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Copyright of History Studies (13094688) is the property of History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article assesses a claim by Khrushchev that warnings from the Soviet intelligence services enabled to him to deter a Turkish invasion of Syria in 1957. The article shows that the United States and Turkey did aim to overthrow the Syrian government, with the Turks massing an invasion force on Syria's border. Soviet intelligence detected this threat and was able to alert Khrushchev, who took diplomatic and military countermeasures. However, while the Soviet intelligence services did provide advance warning, Khrushchev overestimated the extent to which the United States was committed to a Turkish invasion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the discovery of oil at Kirkuk in northern Iraq, oil has shaped relations between Iraq and Turkey, as the former needed markets and export routes to the Mediterranean and the latter reliable sources of supply. This article examines the origins of the Kirkuk–Ceyhan oil pipeline from northern Iraq to the Turkish Mediterranean coast, charting the period of Iraqi–Turkish economic rapprochement in the 1960s to the construction of the pipeline in the 1970s. It also seeks to add to our collective understanding of why transnational oil pipelines in the Middle East succeed or fail by examining the pipeline's operational record. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The existing literature on Turkish foreign policy (TFP) asserts that under the rule of theAdalet ve Kalkınma Partisi(AKP), Turkey’s foreign policy shifted from caution and uni-dimensionality to relative activism and multi-dimensionality. This study aims to test these arguments through a systematic analysis of the international agreements ratified by the Turkish Parliament between 1984 and 2015. By looking at the number, content and signatory parties of these international agreements, it aims to empirically show the change in the activism, orientation and instruments of TFP. Using this original data set is not only used to trace the change under the AKP but also across all ruling governments that came to power between 1984 and 2015. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The rise and subsequent erosion of friendly relations between Iran and Turkey was a result of their regional ambitions. While Turkey had long seen its secular system as presenting an alternative to Iran's Islamic ideology, the alignment of their regional interests facilitated a rapport between the two states in the first decade of the twenty-first century. However, the Arab Spring proved divisive for this relationship as each state sought to advocate its model of government and secure a leadership role in the Arab world. The war in Syria widened the divide, as Iran's long-standing support for the Bashar al-Assad regime could not be reconciled with Turkey's desire to see President Assad out of office. Using a close reading of Persian and Turkish sources, the authors will analyse the Iran-Turkey divide, focusing specifically on how the Iranians have portrayed it as a clash of civilisations, citing Turkey's so-called 'neo-Ottoman' ambitions as the primary cause. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of bilig: Journal of Social Sciences of the Turkish World is the property of bilig: Journal of Social Sciences of the Turkish World and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Being founded in the wake of the First World War, both Turkey and the Soviet Union followed revolutionary modernizing pathways. At the outset, one could trace many similar patterns in their radical modernization paradigms; however, their development models as well as political and social orders were radically distinct, which became more obvious with the passage of time. The paper discusses the external interpretations of Kemalism by observing the Soviet perspectives on the inception and evolution of Kemalism. Paying more attention to diplomatic, geopolitical and economic complexities of the Turkish-Soviet relations, scholars have rarely problematized the Soviet Union perceptions of Turkish ideological transformations. In reality, since the early 1920s, different state institutions, intellectual schools of thought and research in the Soviet Union closely observed the domestic transformations in Turkey by providing valuable insights on the perspective and the implications of the Kemalist transformation. The article also looks at the question of how the incorporation of Soviet perspectives can enrich the historiography and our understanding of Kemalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Cumhuriyet Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi (CTAD) is the property of Ataturk Institute for Modern Turkish History and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Cumhuriyet Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi (CTAD) is the property of Ataturk Institute for Modern Turkish History and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Cumhuriyet Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi (CTAD) is the property of Ataturk Institute for Modern Turkish History and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the dilemma of the Soviet filmmakers during the motion picture production about the conflict ideologies of Turkey and Soviet Union. It examines the similarities in practices of the state and ideological borders for both countries. It also cites the cinematographic cooperation of Soviet for world historical event.

