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Centre‐periphery relations have constituted a paradox for the English National Health Service (NHS) since its creation in 1948. Is it a top‐down national service organised locally, or a bottom‐up arrangement of local health systems managed nationally? North West England provides a regional case study which traces the changing organisational, relational and spatial dimensions of the intermediate tier. These reposition centre‐periphery tensions. In foregrounding, situating and conceptualising region in these terms, I offer new insight into existing narratives and centre‐periphery relations in the NHS. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I am a passionate advocate for historical research. It provides insight, context, illuminates the dynamics of our discipline and should anchor everything we think, write, and profess in the present. Careful historical research can question, undermine, and revise the existing set of representations that underwire our subject. It may help us untangle why certain views of the subject, topic, period, or person remain in wide currency, explaining the power relations, politics, institution building and wider discursive and non-discursive factors that foreclose, enhance, or otherwise influence what we think, write, teach, and practice. We desperately need more research that challenges everything we take for granted and fail to subject to scrutiny. This paper reflects a call to action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuadernos del Centro de Estudios de Diseño y Comunicación is the property of Cuadernos del Centro de Estudios de Diseno y Comunicacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article seeks to understand the positions of three Rio de Janeiro journals, Careta, Fon-Fon and O Malho, in terms of a woman’s role in the concept of the “modern family” during the first half of the twentieth century, whether as a daughter, wife, or mother. Based on the concept of modern patriarchy, we seek to understand the new forms of patriarchy in republican Brazil and how these affected women’s behavior, their everyday lives in the family sphere and in social and power dynamics in private and public spaces, during this period of accelerated change. Based on this analysis, we consider how the press reported to its readers on marriages and separations and how it presented female desire through divorce. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do the yazheng have different shapes and production processes in different places? What is the effect of the reformation of yazheng in modern times? Based on the survived real yazheng in modern time and historical documents, this study gives an overview of the similarities and differences of yazheng found in different places and discusses its contemporary inheritance and development. Using the theoretical lens of ethnomusicology and perspectives including the origin of musical instruments and playing methods, this study investigates the development of the yazheng in the same historical context and crosscontexts. I believe the strategy for the survival of the yazheng originated from the influence of the strong culture at that time and was also driven by the social power hierarchy and historical environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

More than most other stone inscriptions from pre-Islamic Java, the Minto stone (Sangguran charter) has broad name recognition in Indonesia today. The story of the stone's removal, more than two hundred years ago during the British occupation of Java, from its original setting in the mountainous area north-west of Malang to its current location at the Minto Estate in the Scottish Borders, has stimulated popular imagination. Given the ever-increasing global relevance of the issue of the repatriation of heritage items to their countries of origin, this prestigious stone stele has become the object of significant media attention and is one of the highest priorities among the artefacts which the Indonesian government hopes to bring home. Compared with how much public attention is given to the issue of where the stone belongs, very little attention has been paid to the textual content of the charter engraved on it. In these pages, we attempt to recentre attention on the inscription as a document of intrinsic historical interest. To this end, we first investigate the provenance of the stone. We then review its heritage status, drawing attention to its significance for the local community. Our focus, however, is on the philological study of the inscribed text, of which we present—for the first time—a complete version. This version is based on direct inspection and high-resolution images of the stone, accompanied by an integral translation reflecting the state of scholarly understanding of Old Javanese epigraphy. The epigraphic core of this study is then followed by a discussion of some of the historical implications of the text. Among the topics we review are the chronology and nature of the shifting of political power from Central to East Java in the tenth century CE as well as the culinary and material aspects of communal feasts in that period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

11 I discuss this in Jacob T. Levy, I The Multiculturalism of Fear i (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), chapters 3, 4, and 8. 12 Fukuyama, I The End of History i , 329. 7 Fukuyama, I The End of History i , 136-8. 8 W.E.B. Du Bois, I The Souls of Black Folk i (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2002 [1903]), 5. 9 Fukuyama, I The End of History i , 201. Keywords: liberalism; history; ideology; Fukuyama; recognition; Augustine EN liberalism history ideology Fukuyama recognition Augustine 802 809 8 10/04/22 20221001 NES 221001 Even setting aside the ways in which Francis Fukuyama's I The End of History and the Last Man i [3] introduces questions that he himself pursued in his subsequent thirty years of wide-ranging scholarship, it is remarkable how many topics in academic debates of the following generation are present in its pages. Liberalism, history, ideology, Fukuyama, recognition, Augustine. [Extracted from the article]

