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В статье рассматриваются условия и идейные предпосылки зарождения особого жанра в марксистской социологии – «критики буржуазной социологии». Лидер боль-шевистской партии и основатель советского государства, В.И. Ленин, придал этой критике государственно-политическое значение, выдвинул её программу и задал образец. На конкретных примерах он показал, что «принцип партийности» в философии применим в качестве универсальной методологии подозрения и разоблачения идейных противников. Выявляются причины и анализируются последствия подмены доктринальной критики идеологическим разоблачением. Рассматриваются позитивные социокультурные функции доктринальной критики по существу. The article discusses the real historical conditions and ideological prerequisites for the emergence of a special genre in Marxist sociology – «criticism of bourgeois sociology». The leader of the Bolshevik party and the founder of the Soviet state, V.I. Lenin, gave this criticism state-political significance, put forward its program, outlined its focus and set a pattern. Using concrete examples, he showed that the «principle of party affiliation» in philosophy is applicable as a universal methodology for suspecting and exposing ideological opponents. The causes are identified and the consequences of substituting doctrinal criticism with ideological unmasking initiated by V.I. Lenin are analyzed. The positive sociocultural functions of doctrinal criticism in essence are considered.

This article focuses on Karl Viëtor’s (1892–1951) literary-sociological oriented Baroque research and follows its development up to a generalized literary-sociological research program. Viëtor defines his stance on the sociology of literature by distancing himself from two strands of thought: on the one hand, from different versions of “Geistesgeschichte” (represented e. g. by Fritz Strich, Oskar Walzel, or Emil Ermatinger), and, on the other hand, from various materialistic positions based on the base/superstructure-model (such as those by Franz Mehring or Karl August Wittfogel). First, I will examine Viëtor’s unpublished lecture History of German Literature in the Age of Baroque (Geschichte der deutschen Literatur im Zeitalter des Barock, 1922/1923 until 1937), which is his repository for his baroque publications in the 1920 s, that also inspired in-depth research conducted by his students. Secondly, I will analyze Viëtor’s Program of a Sociology of Literature (Programm einer Literatursoziologie, 1934), a critical examination of relevant contributions by Erich Rothacker and others, both from bourgeois and Marxist backgrounds. In this text, Viëtor outlines the sociology of literature in two ways: as a sociology of literary life and as a sociology of literary works.

The bourgeoisie of the 18th century dreamed of abandoning the traditional compact city, which it considered vicious and pernicious, to colonize a space that it identified with the intrinsic goodness of nature defended by Rousseau and which it visualized as the incarnation of the lost biblical Eden. However, this initiative will profoundly alter the immaculate and untamed condition of the new habitat, which will end up transformed into a sort of fantasy that mixes and confuses the man-made landscapes of the rural world with the authentically wild landscapes of the natural world. Overcoming this confusion is a critical issue that contemporary thinking only began to consider at the end of the 20th century when humankind began to become aware of the inexorable decline of natural areas. This article attempts to point to the intrinsic value of wilderness as something distinctly different from the idea of civilisation by trying to identify contemporary initiatives to intermediate specifically between the two notions -in efforts to safeguard mountain gorilla habitat in Bwindi and in the reclamation of a wetland in the Chinese city of Qunli- and through the conceptual conflict displayed by the High Line project in New York.

Children’s literature, conceptualized as a means of enculturation, is a vehicle for transmitting a society’s or community’s shared values, and is designed to mould children’s behaviour according to what is thought appropriate. As such, it is a powerful cultural agent and consequently a valuable source in the historical study of emotions. This article sets out to explore what can be gained from looking at literature designed for the religious education of Jewish children as sources that shed light on the role of emotions in the process of religious modernization in Judaism. Based on the assumption that feelings are to be viewed as a form of knowledge which is transmitted, acquired, and acted out in specific cultural contexts, several criteria for analysing the verbalization, representation, and use of emotions in Jewish children’s literature are outlined by focusing on the subgenre of Jewish children’s bibles. This analysis allows us to explore how emotions unfolded in educational literature, and how they became an integral and transformative part of religious knowledge, self-assertion, (re)definition, and identity formation at a time of tremendous change for Judaism.

RESUMEN. Objetivo/contexto: el objetivo del artículo es retomar un debate clásico en la tradición marxista sobre el Estado capitalista, para avanzar en la conceptualización de la relación entre Estado y burguesía. Metodología: nos abocamos a realizar un análisis crítico de las obras de Ralph Miliband y Nicos Poulantzas -acerca de la distinción de poder de clase y poder de Estado, la autonomía relativa y la intervención del Estado en la economía- y retomamos las críticas de John Holloway. A partir de ello, buscamos comprender la relación entre Estado y burguesía, para explicar la crisis de las formas económicas y políticas de la relación de capital en Argentina, en 1998-2001. Conclusiones: sostenemos que lo que entra en crisis en este periodo es una forma específica de intervención del Estado en la economía capitalista basada en la expansión del disciplinamiento de mercado, y con ello se produce la erosión tanto del poder del Estado como del poder del capital. Originalidad: el artículo realiza un análisis del debate entre Ralph Miliband y Nicos Poulantzas y, a partir de ello, construye una explicación de la crisis argentina de 1998-2001. ABSTRACT. Objective/Context: To advance in the conceptualization of the State-bourgeoisie relationship, the paper returns to a classic debate in the Marxist tradition on the capitalist State. Methodology: In methodological terms, we carry out a critical analysis of the works of Ralph Miliband and Nicos Poulantzas -especially on the distinction of class power and State power, relative autonomy and State intervention in the economy- and we revisit the criticism of John Holloway. With this, we seek to understand the relationship between State and bourgeoisie, to explain the economic and political crisis of the forms of the capital relationship in Argentina, in 1998-2001. Conclusions: We conclude that there is a crisis of a specific form of State intervention in the economy, based on the expansion of market discipline, and, with it, both State power and capital power erodes. Originality: The article analyzes the Miliband-Poulantzas debate and, based on this, builds an explanation of the 1998-2001 Argentinean crisis. RESUMO. Objetivo/contexto: o objetivo deste artigo é retornar a um debate clássico da tradição marxista sobre o Estado capitalista, para avançar na conceituação da relação Estado-burguesia. Metodologia: em termos metodológicos, fazemos uma análise crítica das obras de Ralph Miliband e Nicos Poulantzas - particularmente sobre a distinção entre poder de classe e poder do Estado, autonomia relativa e intervenção do Estado na economia - e retomamos as críticas de John Holloway. Com isso, buscamos compreender a relação entre o Estado e a burguesia, para explicar a crise nas formas econômicas e políticas das relações capitais na Argentina, de 1998 a 2001. Conclusões: concluímos que está a entrar em crise uma forma específica de intervenção do Estado na economia, baseada na expansão da disciplina de mercado, e com ela se erodem tanto o poder do Estado como o poder do capital. Originalidade: no artigo, faz-se uma análise original do debate Miliband-Poulantzas e, a partir disso, constrói-se uma explicação da crise argentina de 1998-2001.