This article explores the discursive reasons behind the paradoxes in Turkey’s foreign policy since the onset of the Syria crisis. By looking at representation of Turkey’s Syria policy in two prominent pro-government newspapers, Star and Yeni Şafak, the authors highlight the significance of the February 2012 episode, after which Ankara experienced deep discursive dilemmas for three reasons: the uncertain portrayal of the dyadic context, the ambiguous framing of third-party roles, and ambivalent agenda building. Despite the shadow of imminent civil war, Turkey’s foreign policy elite refrained from framing the real risks arising within Syria. Idealistic-normative calls appealed to massacre rhetoric in order to legitimize humanitarian intervention. However, the geopolitical framing of third-party roles did not assist in the building of diplomatic ground for international intervention. Quite the contrary, it led to the shaping of public opinion toward realistic-utilitarian interference. Swinging between intervention and interference, Ankara pushed itself toward a liminal position. Even though the Turkish government’s rhetorical ambivalence helped to sway anti-war domestic public opinion, it did not help to control the spiraling of Syria into civil war. That is to say, the ambivalent agenda building in the critical February 2012 episode perpetuated paradoxes in Turkey’s Syria policy and left lingering implications for the transformation of the Syrian crisis in the years to come. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Cumhuriyet Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi (CTAD) is the property of Ataturk Institute for Modern Turkish History and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Turkey has thus far been generally neglected in most IR studies on power categorisations, such as middle or middle-range power, regional power or rising/emerging power, despite its rising regional power status in the past decade. This paper attempts to understand Turkey’s regional power together with its rising power status using an integral approach. In doing so, it empirically tests whether or not Turkey fits Daniel Flemes’s ‘regional power’ category, which seems to be proposing a more complete and integral framework through the fulfilment of four basic preconditions: claim to leadership; possession of necessary power resources (material and ideational); employment of material, institutional and discursive foreign policy instruments; and acceptance of leadership by third parties. Based upon these analytical tools, the article will discuss Turkey’s performance in creating a regional impact in its neighbouring regions of the Middle East, the Balkans and the Black Sea and Caucasus. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The attempted coup that took place in Turkey on 15 July 2016 was the latest in a long line of military coups in the country’s post-Second World War history. Francesco F Milan looks at the country’s controversial legacy of civil–military relations. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Western powers are the main players that determine the national and international policies of Turkey, a NATO-member and a candidate country to the EU. The converse is also true, meaning that Turkey's domestic political developments have always had an influence over the country's relations with the West. The July 15 coup attempt is no exception in this regard. The botched coup is, without a doubt, a turning point in Turkey's political history. Therefore, the present article aims at conceptualizing the eventual consequences of the July 15 coup attempt for Turkish foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of bilig: Journal of Social Sciences of the Turkish World is the property of bilig: Journal of Social Sciences of the Turkish World and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines the political relations between Poland-Lithuania, the Ottoman Empire and the Crimean Khanate--taking into account France and the Habsburg Empire as other actors--to demonstrate how a pan-European context of war, equilibrium and security policy can be understood as a transnational network. The focus on Poland-Lithuania makes it clear that a pan-European understanding of Austro-Ottoman relations--all too often presented as pars pro toto for the entire Ottoman-European relationship--requires an appropriate consideration of eastern Europe. On the one hand, focusing on Poland-Lithuania and the Crimean Khanate places the conflict between the Ottoman Empire and Vienna in a broader context. On the other, this also explains how in 1790, with the benefit of hindsight, Mehmed Raşid, the person responsible for Ottoman external relations, was able to state that 'the Poles are our oldest and best friends'. Ultimately the common procedures and explicit constructions developed as part of the communications process addressed cultural (in)difference. An assessment of the respective communication partner is fundamental to such an approach: Both Poland-Lithuania and the Ottoman Empire--as well as the dominions between these two states--were linguistically and religiously very heterogeneous. They were characterized as multi-ethnic empires that were founded on the practices of transgresssing (trans)cultural and ethno-confessional boundaries, without assuming that this precluded conflict or required an anachronistic and allegedly principled tolerance. This article traces such practices between the empires, in particular in the sphere of peace treaties. It shows that researchers need to modify the view that the Ottoman Empire did not enter into an explicitly perpetual peace with a Christian power until the 18th century, as the case of Poland demonstrates. The case of the Crimean Khanate also clarifies that it was not at all unthinkable in the repertoire of Ottoman foreign policy, including that of the Ottoman vassal, to enter into perpetual peace with Christian powers. Obviously, however, this strategy was not specifically applied in the Austrian context, but was very much used elsewhere in other Ottoman-European relations. Rather than an ideological 'aversion' to perpetual peace with Christians on the part of Ottoman dignitaries, it is more appropriate to call this a deliberately chosen strategy of taking different approaches to the respective partners in the European balance of power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the relationship between Turkey and Israel as of May 2016 and the Islamic factor. An overview of their relationship is provided which was established in 1948 after Middle East has been swept by wars. Also discussed are anti-Semitism that was fed by Islamism, political party Islamic Welfare Party as a vehicle of anti-Semitism, and their Free Trade Agreement.

