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Chinese Tujia folk songs, deeply rooted in the cultural heritage of the Tujia ethnic group, serve as a living repository of history, values, and traditions. The primary objective of this study is to investigate the historical development of education and cultural literacy in Chinese Tujia working songs in Chongqing. The comprehensive literature review provides insights into the history of the Tujia ethnic group, their musical heritage, and contemporary challenges to preserving their cultural traditions. The research site includes Youyang Tujia and Miao Autonomous County, Shizhu Tujia Autonomous County, Pengshui Tujia, and Miao Autonomous County, and Qianjiang District. Key informants, including accomplished artists, academic researchers, and local experts, share their invaluable insights related to the preservation and performance of Tujia folk songs. By using the principles of music aesthetics, music ethnology, and ancient Chinese music history. The result of this study underscores the critical importance of preserving intangible cultural heritage, especially in the context of today's rapid modernization and globalization. They highlight those traditional folk songs, like Chinese Tujia working songs, hold immense cultural and historical value. The study also provides actionable recommendations for ensuring the continued vitality of these culturally rich songs. These suggestions can guide efforts to integrate Tujia folk songs into educational curricula, support local musicians and artists, and promote cultural events.

The main premise of this paper is that the accepted view of history based on written documents (historiography) is marked by hierarchical ordering and evaluation implicit in it. The paper examines the context of the negation of history, and the revaluation of history in anthropological research. The lack of written documents concerning particular social groups on the internal plane, but also particular nations (ethnic groups) on the global plane, earned them the name of "nations (groups) without history". This criterion of historicity--the existence of a writing system and written documents--implies the hypothesis about the inferiority of those nations and groups. The attributes of history seen in this way are modernity, linearity and cumulativeness. This system implies ethnocentrism based on a twofold negation: a) the negation history, and b) the negation of otherness. What we must not forget is that the symbolic universes are social products with a history, and in order to understand their meaning, one must understand the history of their production. It is very important to pay close attention to the historical practice of projecting our cultural practices onto others. The question of who determines the history and which views are presented to a particular audience is a matter of power and contest. contemporary history-oriented sociocultural anthropology focuses on the total reconstruction of the way of life and thinking in particular periods of history: on the everyday life. This brought together the intellectual traditions of "new history", ethnology, sociocultural anthropology and the sociology of culture. While modernism stresses the present change versus the static past, postmodernism denies the past ever being static and hypostatises fluidity and change as permanent condition. Postmodernism strives to undermine the old, Euro-centric notion that "we" have a history but "they" do not; it has also lead to social scientists' renewed interest in history.

For educational historians involved in the representation of Indigenous contexts and peoples, what is the relevance of ethnohistory as a discipline or methodology, and what is lost or gained in using it? This article reviews ethnohistorical literature, and brings it in conversation with literature by Indigenous scholars on research methodologies, as well as history and historiography. The inquiry raises questions for consideration by educational historians in conducting Indigenous educational histories. It is suggested that while ethnohistory as it is described in the literature may demonstrate limitations, turning towards Indigenous scholarship for guidance may extend and enhance research on the educational past that is responsive to the interests of Indigenous communities.

Ethnology museums are pedagogical. As educators attempting to make sense of how museums teach about the world, the authors of this article are especially interested in how ethnology museums curate otherness through objects, texts, and spaces, and how these combine to present a narrative of others. Ellsworth has referred to this as the "pedagogical address of the museum," which includes analyzing whose stories are authorized, how those identities are represented, and what is made of those representations by visitors (Ellsworth 2005). In this article the authors examine a variety of pedagogical concerns related to the use of objects in museums, including the materials that bring a thing into presence in a museum and the attendant absence this presence implies, the interpretive space that surrounds objects in museums, and the necessary distortion that objects create in their effort to conjure another, displaced reality. These pedagogical concerns are not unique to objects, of course, as any representation such as words, images, and sounds bear similar burdens. But they focus on museums because they are understood as a significant place of objects and, as such, offer a repository of insights that can be brought to bear on other institutions, such as schools. After this survey of issues, the authors consider what can be gleaned from how presencing works with objects and museums in order to apply these practices to the work of educators and researchers of education. They conclude that if we can observe how ethnology museums are parasitic on our urge to possess objects as stand-ins for knowledge, and how that has been tempered by museums themselves in the past two decades, then we have a great deal to gain about how people come to knowledge differently. The critique of ethnology museums' efforts to make distant others present can be engaged to allow an earnest reflection on the dissemination practices of educational research and the interpretive bind in which work is found. If we can consider how any object, removed from an ontological terrain that has plasticity and is yet uniquely congruent with a moment in time and place, then we can learn much while recalling that there is much we cannot know. And if we can consider how we make objects of others in our efforts to write, then there is even more insight to be gained about the limits of our claims and the possibilities that exist through that recognition. Herein lies the hope for social science, to pedagogically encounter all that we attempt to explain and know.

