posaient les règles de la critique érudite et affirmaient leur volonté d'élaborer une histoire qui ne servît que la "Vérité"? Nous avons ici distingué deux niveaux: d'une part celui des programmes et autres textes officiels complétés par les publications des historiens qui, à la fin du 19è siècle, dominent le paysage historiographique. En effet, Gabriel Monod, un des fondateurs en 1876 de la Revue historique dont l'objectif est de créer en France une école historique, Ernest Lavisse et leur cadet Charles Seignobos s'impliquent tous également dans la renaissance des études historiques savantes et dans l'organisation de l'histoire scolaire; d'autre part, les auteurs ont exploité les articles et rapports des revues pédagogiques, les cahiers d'élèves, les témoignages recueillis spontanément ou non, toutes traces qui, en nous introduisant à la connaissance de l'histoire enseignée, élargissent le spectre des sources de l'histoire de la discipline. Car si la périodisation établie par les programmes fait de l'étude du présent l'aboutissement de la connaissance du passé, il importe de se demander à quelles pratiques du présent a donné lieu ce que Lavisse appelait "la théorie de l'enseignement"? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Information is presented about the history conference entitled "Marginalized Masculinities and the Nation: Global Comparisons, 1800-1945," held March 2012 at the Heidelberg Center for American Studies in Heidelberg, Germany. Topics included a comparison of Neo-Nazis in the U.S., GErmany, and Sweden; masculinity and Japanese military personnel in Meiji Japan; and homosexuality and masculinity in France between 1871 and 1945. Presenters included historians Andreas Beer, Denis Gainty, and Norman Domeier.

In contrast to a familiar assimilation model whereby peasants were "transformed into Frenchmen," this study of Limousin migrant masons illustrates how occupational specialization, rural-based social networking, and circular migration strategies encouraged residential concentration in Paris in the second half of the nineteenth century. After addressing circular migration and the characteristics of the building trades that promoted social networking, this study draws on census and electoral records to map the boundaries of Limousin solidarity in Paris during the Third Republic (1871-1914). Rather than constituting a "colony," Limousin migrant masons established "microcommunities" based on familial and village-based social ties. The article concludes with an analysis detailing the functions of residential concentration by considering how collective living arrangements in hôtels garnis (boardinghouses) enabled the procurement of work, maintained the cohesion of the work team, and promoted links connecting Paris to the Departments of the Haute-Vienne and the Creuse in central France. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the French feminist movements campaigning to obtain the right to vote between the 1870s and the 1930s are well known, the struggles for women's access to higher education and professional work have not yet been studied in depth. Although the French Third Republic (1871-1940) claimed to adhere to the principles of equality, meritocracy and the 'free competition of talents', which translated concretely into the creation of a system of scholarships, competitions and professional degrees which provided access to many of the professional careers, these doors remained largely closed to the first women attempting to enter them. The controversies that this situation provoked are the subject of this article, which draws from professional, parliamentary, press and activist sources. More broadly, through examining this particular series of controversies, the article aims to give an account of the mechanisms and arguments that are generally used to make such discriminations publicly acceptable within institutional spaces that are formally governed by the principle of equal access. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article looks at an incident which happened in 1906 and involved French politician Georges Clemenceau and the administration of the Protestant Hungarian newspaper titled "Magyar Szó." The author advances that this isolated event probably influenced Clemenceau's opinion of Hungary during the years preceding World War I and the Trianon (Versailles, France) peace treaty in 1920. Topics of discussion include the newspaper's historical context from 1900 to 1914, Clemenceau's editorial entitled "le divorce austro-hongrois" which was published in his newspaper "l'Aurore" in September 29, 1905, and the Hungarian newspaper's decision to republish the interviews of three French politicians, including Clemenceau and Ernest Vallé, on March 15, 1906.

As many unused sources in the Service Historique de la Defense in Vincennes and the Quai d'Orsay in Paris reveal the French Deuxieme Bureau, and also naval intelligence, monitored events during the home rule crisis, the Easter Rising, the First World War, the Peace Conference in Paris and the Civil War. Also worthy of note are the elaboration of Franco-Irish invasion plans during the Boer War and the secret mission of an Irish general in Paris shortly after the signing of the Anglo-Irish Treaty on 6 December 1921. The aims of this article will be to give an overview of French military intelligence activities regarding Ireland and to give an assessment of its interest in the country during the period under consideration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the history of feminism and women's journalism in France during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. It references articles on journalists Kaethe Schirmacher, Marcelle Capy, and Maria Vérone published elsewhere in the issue, by scholars Karen Offen, Mary Lynn Stewart, and Sara L. Kimble, respectively. According to the author, feminist journalism was important to the growth of the feminist movement and also offered women opportunities to enter public spaces.

The article discusses French-Swiss relations in the early modern period, focusing on four points including the influence of the French king on Swiss politics through secret payments, criticism raised at the time against these payments. The author argues that anti-corruption sentiment was prevalent at the time, using research by Sharon Kettering to show that patronage systems bred high levels of corruption and protest, and contends that the historical phenomenon of secret influence in the higher social ranks of Europe should be understood as reflecting both patronage and corruption.

The article focuses on the proposition of a hygienic reform concerning the lifestyle of French people by doctors during a period called the Belle Époque, from the end of the 19th century to the beginning of World War I, in reaction to industrial and urban development and its effect on health. According to the article, naturopathy enthusiasts and vegetarians agreed with this program and shared the idea that a lifestyle far from the laws of nature was the main cause of diseases. The Société Végétarienne de France, the French society of vegetarianism, is mentioned as a key player in the promotion of this reform.

Analyzes the diplomatic career of Ernest Constans, French ambassador to the Ottoman Empire from 1898-1909. Background in politics; Comparison of the ambassadorial performance of Constans with French foreign minister Theophile Delcasse; Observations about his diplomatic career.