In recent years, emerging powers such as China, India, Brazil, and Russia have dramatically increased their political, economic, and diplomatic relations with Africa. This phenomenon has led many Western analysts to affirm that emerging powers are competing to dislodge Africa's traditional partners; i.e., Western Europe and the United States, and pose serious challenges to their interests on the African continent. Each emerging power has its own interests by increasing its involvement in Africa just like the former colonial powers and the United States have so done for centuries. Thus, since the late nineties, Turkey has also joined the pack and increased its engagement in Africa. It is deepening its diplomatic relations with many African countries and the African Union, and developing a new market place for its companies and business community. Against this background, this article intends to give an overview of the Turkey's new Africa policy, discuss its main political, economic and security rationale and analyze its basic pillars and challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the history of Ottoman Empire, the period of Abdulhamid II has been considered as a period of strict absolutist, conservative, oppressive regime both by European and Turkish historiography. There is no doubt that this regime possesses these characteristics. Even though the concept of democracy of the period is very different than today's understanding, the Ottoman government falls quite behind its contemporaries. However, the analysis of the international framework was generally ignored while examining the reasons of this situation. This study aims to interrelate 'the regime that dominates the Ottoman Empire' and 'the international environment' by referring to certain international conferences and to certain consensuses ensured in the international level related with 'international security'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analyzes the political reasons that allowed the Islamic State to expand successfully in Syria and Iraq, by enabling to “franchise” worldwide, and the role of the regional governments in this issue. The article provides a different explanation from the classic approach of the “clash of civilizations” theorized by Samuel P. Huntington, ascribing responsibility for the growth and expansion of the Islamic State to the complex framework of geopolitical alliances within the Muslim civilization and the Arab world. The article highlights the attempt by Turkey to establish itself as a regional power and guidance of the Islamic world, by resurrecting the Caliphate, and, based on this, explains the contrast with the Islamic State, whose goal is the foundation of a globalized Caliphate. The plans of the Turkish President Erdoğan for a Great Turkey, allied with Egypt, have foundered with the coup that ousted the Muslim Brotherhood from power. The study relates the connection of Ankara with the Kurds, regarding the management of the crisis in Syria and Iraq, and the Turkish liaison with regional powers (Iran, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and Israel) and other powers (Russia, China, and the United States). [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Although scholars have examined different aspects of bilateral relations between Turkey and the Soviet Union, many aspects of the relationship remain to be studied and contextualized. This article examines how the Kemalist transformation in Turkey and particularly the ideology of Kemalism were seen and interpreted by Soviet actors between the 1920s and 1960s. Initially viewed as an ally in the struggle against the West, Kemalism was later treated mainly negatively by the Communist regime. However in the 1960s, with the rise of leftist politics in Turkey, the Soviets revisited Kemalism with more favorable interpretations. Looking at these shifts through the lenses of Soviet diplomats, Communist party functionaries, and scholars helps us to understand the underlying dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

As the global wave of decolonization that began after 1945 reached the island of Cyprus, the Cyprus question turned into an issue of paramount importance for Turkish nationalists and for the Turkish people in general. Long before, Turkish foreign policy architects – who had previously taken the line that ‘Turkey does not have a Cyprus problem’ – came to portray Cyprus as a ‘national cause’. Three different geopolitical discourses were instrumental in legitimizing Turkey’s claims over Cyprus and in leading Turkish society to believe that it had a crucial stake in the fate of the island. Naturalized geopolitics represented Cyprus as a natural extension of the Turkish heartland, while ideological geopolitics put forth that Greek Cypriots were responsible for the spread of communism. Finally, civilizational geopolitics characterized Turkey and Greece’s rivalry in Cyprus as the latest chapter in the centuries-old conflict between Turkishness and Hellenism. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the history and current social conditions of Şanlıurfa, Turkey which is one of the oldest settlements in the world. The city is also an active frontier in the ongoing Syrian civil conflict, controlled partly by the Kurdistan Worker's Party and Kurdish Democratic Union Party, fighting against the Islamic State.