This thesis explores Algerian writer Kamel Daoud’s non-fictional text, Le peintre devorant la femme (2018), which has been met with acclaim in French literary circles, winning various prizes. As the text explores a variety of questions relating to religious extremism, the meaning of art, death and eroticism, and the relationship between l’Occident - l’Orient through the visual aid of Picasso’s annee erotique (1932), this thesis will use a postcolonial, feminist theoretical approach. It will also touch upon concepts relating to the visual, to explore how Daoud negotiates and performs his positionality in the Franco-Algerian discursive space and beyond. Central to this thesis is the notion of the hybridised public intellectual (Daoud) entering hybridised public spheres (Franco-Algerian and beyond) which undoubtedly has consequences for the plural readership existing within them. Indeed, another main concern of this thesis is to ascertain whether there is an imbalance in the text that means Daoud, subconsciously or not, speaks to particular sectors of his Western-French audience more so than his Muslim-Algerian ones. Split into three chapters; this thesis firstly aims to unpick how Daoud negotiates the relationship between aesthetics and politics in his non-fictional writing. It will attempt to show how Daoud’s public move to an essai in 2018 can be read as facilitating a conversation with more bourgeois, and potentially more republican, French reading publics. In the second and third chapters respectively, this thesis analyses Daoud’s representations of Picasso, Paris, the museum, and the gendered body in Western and Muslim societies. By doing so, it attempts to highlight how although Daoud appears to offer a ‘double-edged’ critique of Algeria since Independence and French neo-colonialism, his tendency to make generalisations about Islam sometimes unwittingly plays to French (and more widely, Western) Islamophobic assumptions.

Les compagnies des nobles jeux de l’arc, de l’arbalète et de l’arquebuse sont une des nombreuses formes de sociabilités urbaines. Leur nature est tout à la fois militaire, confraternelle, ludique et privilégiée. Elles intéressent en particulier les notabilités bourgeoises. Cet article s’intéresse aux territoires d'action, de présence et d'influence de ces compagnies, tant dans leurs activités publiques que privées. Il permet ainsi d’analyser comment elles s’organisent, hors et dans la ville, pour honorer les missions militaires confiées par la ville et s’exercer à leurs tirs d’entraînement réguliers. The companies of the noble games of the bow, crossbow and harquebus are one of the many forms of urban sociability. Their nature is at the same time military, fraternal, playful and privileged. They are of particular interest to bourgeois notabilities. This article focuses on the territories of action, presence and influence of these companies, both in their public and private activities. It thus makes it possible to analyse how they organise themselves, outside and in the city, to honour the military missions entrusted by the city and to practice their regular training shots.

In the article, the author presents the association Società Zoofila founded in 1852 and based in Trieste. The membership joined forces to improve the circumstances in which the animals lived. They organized regular meetings to critically discuss the suffering of a wide variety of animals. With lectures, various publications, public debates, denunciations, rewards, and appeals to the supervisory authorities, they also addressed the general population. This kind of interest in the protection of animals arose in the 19th century in European cities. It spread among the progress oriented urban elite, which is also true in the case of Trieste’s association, where the local elite gathered. The class belonging does not separate this association from other Triestine associations, rather its above-average involvement of women or, more precisely, ladies or members of the local nobility and bourgeoisie. In this article, the author presents the association and illuminates if and how the Società Zoofila can also be understood as emancipatory, i.e. as a possible outpost on the path to women's equality., Avtorica v prispevku predstavlja leta 1852 nastalo Društvo ljubiteljev živali (Società Zoofila) s sedežem v Trstu. Članstvo je družilo prizadevanje za izboljšanje okoliščin, v katerih so živele živali. Organizirali so redna srečanja, na katerih so kritično razpravljali o trpljenju najrazličnejših živali. S predavanji, različnimi publikacijami, javnimi razpravami, grajami, nagrajevanjem in apeli nadzornim organom pa so naslavljali tudi širše prebivalstvo. Tovrstno zanimanje za zaščito živali je v 19. stoletju v evropskih mestih vzniknilo zlasti med k napredku usmerjeno mestno elito, kar povsem drži tudi za tržaško združenje, ki je že od samega začetka privabljalo pripadnike, a tudi pripadnice lokalne smetane. Od drugih tržaških društev ga ni ločevala razredna struktura članstva, pač pa nadpovprečna vpetost žensk ali točneje dam oziroma pripadnic plemstva in buržoazije. V danem prispevku avtorica društvo predstavi in osvetljuje, če in kako je Društvo ljubiteljev živali možno razumeti tudi kot emancipatorno, torej kot morebitno postojanko na poti k ženski enakopravnosti.