Ewald Fettweis (1881-1967) was the first researcher to develop and establish the term ethnomathematics. This article presents his contribution to ethnomathematics and its development as a scientific theory. We will show that he was the first researcher to realize and practice ethnomathematics in his research and to explain it in his lectures, thus giving a disciplinary status to ethnomathematics. Fettweis's conceptualization of ethnomathematics was developed in the 1930s, much earlier than Ubiratan D'Ambrosio's subsequent, independent introduction of the same term. Based on this work, we argue for the existence of a pre-paradigm period in the development of ethnomathematics.

This article seeks to present a continuing bibliography of research on Southern California Indians from the past 20 years, and sometimes beyond. The coverage reaches outside the variably defined bounds of Southern California so that it includes peripheral groups such as the Timbisha Shoshone of Death Valley and one or more groups in the Owens Valley. The bibliography is organized in a somewhat arbitrary yet useful form. Subsumed under general headings are subheadings by subject, tribe, or place. The main headings are: (1) General Works: Bibliographies, Collections, Encyclopedias, Indexes, and Symposia; (2) Archaeology and Prehistory; (3) Ethnology and Ethnohistory; (4) Indian/White Historical Relations and Indian Affairs; (5) Land Tenure, Land Claims, Sacred Places, and Land Restoration; (6) Law, Jurisdiction, Planning, Federal Acknowledgment, Gaming, and Self-Determination; (7) Geography, Ecology, and Environmental Management; (8) Biology, Demography, Health, and Physical Anthropology; (9) Indians and Urbanization; (10) Arts, Crafts, Music, and Film; (11) Literature, Languages, Journalism, Oral Tradition, and Poetry; (12) Useful Indian and Indian-Related Web Sites; and (13) Law Cases. (Contains 13 notes.)

Compares various research techniques used by anthropologists and historians to explain the past and to provide insights into other cultures. Employs examples from various historical periods and cultural studies (particularly the enlightenment) to show that uniform, unmediated objectivity across cultures is neither necessary nor desirable. (DB)

I follow here three different prophetic movements in Africa with which I have been closely engaged. I highlight the singularity of the prophet vis-à-vis the group, as well as the difficulties built into the ethnographic method to combine the study of sudden historical transformation with the study of the structural dimensions of a society. I invite the reader to explore Bergson's work on religion and morality as a resource to help us think the ethical singularity of the prophet. The study of the "call" prophets receive and of their creative imagination may complement Weber's emphasis on exemplarity, extraordinariness, and charisma. This combination can help us understand the unique role some individuals have in imagining and materializing "the new," transcending local boundaries and orienting people's ethos towards a universal humanity beyond the strictures of their societies, even if prophets, far too often, end up failing in realizing such an ideal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The union of Bessarabia with Romania, in 1918, also had a particular impact on education, economy, mentality, the development of visual and audiovisual arts and, of course, on the patrimony of the country. Now, the subject of the cultural heritage of the Republic of Moldova is frequently approached by historians, anthropologists, specialists in the field of arts studies. In this article, we set the objective to make a retrospective of the itinerary traveled by the cultural heritage of Bessarabia in these 105 years. The evolutionary processes to which this heritage was subjected over the years (in the interwar period, in the years of the Second World War, during the Soviet period and during the 32 years of independence of the Republic of Moldova) were investigated, the share of the treasure held in 1918 was determined, specifying what values we lost, what patrimony was stolen, destroyed especially during the Soviet period and what we have to restore, to rebuild for posterity. Since the idea of cultural heritage is very complex, in our approach we presented a synthesis of its evolution, bringing in this way a tribute to the Generation of the Union for the achievement of Greater Romania. The great act of the Union of Bessarabia with Romania, made in Chisinau, on March 27, 1918, remained as an act of courage. It’s up to us to keep it alive the memory of those who contributed to a real history lesson of 1918 and to join our efforts to safeguarding, valorizing and promoting our cultural heritage, which we value in order to pass it on to those who will continue our message and activity.