Turkey has expanded the horizons of its foreign policy in geographical terms, as well as in terms of Ankara's involvement in global issues and in international organizations. Turkey's new foreign policy and line of geopolitical thought marks a considerable degree of discontinuity with the previous era. Turkey's ambition is to take on a central role in world politics under the guidance of the foreign policy vision of former Foreign Minister and current Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu. This paper analyses the extent to which Turkey's Foreign Ministry has been able to transform itself in accordance with the new geopolitical thinking under Davutoğlu. It focuses on the capacity building and reform of the Foreign Ministry to understand how policymakers bridge the gap between ideas and institutions to ensure that the geopolitical perspective is an enduring and long-term project. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper investigates to what extent mediation has been a relevant foreign policy tool during the Arab Spring by looking into the mediation attempts of Turkey, Qatar and Iran. To answer this question, the paper examines why and how these actors mediated, to what extent they were able to apply mediation as a tool of foreign policy, whether their mediation attempts could deliver any results and whether there was a receptive audience with respect to their mediation. Despite certain setbacks, mediation has been a relevant foreign policy tool during the Arab Spring. The uses of mediation by these actors run parallel to their foreign policy priorities. In addition, during the Arab Spring, mediation has proved more effective in small-scale conflicts, such as hostage crises, rather than large-scale ones, such as those between regimes and oppositions. Despite considerable potential for regional powers to take on mediator roles, the effectiveness of their mediation attempts depends on their commitment and reliability as mediators. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In this article, I analyse the gendered and ethnicized nature of denial writing by women writers during the decade of terror (1975–85). The 1970s and 1980s can be characterized by two coup d’états (1971 and 1980) and a series of assassinations of Turkish diplomats by the Armenian Secret Army for the Liberation of Armenia (ASALA) and the Justice Commandos of the Armenian Genocide (JCOAG), which resulted in the proliferation of denialist narratives on the Armenian Genocide. I explore the prominent Sufi woman mystic Sâmiha Ayverdi'sTürkiye'nin Ermeni meselesi(1976) and its translation into English,The Armenian question in Turkey(1980), in the way the texts draw their Turkish and international readers into reifying racist and essentialist assumptions about Turkish victimhood and Armenian culpability. I will analyse the second work, Sabiha Gökçen'sAtatürk’ün izinde bir ömür böyle geçti[A life passed in the path of Atatürk], published in 1982, through the gendered and ethnicized silences in the narrative performance of the eternally grateful and self-abnegating daughterhood of Sabiha Gökçen to Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. Sabiha Gökçen is renowned as the first female combat pilot in Turkey and in the world, and as one of the adopted daughters of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. The myths of nationalism and militarism propagated in her autobiography become further nuanced as we explore the text, taking into account her recently revealed identity as an Armenian, with the name of Hatun Sebilciyan, announced by the journalist Hrant Dink (1954–2007) shortly prior to his assassination in 2007. In the conclusion, I analyse the persistence of myths of nationalism and militarism that reinforce the contemporary culture of denial in Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Mediterranea - Ricerche Storiche is the property of Mediterranea-Ricerche Storiche and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The argument of this paper is that the new foreign policy orientation of Turkey under the AKP (Justice and Development Party) government is a constitutive component of a new nationalist project, constructed and carried out by the AKP over the last decade. The article expounds the ways in which the AKP has reformulated the notions of nation, national history, homeland and national interest and demonstrates the role foreign policy has played in this reformulation. Our point of departure will be the patterns we have observed in the statements and political practices of the AKP government and its officials, particularly the incumbent minister of foreign affairs Ahmet Davutoğlu, whose book, Strategic Depth, presents a more systematic explanation of the major principles and assertions of AKP nationalism and foreign policy. We will also argue that after the Gezi protests in June 2013 this new conception of nation and nationalism has faced with a deep crisis, which has also exacerbated the problem of pursuing an ambitious foreign policy strategy in international arena. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article presents abstracts on international affairs including relations between the U.S. and Cuba, Russia's intervention in Ukraine, and Turkey's isolationist policies in the 21st century.