One of the striking and significant name of Ghazal poetry during the decade of seventies was Yousaf Hassan. He chose capitalistic mindset and social discrimination in Pakistani society as a permanent subject of his Ghazal. His poetry offers a critique of the materialization of social relations. He aims to posit mutual compassionate empathy and high humanistic values as the characteristic features of an individual. His poetic work Aye Dil Aye Darya comprises of remarkable verses which represent the perception about social as well as class discrimination. The striking feature of this representation is the portrayal of classical as well as traditional metaphors in a progressive context.

Academic ballet is one of the iconic manifestations of High Culture. In Nineteenth-century Spain, it failed to take root in the form of stable companies, schools, and venues. There were various soc...

This article aims to analyse state–bourgeoisie relations in the era of AKP-rule in Turkey, with a specific focus on the 2018 economic crisis. It will discuss the following question: How did the AKP regime position itself with respect to the interests of the first- and second-generation bourgeoisie? Especially after 2010, the AKP was criticised for carrying out an extra-economic intervention in the sphere of accumulation as well as providing benefits to the Islamic second-generation bourgeoisie. This article draws on a Marxist conceptualisation of the state which underlines that the state’s autonomy from the economy is limited because its continued existence depends on the reproduction of accumulation, hence its need to intervene. However, the state cannot implement a unified interventionist strategy because it needs to maintain links with different groups of bourgeoisie as well as the proletariat. The article’s main argument is that the AKP struggled to balance the divergent interests of the first- and second-generation bourgeoisie and implemented policies that may be characterised as incoherent and contradictory. These contradictory policies also played an important role in the 2018 economic crisis.

A comienzos del siglo XIX se consumó el cambio de las estructuras del Estado y de la sociedad. Aunque el nuevo Estado gobernó con igualdad, a través de sus instituciones, a toda la sociedad, en la práctica no desaparecieron las formas y métodos del gobierno cortesano, basados en las relaciones no institucionales (familiares, patronazgo, clientelismo, etc.). En el nuevo Estado, este comportamiento, es lo que constituye la corrupción. La familia de Fernando Muñoz utilizó la relación que tenía con la reina para conseguir títulos y negocios, que le llevaron a introducirse en la alta burguesía de la sociedad española del siglo XIX y en los partidos políticos.

The present study is an analysis of the domestic furniture of the workers of the Industrial Colonies in Catalonia, taking like an example the specific case of the Colony of Borgonyà. The choice of Borgonyà is not a coincidence, the Colony is especially interesting because his peculiar cultural contrast, combining the Scottish heritage in the construction of the houses with the local tradition in furniture. Also, most of the current population of the Colony were workers of the factory, so thanks to their personal testimonies and family pictures, we can make an accuracy reconstruction of the history of the worker’s domestic interiors. Throughout the study, we will identify different qualities and furniture’s typologies related with the different status of the workers. We will recognize rural traditional furniture pieces at the ordinary worker’s houses in contrast of contemporary furniture at the keeper’s houses, with the quality of a middle-class bourgeois family.

espanolAunque no falta una historiografia local de referencia, los movimientos en Piamonte de 1821 todavia carecen de una lectura que otorgue el peso adecuado al aspecto historico-constitucional. Cuando el revolucionario principe de Carignano Carlos Alberto, despues de la abdicacion de Victor Emmanuel I, concedio la Constitucion abrio una crisis en la historia secular de la dinastia y el reino de Cerdena: las libertades y los derechos de representacion rompieron por primera vez el pacto de fidelidad directa entre el rey y el pueblo caracteristico del Estado absoluto. El nuevo sistema politico no era autoctono y, entre los muchos modelos posibles, miraba al de Espana. Usando la extensa bibliografia disponible, este articulo se adentra en las influencias nacionales e internacionales de ese efimero episodio. Pero no solo eso: tambien hace hincapie en el origen social y geografico de los protagonistas de la revolucion (entre la nobleza y la burguesia, entre el centro y la periferia del Estado) y las consecuencias de sus acciones. Si la insurgencia fue derribada por las fuerzas realistas convergentes y el ejercito austriaco, su legado pesaba sobre la dinastia. En 1823, durante la guerra entre Espana y Francia, Carlos Alberto se convirtio en el heroe del Trocadero: una eleccion reaccionaria que influyo en el futuro del monarca de Saboya. Ciertamente la sombra de la constitucion de Cadiz acompano a Carlos Alberto hasta 1848, el ano de la concesion del Estatuto. La evolucion hacia un texto constitucional mas moderado marcara asi la temporada politica preunitaria. La constitucion de Cadiz se convirtio en un simbolo de libertad con el tiempo, y los exiliados de 1821 fueron a luchar en Europa por los pueblos oprimidos por la Santa Alianza. EnglishDespite the local reference historiography, the 1821 Piedmont insurrection still lacks a reading that gives due weight to the historical-constitutional aspect. When Carlo Alberto, the “revolutionary” Prince of Carignano, granted the Cadiz Constitution, after the abdication of Vittorio Emanuele I, a crisis began in the secular history of the dynasty and the kingdom of Sardinia: for the first time freedoms and rights of representation broke the direct pledge of allegiance, tipycal of the absolute state, between kings and people. The new political system was not autochthonous but looked to that of Spain, among the many possible models. Using the extensive available bibliography, I analyzed the national and international influences of that short historical season. Moreover I emphasized the social and geographic origin of the leaders of the insurrection (i.e. nobility and bourgeoisie, core and periphery of the State) and the consequences of their actions. Even if the insurrection was brought down by the convergence of the royalist forces and the Austrian army, its legacy weighed on the dynasty. In 1823, during the war between Spain and France, Carlo Alberto became the hero of the Trocadero: a reactionary choice that influenced the future of Savoy. Certainly the shadow of the Cadiz Constitution accompanied Carlo Alberto until 1848, when he granted the Statuto. The pre-unification political season was marked by a more moderate text of the Constitution. Over time, the Cadiz Constitution became a symbol of the freedom and the exiles of 1821 went to fight in Europe for those peoples who were oppressed by the Holy Alliance.