Copyright of Sociologia & Antropologia is the property of Sociologia & Antropologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Following his early death, Hubert Fichte’s publication project Die Geschichte der Empfindlichkeit (The History of Sensitivity) remained a fragment. The reader of the posthumous edition is not only confronted with a variety of genres (novel, glosses, paralipomena), but also with a programmatic heterogeneity, as well as with multiple correspondences between the different parts of the project. Connecting the various volumes is the theme of Empfindlichkeit (sensibility, sensitivity), whose anthropologically oriented project traces a path across the three continents Europe, America, and Africa, both historically and in the present. This paper asks what kind of historiography the various writing formats give rise to. Points of reference are Fichte’s narratives about the Casa das Minas, a temple of African-American religions in Brazil, and the assignment given to him by the priestesses of the temple to travel as a messenger to Abomey in West Africa. By examining this messenger service from multiple perspectives, Fichte’s conceptions of reality and History should be addressed in relation to four essential aspects: the engagement for the transmission of a foreign message (the assignment), the scholarly documentation of the history of a religious institution (Fichte’s Das Haus der Mina in São Luiz de Maranhão), the fictional narration with references to a historical setting (Fichte’s Explosion), and the consideration of anecdotal transmission as a complementary ‘counter-history’ (Fichte’s “Afrika” in Psyche). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Glasnik Slovenskega Etnološkega Društva is the property of Slovene Ethnological Society and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Caribeña de Investigación Educativa is the property of RECIE and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article offers a comparative review of ethnographies performed and published as part of the Harvard Chiapas Project (1957-2000), on towns located in Los Altos de Chiapas, Mexico. Although the authors are participantsin the same project, it is possible to identify in their works different ways of making connections between past and present and, therefore, of projecting notions of History and Time. To show these differences, texts by three anthropologists who participated unevenly in the Harvard Chiapas Project (one of the longest-running research programs in the history of the discipline) are reviewed: Evon Vogt, Victoria Bricker and Robert Wasserstrom. The review does not cover the entire production of the project (with more than a hundred people involved). Nor is it aimed at the populations studied, nor at specific ethnographic objects such as the "cargo system" or the "carnival". What is pursued to show is the presence of different frames of Time and History within which ethnographies operate and, consequently, the ambiguousform of the resulting ethnographic objects. The text is the product of a broader investigation of the anthropology of anthropology, based on archival documents and published products of the Harvard Chiapas Project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this article is to present a brief overview of the long history of anthropology in Spain. Of primary importance is positioning this history both within Spain's wider social and political contexts, and also against the development of scientific research throughout the country. Methodologically, this study is based on extensive existing literature concerning the history of the discipline, from the start of the twentieth century to contemporary times, which informed the decision to structure this writing in four sections, segmenting the period of history covered. The first section considers the primary or formative development of a regionalist Spanish ethnography at the beginning of the twentieth century. Following this, in the second section, we explore the Francoist era when the twentieth century was well underway; this was a period marked by the strong influence of foreign research on the establishment of teaching methods and practical approaches to anthropology. In the third section, we observe how, as Spain transitioned from a dictatorship to a strong democratic state formed of autonomous regions, a uniquely Spanish anthropology emerged and, as we discuss in the fourth section, the country entered a time of consolidation and institutionalisation throughout the wider field of Spanish scientific endeavour. In this way, we examine Spanish anthropology from the context of intellectual development not dissimilar to that taking place on a global scale. The article concludes with an exploration of the current challenges facing Spanish anthropology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Papeles del CEIC is the property of Centro de Estudios sobra la Identidad Colectiva, Facultas de Ciencias Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Built from nothing on the Parisian periphery in the 1950s, the neighbourhood known as Les Flanades in Sarcelles is perhaps the single largest North African Jewish urban space in France. Though heavily policed since 2000, Les Flanades had been free from violence. However, on 20 July 2014, violence erupted close to the central synagogue (known as la grande syna') during a banned pro-Palestinian march. The violence pitted protestors and residents against one another in a schematic Israel v. Palestine frame leading to confrontations between many descendants of North African Jews and Muslims. Using that moment as a strong indicator of a broken solidarity/affinity between people of North African descent, Everett's article traces a process of de-racialization, amongst Jews in Les Flanades, through the use of place names. North African Jewish residents use the local names of first-, second- and third-generation residents for their neighbourhood, ranging from from Bab El-Oued (a suburb of Algiers), via un village méditerranéen (a Mediterranean village), to la petite Jérusalem (little Jerusalem). Using the lens of postcolonial and racialization theory—a lens seldomly applied to France, and even less so to Jews in France—and a hybrid methodology that combines ethnography with discursive and genealogical analyses, Everett traces the unevenness of solidarity/affinity between Muslim and Jewish French citizens of North African descent and the messy production of de-racialization. This approach involves looking at shifting landscapes and changing dynamics of demography, religiosity and security and describing some tendencies that resist these changes consciously or not. Examples include the re-appropriation of Arabic para-liturgy and an encounter with a lawyer from Sarcelles who has taken a stand in prominent racialized public legal contests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The word "ethnos" first appeared in Ancient Greek texts. It has passed through various definition stops during its journey from that date to the present. However, when the scientific studies carried out are examined, it is striking that a clear semantic framework cannot be drawn for the concept of ethnos. In order to contribute to the solution of this problem, in the study, the word ethnos has been discussed together on the chronological and geographical levels. First, an etymological analysis of the word was made, then until XXI. century all the meaning changes in different geographies were determined by descriptive and comparative analysis methods from the perspectives of various scientists. In the light of the examination, it has been concluded that ethnos, which was used in close meanings with words such as state, group, people, tribe, clan, class, nation before, has been more frequently used together with the words ethnic origin, ethnic structure and ethnicity in recent years. In addition, it has been noticed that the word reflects various ideological approaches in different geographies. It is thought that, thanks to the results, it has contributed to the formation of a conceptual framework of the word to be used in many fields, especially in sciences such as anthropology, archeology, ethnology, ethnography, geography, and history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]