Modern international relations are a reflection of the successful coordination of various factors, including close cooperation and a strategic vision for the future. A very significant example of this synergy is the relationship between Turkey and Azerbaijan. These two countries initially had their own historical relationship, based on common culture and ethnic origin. Skillfully taking advantage of these factors, Turkey and Azerbaijan rapidly began to develop their relations in all spheres. Special attention should be paid to their mutually beneficial cooperation in the energy sector, which is the driving force behind their economic and political initiatives. This article will analyze the impact of the energy cooperation between Azerbaijan and Turkey on the implementation of these states' foreign policies, and the achievement of their national interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

1933 is an important year for Turkey as it is the tenth anniversary of republic and when it is evaluated within the framework of developments in Europe. The report issued by Belgrade Embassy of Turkey is more important since it covers a period during which the effects of economic crisis in 1929 were still continuing, expansionist policies of Germany and Italy came into prominence in Europe, and efforts were made by Balkan countries for collaboration. This 22-page report which mentions about political state of Yugoslavia, one of the defenders of collaboration in Balkans, its foreign policy and economic relationships was written by Ali Haydar Aktay, the Belgrade ambassador. This report deals with internal issues of Yugoslavia, federalism demands of Croatians and attitude of King Alexander towards these demands. Other issues in the report include relationships of Yugoslavia with Italy, Petite Entente countries and therefore France. Furthermore, Turkey-Yugoslavia relationships are also mentioned in the report in detail. Among other things, the report also includes information and comments about economic state of Yugoslavia and its trade relationships with Turkey. The objective of the present study is to evaluate this document containing valuable information and comments and submit for the attention of researchers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the topical problems in the history of the Second World War was the relations between the USSR and Turkey. The warring sides examined possible methods for Turkey to come over to their side. The Turkish issue was a main theme in the correspondence among the heads of the anti-Hitler coalition. Based on information from Soviet and Turkish periodicals and materials from the Russian Federation Foreign Policy Archive, we examine the features of Turkey’s foreign policy during the war and Turkey’s relations with the USSR. We examine the Teheran, Cairo, and Potsdam Conferences, where the leaders of the anti-Hitler coalition discussed the Turkish issue and Churchill’s proposal to open a second front on the territory of Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article introduces the topics of the April 2015 issue of the historical research periodical "Zeitschrift für Historische Forschung" on the history of diplomatic relations between the Osman empire and Western Europe in the early modern period including the diplomatic history of Carpathia, the threat of Turkish military aggression to Europe in the 17th century, and regional differences in culture.