My God also weds gays The Remonstrantse Broederschap, a small liberal church, was the first church in the world that opened the wedding blessing for not-wedded couples. At the time they did so, in November 1986, that also meant: for homosexual and heterosexual couples. The process that led to this decision took a long time and was carefully structured and monitored. It went along two tracks: a discussion project in the local church communities and the realization of a new church order. This decision to give a blessing ‘to all couples that promised in the midst of the congregation to share their lives in love and faithfulness’, fits into the liberal tradition of the Remonstrant faith. This is inspired by the humanist and the protestant Christian tradition, and characterizes itself by the appreciation of openness (to contemporary society, culture, science), freedom, tolerance and responsibility. The search for collective responsibility and active tolerance, including taking a stand against discrimination (for instance of homosexuals) in public, as a church, caused internal disagreement. This disagreement seems to have its roots in a classic bourgeois decency culture on the one side and a more plural, progressive liberal culture on the other side.

The present article focuses on the period between 1848 and 1906—between the politicized “discovery” of Balkan Aromanians as a kinfolk by Romanian nation-state builders and the aftermath of the community’s recognition by the Ottoman government. Examining how Romania imagined its own entanglement in the Macedonian Question, the article aims to raise the broader question of how a nation-state imagined the agency of kinfolk beyond its borders and, as part of a geographically distributed national division of labor, ascribed a specific task to one part of its ethnic body. In Romania’s case, this had a double thrust. One, Aromanians were imagined as the natural bourgeoisie of the southern Balkans, a people superior in their origins, culture, and mores to other ethnic groups—and a natural vanguard for Romania’s economic interests in the region. Two, they were imagined as a vanguard for catalyzing the internal development of a native merchant class in Romania proper, which was understood as a primary agent for economic and social progress but perceived to be problematically absent. Thus, this study hones in on the process of ascribing the status of a “prosthetic bourgeoisie” to the Aromanians, and its insistent discursive recurrence.

As Bashar al-Assad succeeded his father Hafez in 2000, a new ‘state bourgeoisie’ was created in Syria through means of liberalization and neopatrimonial approaches. In addition to the Alawites who ...

Paul Gauguin was born in Paris, France on June 7, 1848. The dynamics of his life journey greatly motivated his search for something deeper and more meaningful in his life and work. Gauguin's disillusionment with the bourgeois society in his environment and his desire to create his art works encouraged his decision to devote himself totally as an artist, especially outside his environment. He traveled from one region to another outside Europe. This experience will influence his development as a painter. The trips that Gauguin often undertook were influenced by his work as well as seeking broader and deeper experiences. As a European he sought a "primitive" lifestyle that was neither tangible nor considered "exotic". He is looking for geographic answers to his professional and personal searches while living in Tahiti. By examining his personal life, it is known that Gauguin's wandering led him to a deeper spiritual life, which is reflected in his works and writings. In order to understand the expression of spirituality in his work, we will examine several major works by Gauguin that clearly depict images of Buddhism and other Eastern religions.

Beginning in the 1890s, workers’ associations and social-democratic activists in Sweden developed a series of People’s Parks (Folkets parker) that extended across the length and breadth of the country. By the the mid-twentieth century, nearly every city, town, and village boasted its own People’s Park. Built for relaxation and recreation, as well as for political agitation, Folkets parker also represented a significant expropriation and transformation of bourgeois landscape ideals and in the process became places where a new, working class-based folk, or people, could come to be. This paper traces the production of Folkets parker as landscape, focusing on the ways in which working people reworked landscape ideals in order to contest bourgeois constructions of Swedish national identity, while asserting their own power to shape that identity. We argue that working people traded in, and transformed, two landscape ideas – one rooted in bourgeois notions of the rural idyll and the other rooted in an older more specifically Scandinavian tradition of landscape as a shaped space belonging to those who shaped it. But we also show how, as the social-democratic state consolidated its hegemony in the middle-twentieth century, the underlying material basis for shaping the parks as landscape was transformed. Folkets parker became places primarily for recreation and entertainment and their status as shaped spaces that shaped identity faded.

O objetivo deste ensaio foi analisar o filme A greve (1925), de Sergei M. Einsenstein, como fonte primária da história das representações da obesidade no cinema. Utilizou-se a metodologia da análise discursiva da enunciação, numa perspectiva foucaultiana. Após assistir ao filme, identificaram-se quatro trechos considerados relevantes. Com as análises, constituíram-se dois enunciados: 1) os burgueses são corpulentos e gordos; e 2) os burgueses gordos são irascíveis. Ambos os enunciados indicam uma situação oposta à contemporaneidade, quanto às características atribuídas à obesidade e associadas a grupos socioeconômicos. Além disso, reforça a tese de que houve uma politização da corporeidade no processo histórico de inversão valorativa da condição denominada, naquele tempo, corpulência. Concluiu-se que o cinema pode ter sido uma ferramenta de propaganda ideológica fundamental na difusão desses novos valores, que podem ser identificados na contemporaneidade., This essay analyzes Sergei Eisenstein’s film ‘Strike’ (1925) as the primary source for a history of representations of obesity in Cinema. As a method, it used discursive analysis of the enunciation from a Foucauldian perspective. After watching the movie, four passages were considered relevant and two enunciations were established: (1) the bourgeois are corpulent and fat; and 2) the fat bourgeois are irascible. Regarding the characteristics attributed to obesity in terms of socioeconomics groups, both statements indicate a situation that is opposite to today’s. The results reinforce the view that there was politicization of corporeity in the historical process of inversion of values of the denominated condition – at that time, corpulence. As a conclusion, cinema may have been an ideological propaganda tool to spread the new values, which can be found in the contemporaneity., El objetivo de este ensayo fue analizar la película “La huelga” (1925), de Sergei Einsenstein, como fuente primaria de la historia de las representaciones de la obesidad en el cine. Se utilizó la metodología del análisis discursivo de la enunciación, en una perspectiva foucaultiana. Después de assistir la pelicula, se identificaron cuatro fragmentos considerados relevantes y se constituyó dos enunciados: 1) los burgueses son corpulentos y gordos; y, 2) los burgueses-gordos son irascibles. Ambos indican una situación opuesta a la contemporaneidad, cuanto a las características atribuidas a la obesidad y a grupos socioeconómicos. Además, refuerza la tesis de que hubo una politización de la corporeidad en el proceso histórico de inversión valorativa de la condición denominada, en aquel entonces, corpulencia. Se concluyó que el cine pudo haber sido una herramienta de propaganda ideológica fundamental en la difusión de esos nuevos valores, que pueden ser identificados en la contemporaneidad.

The relationship of the bourgeoisie and democratisation has been inconsistent across the history of democracy. This work offers an alternative explanation taking the example of the Thai middle class, which had promoted democracy, turned against it. From the democratic transition of 1973 until the present day, the Thai middle class has played contradictory roles in the democratisation of the country. This work investigates the effects of democratic institution-building after regime change and the efforts to consolidate democracy in the middle class. This work proposes two major observations. The first is the failure of the middle class to establish themselves in democratic institutions and processes in either the legislature/executive, political parties, local government or structured interest groups. They have learned of the uncertainty of free elections and how the elected executives have benefitted other classes but not them. The second regards the missing prerequisite of democracy. Insufficient understanding of majority rules and two-turnover elections, caused the middle class who were disappointed with the outcome of democratic regimes and systems to easily turn away from democracy.

The aim of the article is to address the question of the meaning and the specificity of the concept of the "civil war" in Izvestia of the Central Executive Committee and the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, a newspaper which reflected the views of the Bolsheviks and their allies. This case study examines the genealogy of the language of the civil war from October 27th, 1917 to the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly, a momentous event on the path to the frontal Civil War. The article reconstructs a basic repertoire of the rhetorical techniques of representation, revealing what could be said in public about the civil war and under what conditions. It demonstrates the dynamics and the contexts of rhetorical "mobilization" and "demobilization", when the militaristic rhetoric of Izvestia switched to peaceful, and vice versa, correspondingly to the usage frequency of the term "civil war". The language of class struggle, and revolutionary mythology, especially that of the French Revolution, constituted the basis of Izvestia's rhetorical strategy aimed at legitimizing the policy of the Council of People's Commissars. The concept of the "civil war" had multiple meanings in Izvestia denoting a "condition", a "circumstance", and a "threat", in different circumstances, related to past, current, and future events. It is shown that constant criticism was levelled not only at the bourgeoisie, but also at the so-called right-wing socialist parties, which were held responsible for the civil war. The civil war was semantically designated in the past, present, and future tenses. The principle of a "just civil war" was explicitly expressed on the eve of convocation and during the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly, justifying the acts of violence. The article concludes that the concept of floating signifier can be applied to the civil war as a means of refocusing the research into the issue of political communication.

The Ten Hours Movement of the 1830s and 1840s in Britain was the first large-scale working-class struggle to challenge the impact of industrial capitalism upon working-class family life. Yet its discourse on family has been relatively neglected by historians of the movement. This article examines the nature of the movement's critique, the vision of family life that it tried to realize, and the challenge that this posed to the emerging bourgeois order and, on this basis, to reconsider its contribution to the gender ordering of working-class family life.

The article focuses on the era of Classicism in Slovakia. It presents both systematic and specific research activities of Slovak musicologists; it describes the geographical location of the Slovak territory within Kingdom of Hungary; it characterizes the components of musical culture and the forms of musical performance. Special attention is given to the greater regional musical and cultural centers, which at that time were represented by the towns Bratislava and Kosice. Description is given of the level of musical life in both cities and its formative components, i.e. the influences of the nobility, the church and the bourgeoisie. Focus is made on musical education within the reformed school system in the Kingdom of Hungary; mention is made of the unique textbooks by Franz Paul Rigler and Johann Nepomuk Hummel, and contributions of other important figures. Keywords: Slovakia, Classicism, musical life, music education.

Intermittently funny and lugubrious, it anatomizes pre-war bourgeois society as represented by the inmates of a tuberculosis asylum in Davos, Switzerland.2 Although the current pandemic has not caused nearly as much disruption to upper-middle-class life as Mann's contemporaries experienced in a decade of cholera, tuberculosis, influenza, and war, The Magic Mountain has taken on a renewed relevance for those of us experiencing enforced immobility and social distancing amidst widespread political paralysis.3 Shortly after Hans Castorp arrives at the Berghof Sanatorium in the opening pages of the novel, his cousin Joachim Ziemssen explains that, at the Schatzalp Sanatorium, even higher in the Alps, "They have to transport the bodies down by bobsled in the winter, because the roads are impassable." Modernist novels are full of dead bodies and debates regarding the best ways to dispose of them, debates that came to mind this year as many overwhelmed medical systems faced the problem of how to preserve the bodies of the dead as they awaited burial. In this essay, I would like to investigate in some detail the burial of the dead in The Magic Mountain with reference to an earlier study of works by James Joyce, Marcel Proust, Virginia Woolf, and several other "high" modernist authors. Mann shows by the indirection of his own prose the fact that Hans cannot bring himself to refer specifically to the smell of his grandfather's rotting corpse, but as the servant old Fiete tries to shoo away a fly that persistently lands on Grandfather's forehead and fingers, Mann states the point more directly: "Hans Castorp thought he could smell more clearly than before those faint, but very peculiar and persistent fumes that he knew from before, and which, to his shame, always reminded him of a school chum who suffered from an offensive affliction that made everyone avoid him, the same odor that the tuberose scent was supposed to cover up on the sly, but was unable to do, for all its lovely, austere richness" (27).