This article analyses Turkey’s responses to the Arab uprisings in the context of its larger foreign policy transformation and regional aspirations. The AKP government seized the uprisings as an opportunity to increase its influence in the region by assigning itself a central role in the transition processes in various countries. In the process, however, Turkey faced a number of setbacks and reversals. Comparing the cases of Libya, Syria, and Egypt, the paper argues that Turkey’s efforts to advance regime change in these sites were marked by inconsistency and incoherence. Furthermore, the paper argues that this trajectory of reactions can be explained only by taking both ideational and domestic factors into account. Despite the shortcomings of Turkey’s actions, however, the article concludes that Turkey has consolidated itself as a regional actor, albeit a controversial one. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on a rarely discussed border agreement between Iran and Turkey concluded in 1934. Iran obtained some 80 square miles near its northwestern border south of Bayazid, while Turkey obtained some 90 square miles east of Qotur (Kotur) northeast of Lake Urmya. In addition, Turkey also received Lesser Ararat and the plain around it (which had been part of Iran since 1639). Thus, Turkey, which had taken over Greater Ararat in the 1921 treaties of Moscow and Kars, ended controlling both peaks. The article seeks to correct the errors on the maps on various books printed in the West. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of All Azimuth: A Journal of Foreign Policy & Peace is the property of Ihsan Dogramaci Peace Foundation, Center for Foreign Policy & Peace Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Turkey has traditionally looked at the Middle East with caution ever since it's declaration of secular republic and tilted towards the West in its foreign policy formulation. However, the onset of 21st century brought Justice and Development Party (AKP) to rule the country straddling the two continents. The party, internally, has turned around the country putting it on the path of progress and development. On the international front, it has taken an active approach towards the Middle East, especially its neighboring countries in recent years. Ankara's approach towards Iran, Iraq and Syria - the three countries with which it shares land borders - as well as Israel has seen many ups and downs in the post 2000 period. Factors like Iraq War and the resultant autonomy of the Kurds; Israel's belligerent posture; the Arab Spring and more recently the emergence of the Islamic State have all played significant role in this transformation. The overall impact of this transformation and the future course of action, however, remain yet to be seen. - Eds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the perception about Turkey by Middle Eastern media based on reports and articles published from September 2013 to September 2014. Topics discussed include Turkey's positive image projected in the region's media in relation to other Middle Eastern countries during the period 2003-2012, its AK Party government and its leader Recep Tayyip Erdogan, and the change in Turkey's image during the period 2013-2014.

The article explores several news reports in and about Turkey and the international media's reaction to them. These news reports include one on an attack on U.S. soldiers in a tourist district in Istanbul, some on Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdogan's controversial statements about a number of issues, including who discovered America and the inequality of men and women, and another on the opening of the huge Ak Saray presidential palace on October 29, 2014.

The challenges of the Arab Spring and of Syrian unrest in particular have generated scholarly debate on Ahmet Davutoğlu's broadly appreciated ‘zero problems with neighbours’ principle in Turkish foreign policy. This paper presents an assessment of the viability of the Davutoğlu vision and the changing parameters of foreign policy in a new era. It concludes with a discussion of a crucial question: ‘Is this the end of Davutoğlu's foreign policy vision?’ [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The 1490s saw intense diplomatic activity between Francesco II Gonzaga, Marquis of Mantua (r. 1484-1519), and the Ottoman Sultan Bayezid II (r. 1481-1512). Envoys are often overlooked while attention is paid to the messages or goods that they delivered. This article, however, examines two important envoys in detail and argues that they were chosen for the specific military and technical skills that they possessed. Both envoys delivered armor to the Ottomans in defiance of a papal ban. The nature of the goods that were sent and the backgrounds of the envoys bring nuance to the notion of a uniformly adversarial relationship between the Italian city-states and the Ottomans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that the legitimacy and the effectiveness of privateering in the mid-eighteenth-century Mediterranean were determined by high politics beyond the indispensable war status. After the presentation of four distinctive privateering stories involving individuals of different backgrounds, there follows an analysis of the Ottoman, French, and British factors that determined national and private interests in wartime Archipelago (the Aegean Islands). As the Ottoman Empire was the major commercial partner and a potentially desirable ally for both the French and the British, especially for the Levant Company, privateers were trapped between conflicting interests, beyond their own comprehension. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]