Mariana Bourgeois, a Viúva Mallen, foi uma mulher invulgar que, no século XVIII, aproveitando-se da sua condição social, fundou a sua própria oficina de impressão no Porto. Neste trabalho procura-se, através de pesquisas nos arquivos, traçar uma biografia (familiar, social e profissional) de Mariana e de suas muitas companhias (Francisco Mallen, seu marido; João Roberto Bourgeois, seu irmão; entre outros) e expor a complexa rede familiar e comercial que une todos estes. Deste modo, pretende-se contribuir para futuras investigações sobre a história dos livreiros franceses em Portugal, com ainda tantas personagens por explorar.

The article reveals the history of the establishment and operation of the “Prison on Łącki” which begins in 1919–1923. The topicality is aggravated by the fact that at the same time the prison gained political, which remained in the subsequent periods of its operation. Among her prisoners were those who went down in history of the struggle for Ukraine’s independence. The events of September 1939 initiated a new, more tragic, period in the history of the “Prison on Łącki”. After a short adaptation period the Soviet troops began to form a prison system for the “reeducation of bourgeois nationalists”. The most tragic days in its history were the end of June 1941, when the NKVDs was killing the largest number of political prisoners in Galicia. However, the arrival of the Germans did not lead to change in the purpose of the building – “Prison on Łącki” transformed into the investigative prison of the Gestapo.

Fil: Velasco Molpeceres, Ana María. Universidad de Valladolid; España Resumen: La influencia del traje español decayó a partir del siglo XVII, pero sobre todo desde la llegada de los Borbones a España. El afrancesamiento fue un fenómeno, vinculado a las maneras del Versalles, en relación con la crisis de identidad española contemporánea. Pese a la tradicional resistencia al gusto galo, notoria en el Motín de Esquilache (1766), la fuerza de fenómenos como el majismo e incluso el triunfo contra el francés en la Guerra de la Independencia, en el XIX tendrá lugar en el país la consolidación de las maneras y las modas francesas. Abstract: The influence of the Spanish costume declined from the 17th century, but specially since the arrival of the Bourbons in Spain. The Frenchification was a phenomenon, linked to the ways of Versailles, in relation to the contemporary Spanish identity crisis. Despite the traditional resistance to Gallic taste, notorious in the Mutiny of Esquilache 1766), the force of phenomena such as majismo and even the triumph against the French in the Peninsular War, in the XIX the consolidation will take place in the country in the French ways and fashions. Resumo: A influência do traje espanhol declinou a partir do século XVII, mas principalmente desde a chegada dos Bourbons à Espanha. A francesificação foi um fenômeno, nas formas de Versalhes, em relação à crise de identidade espanhola contemporânea. Apesar da resistência tradicional ao gosto gaulês, notória no motim de Esquilache (1766), a força de fenômenos como a majestade e até o triunfo contra os franceses na Guerra da Independência, no século XIX, a consolidação ocorreu no país nos modos e modas franceses.

This article explores the way in which wine came to be viewed as a quintessentially ‘Italian’ beverage among Italy's middle- and upper-class households during fascism's twenty years in power. Due to significant increases in wine consumption among the labouring classes during the years immediately following the First World War, wine, as a general category of beverage, had become closely associated within the minds of many bourgeois and wealthy consumers with the country's popular taverns and saloons, alcoholism and physical and moral ‘degeneration.’ In response, fascist Italy's typical wine growers, merchants and industrialists worked feverishly to rehabilitate the beverage's downtrodden reputation via a series of wide-ranging public relations and collective marketing campaigns during the 1920s and 1930s. By promoting the beverage's hygienic and alimentary qualities, as well as systematically intertwining the moderate consumption of the peninsula's standardised wines with the dictatorship's nationalisation and popular mobilisation programmes, this article will show, the Industrial Wine Lobby successfully re-established ‘wine's honour’ and, simultaneously, recontextualised the country's typical wines as Italy's wholesome, family-friendly, ‘national beverage’.

In 1896 Louis Lumet despised the state and openly yearned for a “red messiah” to sweep away bourgeois culture and politics. By 1904 he was receiving state funding. This article unravels the paradox of his trajectory by focusing on the common concern that eventually united his interests with those of republican governments: the relationship between art and the people. Drawing on hitherto unknown writings by Lumet himself, as well as on little-used archives, the article explores Lumet's anarchist persona and connections in fin de siècle Paris, charts his involvement in the Théâtre d'Art Social and the Théâtre Civique, and examines his role in the state-supported Art pour Tous. The final discussion reveals areas of conflict and convergence in the perception of the people as political actors by both anarchists and the state, raising questions about the theory and practice of cultural democratization. En 1896, Louis Lumet souhaitait l'effondrement de l'Etat et l'apparition d'un Messie rouge qui balaierait et la culture et la politique bourgeoises. En 1904, il était subventionné par l'Etat. Cet article dévoile le mystère de ce personnage en interrogeant la relation entre l'art et le peuple qui attirait l'attention de Lumet ainsi que des gouvernements de la Troisième République. En s'appuyant sur les écrits peu connus de Lumet lui-même, ainsi que sur des documents d'archives, l'article met en évidence le rôle de Lumet dans les milieux anarchistes. Il retrace sa contribution aux initiatives comme le Théâtre d'art social et le Théâtre civique, et sa participation à l'Art pour tous (avec le soutien de l'Etat). Cette étude fournit la base d'une discussion plus approfondie sur la démocratisation culturelle, où les perspectives anarchistes et officielles se trouvent parfois étrangement rapprochées.

Fırtına ve Coşku edebi akımı yazarlarından Heinrich Leopold Wagner’in Kindermörderin adlı eseri, akımın en önemli eserleri arasında gösterilmektedir. Wagner, eseri yayınlandığında, yazım stili ve konuları açıklıkla ele almış olması nedeniyle oldukça ağır eleştirilere maruz kalmıştır. Burjuva trajedisi türündeki eserinde, 18. yüzyıl toplum yaşamının en önemli konularından olan çocuk cinayeti motifini işlemiştir. Ancak, motifin karakteristik özelliği olan soylu bir erkekle saf burjuva kızı ilişkisini kurgularken, motifin ayrıntılarında değişikliğe gittiği görülmektedir. Bu bağlamda, kısaca Fırtına ve Coşku akımına ve 18. yüzyıl Alman toplumunda çocuk cinayeti olgusuna değinilecektir. Eser, dönem ve olguların arka planına dair verilen bu bilgilerden sonra, Fırtına ve Coşku akımının çocuk cinayeti motifini işleyişi ele alınacaktır. Ardından, Wagner’in, eserinde çocuk cinayeti motifini işlerken gittiği değişiklikler ve bu yolla ortaya koyduğu olgular saptanacaktır. Böylece, yürütülecek bu çalışmayla, çocuk cinayeti motifi konusunda yapılmış genel geçer tanımların dışına çıktığı ortaya konularak, Wagner’in eserine ve çocuk cinayeti motifi üzerine yapılacak araştırmalara katkı sağlanması amaçlanmıştır.

This article examines the main conditions that provided the foundation of architectural criticism in Portugal, at the dawn of the twentieth century. The juncture formed by the first architecture magazines A Construccao Moderna (1900–1919) and A Architectura Portugueza (1908–1930) is here taken as the key circumstance that permitted the rise of a mutually dependent condition between the architect’s new professional status in the bourgeois society and the identification of architectural criticism as a specific practice. By analyzing these magazines as two overlapped ways of accessing and communicating architecture, this article argues that the construction of architecture’s critical discourse in Portugal went far beyond disciplinary knowledge and that non-specialized opinion should also be considered in such a construction. Together, knowledge and opinion provide the frame for a reflection on the dynamic ways whereby the distinct perspectives of the intellectual and political projects resulted in continual renegotiations of the architecture frontiers and trajectory.

The emergence and rise to preeminence of the bourgeoisie on the African political, social, and economic scenes have been the stuff of many novels. One could even argue that the rise of the sub-Saharan novel (because it is inherently connected to the colonial project) is more or less concurrent with the birth and rise of this class. In this essay, I seek to analyze the discourse of bourgeois transgression and illegitimacy as exemplified in two novels: Ahmadou Kourouma’s Les soleils des indépendances (1968) and Francis Bebey’s Le ministre et le griot (1992). The two works focus on the ruling elite in the immediate postcolonial period. In both novels, albeit in varying degrees, the colonial school is presented as the main catalyst of the change that occasioned the transgression decried by the members of the erstwhile aristocratic nobility., La naissance et la montée de la bourgeoisie sur les scènes politique, sociale et économique africains a été le sujet de bon nombre de romans africains. On pourrait même avancer que l’essor du roman africain sub-saharien se faisait plus ou moins parallèlement au développement de la nouvelle élite. Dans cet essai, je propose une analyse du discours de la transgression bourgeoise tel qu’il est élaboré dans Les soleils des indépendances d’Ahmadou Kourouma et Le ministre et le griot de Francis Bebey, deux romans qui abordent la question de l’élite au pouvoir à l’époque immédiatement après les indépendances. Dans les deux romans, l’école coloniale est ciblée comme le catalyseur principal de la transformation sociale à l’origine de la soi-disant transgression bourgeoise déplorée par l’ancienne aristocratie détrônée.

In the first part of the article dedicated to Professor Ch. Clark, it is pointed out that the development of modern science does not do without considering the existing heritage of previous generations of scientistsх. During the Soviet period, the names of many scientists of the 1920s, recognized by the Soviet regime as «bourgeois» over time, were forgotten for a long time, and until now little was known about their life and work. Such a fate befell Professor Ch. Clark, whose name as a leader of the pre-revolutionary and early period of the Soviet era was also forgotten for a long time. The relevance of the topic lies in the fact that the analysis of most aspects of Ch. Clarke in the «Odessa» period of his life makes it possible to more deeply comprehend historical events and phenomena, to reveal the content and specifics of the formation and development of higher shipbuilding education on the territory of Ukraine. «Odessa» period of the life of Ch. Clarke, his methodical-pedagogical, scientific-organizational and social activities have not yet been studied, therefore, no doubt, they deserve a special scientific study that will demonstrate the contribution of this extraordinary person to educational, scientific and social processes in Odessa. The aim of the study is an attempt at scientific reconstruction of the activities of Ch. Clarke in the educational, scientific and social planes during the «Odessa» period of his life, which makes it possible to deepen and expand our understanding of the content of the cultural process at the turn of the 1910s-1920s. Research objectives are defined in accordance with the topic: 1) characteristic of the «Odessa» period of the life of Ch. Clark; 2) coverage of his pedagogical, scientific and social activities; 3) assessment of his contribution to the development of higher shipbuilding education in Odessa; 4) familiarization with the scientific heritage and analysis of its main directions of scientific research.

No início do século XIX, a moda e a cultura impressa forjaram uma aliança para fazer cir-cular em diferentes latitudes os últimos modelos de roupas produzidos em Paris e Londres. A loja de departamentos, um novo tipo de comércio que vendia roupas prontas em grande escala, foi um dispositivo fundamental para essa disseminação, ampliando o acesso à aparência burguesa. Partindo da história da arte social, da cultura visual e dos estudos de gênero, este artigo analisa a associação ocorrida entre revistas ilustradas, publicidade e comércio em Buenos Aires no fim do século XIX e no início do século XX. Examinamos a trajetória de suas principais lojas de departamentos, suas estraté-gias publicitárias e as características de seus consumidores que, em maior ou menor medida, pode-riam materializar a atração pela retórica do novo impulsionado pelas lojas e pela cultura impressa.

On 13 December 1974, Moncton policemen Corporal Aurèle Bourgeois and Constable Michael O’Leary were kidnapped and murdered, evoking an intense public response of grief and anger against the perpetrators. The funeral for the murdered men and the trial and conviction of Richard Ambrose and James Hutchison for the crime offers an example of how emotions evoked by sensational murders played an important role in the Canadian criminal justice system and debates on capital punishment. Examining the reactions of the police, political figures, and the media, as well as how sympathy was managed at the trial, demonstrates how certain laws aimed to regulate the emotions related to violent crime: accepting expressions of compassion and sadness, but not anger and vengeance. The murders also coincided with a majority federal Liberal government committed to changing the laws surrounding capital punishment. Even though the perpetrators elicited little public sympathy, their case was used as both an opportunity to champion hope and forgiveness in the cause of abolition and an example for retentionist calls for retribution and punishment. This article examines how the grief and anger of one community illustrated the criminal laws designed to regulate emotions in court and outside of it and intersected with the contemporary debates on abolition, highlighting the importance of the grief and anger of policemen and police associations in capital cases and in the debates over the death penalty.

Mme. Chrysanthème (1870-1948) foi presença recorrente nos periódicos das primeiras décadas do século XX, publicando inúmeras resenhas, crônicas e alguns de romances. Entretanto, caiu em completo esquecimento: eis o destino costumeiro das mulheres escritoras que contrariavam, em alguma medida, as expectativas do público masculino. Impulsionados pela recente reedição de Enervadas (2019), destrincharemos alguns dos traços inovadores de sua obra, dentre os quais a estrutura bipartida que nos conduz a um simulacro autobiográfico seguido por um diário ficcional. Trata-se de um livro em que a protagonista, Lúcia, transforma-se em uma obra de arte, performando uma existência artificiosa que subverterá as noções de gênero. Estamos diante, portanto, de um duplo movimento: um romance, ficcional por excelência, é também ficcionalizado pela sua narradora. O corpo de Lúcia é um quadro e suas atitudes são sempre calculadas para atingir determinado efeito. Este estudo, igualmente bipartido, pensando nos gêneros que a obra pretende simular, busca compreender as motivações de tão entediada personagem que age de acordo com os postulados pela burguesia para dela debochar. Pretendemos, ainda, demonstrar a modernidade que há em suas subversões, perfeitamente coerentes com o temperamento enervado da personagem.

This paper engages with Hegel’s criticism of the Kantian marriage contract from an unconventional angle. After showing that the Hegelian argument uncovers a parallel between the sexual and the social contract in modern contractarian theories, I illustrate how Kant’s theory of marriage is consistent with his Republican theory and engenders the same conceptual difficulty, that is, a gap between the contracting individuals and the production of the common will. My goal is to suggest that, by illustrating how the logic of the sexual contract works, Hegel enables us to outline a very peculiar notion of ‘patriarchy’ that his ethical Aufhebung of the modern bourgeois family resolutely calls into question. As I will elucidate in the conclusion, this does not imply ignoring the patriarchal structure of the Hegelian family, but gives us the possibility to discriminate between two very different forms of patriarchy: whereas Hegel’s family relies on cultural and therefore conditional masculinist prejudices, the contractarian model is paradoxically indifferent to any such bias but establishes a deeper and more elusive form of patriarchal entitlement.

Este artículo analiza cómo ente 1920 y 1960 la comunidad griega disfrutó su tiempo libre a través de la música, los bailes, el teatro y los clubes sociales. Se explica de qué manera la conformación de un espacio social más urbanizado facilitó la apropiación de expresiones de ocio y hábitos de esparcimiento semejantes a las practicadas por la burguesía josefina. El estudio se basa en información del Archivo Nacional, actas municipales, periódicos, fuentes orales y documentación fotográfica. The aim of this article is to analyze the way how the community of Grecia (Costa Rica) spent their free time between the 1920s and the 1960s by means of enjoying music, dances, theater, and places of social gathering. The way how the conformation of a more urban social space facilitated the appropriation of leisure expressions and recreational habits similar to the ones practiced by the bourgeoisie in San José (the capital city) is explained in the article. The research is based on information gather from the Archivo Nacional of Costa Rica, Grecia’s Town Hall files, newspapers, interviews, and photos. Universidad Nacional, Costa Rica Instituto de Estudios Sociales en Población (IDESPO)

History was grist to the mill of Nazi propaganda, and the medieval Hanse was no exception. Fritz Rörig, a historian, was heavily involved in the instrumentalisation of Hanseatic history during the Third Reich. This paper analyses his writings before and during the Nazi period. What narrative patterns, phraseology and political content do they exhibit? The articles Rörig wrote in the first half of the 1940s display the typical stylistic devices and narrative patterns – indeed the buzz words – of Nazi propaganda, but impacts of racial ideology are not discernable. Indeed, some sections of these essays could be seen to constitute criticism of those in power. Despite this, the conclusion is unavoidable that Rörig was ready and willing to instrumentalise Hanseatic history for Nazi propaganda purposes. However, even before 1933, Rörig had viewed the Hanse through the lens of political ideology. What changed was not the Instrumentalisation of Hanseatic history itself, but Rörig’s political position and, in consequence, the picture of the Hanse he presented. Before the Nazi period, Rörig had been something of a free-market liberal, albeit one of a distinctly conservative and nationalist bent. Accordingly, he spotlighted the vital role of the bourgeoisie in the development of the Hanse, particularly in lectures for a broader public.

From 1921 until 1936, musician Willem Van de Wall pioneered the modern use of therapeutic music in American prisons and psychiatric institutions. His therapy was steeped in the methods and philosophy of social control, and after World War II, it shaped the professionalizing field of music therapy. Van de Wall's influence reveals an overlooked connection between modern clinical practice and the techniques of control employed in prisons and psychiatric hospitals of the early twentieth century. Given music therapy's broader impact as an element of postwar self-help culture, its relationship to social control practices also disrupts longstanding scholarly ideas about the so-called “therapeutic ethos.” The therapeutic ethos did not originate solely in efforts by the middle classes to adjust to bourgeois modernity. The case of music therapy suggests that some elements of “therapeutic culture” were always coercive and always directed toward the maintenance of race, gender, and class hierarchies.

Expressions of desire for catastrophe, imagined as a remedy for bourgeois inertia, are common among writers of the interwar avant-garde. This catastrophism exerts a powerful influence upon their co...