For more than a century, Cleveland Abbe was placed on a pedestal as meteorology's solitary leader. Lauded by power brokers within the developing U.S. meteorological community, directors of the Weather Bureau (predecessor to today's National Weather Service), and the American Meteorological Society, he was cited by many as the father of what is now the NWS, its first director, and issuer of its first forecast. However, a historiographical review of the literature that established the Abbe legend presented here shows the image held of Abbe today was actively manufactured; written, and supported by Abbe himself, his family, the Weather Bureau, and others within the AMS. We show that Abbe's role in the creation of the nation's first federal weather service was elevated while the contributions of others were actively downplayed. The latter applies particularly to Increase Lapham, who worked for two decades to demonstrate how a 24-h forecast of events could be generated from the collection and analysis of surface data, and whose active solicitation of Congressman Halbert Paine ultimately led to the creation of the first national weather service within the U.S. Army Signal Service on 9 February 1870. This paper is provided to shed a clearer light on those who contributed to the creation of what is now called the National Weather Service, which recently celebrated its 150th anniversary, and offer insights into how the Abbe myth was sustained as the AMS celebrated its anniversaries at 25-yr intervals over its 100-yr history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this reflexive essay, I raise issues about power dynamics between interviewers and interviewees based on my experiences conducting research interviews in South Korea. I focus on the sociocultural contexts that drive social agents' behaviors in the interview process, which in Korean Confucian contexts include respect for adults and educational fervor. A particular configuration of authority relationships was evident in each scenario, showing how sociocultural contexts underlie the complicated power dynamics of interview situations, which can be further complicated by topics that require participants to share their intellectual notions. Based on my interview experiences, I argue that acknowledging these social contexts and their impacts on power relations will serve to strengthen the depth of engagement in interviews and therefore the quality and potential impact of qualitative interview research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the relations between power, memory, and the archive that surround the Malês revolt, a historical event narrated in Bahia de Todos os Santos: Guia de Ruas e Mistérios (Bahia de Todos os Santos: A Guide to the Streets and Mysteries) by the writer Jorge Amado (1977). It seeks to share reflections, tensions, and intentions that the contact with poststructuralist and decolonial studies can trigger before history, as a movement of insubmission able to potentiate a critique of official thought and the elected narratives. The Malê resistance and endeavor to protect their identity is a power expressed in Amado's book, which denounces the physical, linguistic, religious, social, and historical violence experienced by the dehumanization of Black bodies and the erasure of the national history of these popular figures who had participation in struggles for freedom and were silenced in the nation's official narratives. The work developed also aims to understand how the Brazilian novelist approaches these structures forged in the relations of power and control of history and memory used as mechanisms to erase the identities of ethnic minorities on Brazilian soil. The development of this study relied on the theoretical concepts of Derrida (1995/2001), Deleuze (1969/2009), Foucault (1969/2008), Mignolo (2003), Grosfoguel (1996), Quijano (2005), and Reis (1986). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents different stories and memories of the Tina Martins Women's Referral Center. To this end, we moved away from the qualitative studies of history and memory in organizational studies that are based on the historic turn, which aims to go beyond the production of narratives that resort to the past as a tool for reproducing the power relations of the present. A vast amount of material was compiled from observing participants, including a field notebook, event records, and photographs, and individual interviews were recorded and transcribed. The results were organized into two main thematic axes: the first presents the process that led to the Center's foundation and the political disputes over its space, while the second addresses the meanings present in the group's everyday life. Given the construction of diversified and procedural historical narratives, this article proposes some critical reflections on the Center's experience that were discussed with its members, and instigates, via memories, the adoption of the historical approach to organizational studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For a long time, political power was the exclusive attribute of some individuals or groups of individuals who adjudged and exercised it in a discretionary and absolutist manner, the masses of subjects not being recognized with any rights in this line. Their condition, in general, was at the sovereign's discretion. Acts of disobedience were sanctioned with great cruelty, in public procedures, with the aim of continuously feeding the feeling of fear, as the only support of the order established by the sovereign, at his pleasure. However, history has recorded countless facts and events that contested, over time, such a form of government. Even if for the time being they failed in terms of the intended goal, their importance is still remarkable, at least in the fact that they continuously maintained and developed the trust and hope in a social order in which the will of the masses represents the foundation of power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I distinguish between four foundational narratives about the EU and outline how they continue to shape EU politics of the present day. The foundational narratives are (1) the EU as a peace project, (2) the notion that the EU is forged in crisis, (3) the sense that deeper economic interdependence fosters political change and (4) the idea that law can replace power politics in the EU. In order for the European project to address current challenges, such as climate change, economic instability, political polarization or the rule of law crisis, I argue that Europeans need to confront their past. History is not only the recollection of events; it represents the connections that the public and elites wish to make. So, in order to develop policy solutions to cross‐border issues, European contemporaries need to critically revisit past connections and to uncover blind spots. If Europeans revisit the EU's foundational narratives, they might also figure out what should change in the EU today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how historical silencing and epistemic in/justice occurs in and through the curation of UNRWA's central registry archive, now stored in Amman and previously located in Vienna, Gaza, and Beirut. Drawing on extensive work in the central registry and related archival collections, and critical archival theory, we show how the power dynamics of international aid, and the politics of the Palestine question, shape the collection's structure, content, and accessibility. We investigate the curation and selection of agency records, their organization, and their transparency or opacity to outsiders. In so doing, we illuminate how the curation of UNRWA's archive informs, shapes, and even distorts knowledge production on Palestinian refugee histories. By highlighting the interconnection between historical silencing and UNRWA's archives we expand understandings of the agency's complex, and at times contradictory, role in pursuing justice for Palestine refugees. Specifically, we unpack how the agency's curation of its archive can help promote its own preferred selfimage, and how this speaks to tensions at the heart of UNRWA's role. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: The connection between Sufism and politics in the contemporary history of Afghanistan began with the establishment of Ahmad Shah Abdali's Government (1747). Ahmad Shah Abdali had a good relationship with other Sufis. The Dastarbandi (turban ceremony) tradition has been established for the kings at the hands of Sufi elders and gained their support in his campaigns. The role of Sufi elders during the reign of Durranis and Muhammadzais is also very important. With the invasion of Britain and the Soviet Union and the emergence of internal conflicts between local rulers, the presence of Sufis in the country's politics increases. From the perspective of "Political Sociology" whose main topic is the analysis of mutual relations between the government and social forces? The possibility of finding the open and hidden role of the leaders of the Naqshbandiyya, Qadiriyya and Chishtiyya sects, opposing political officials, supporting them, reacting against the British aggressors has been investigated. Sufis have always played a role in the political and social developments of Afghanistan and have enjoyed great respect and closeness in the government systems. With the British and Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, the Sufis mobilized the people against the colonial forces by organizing their political and jihadi activities in the form of political organizations. Although the relationship between Sufism and politics in Afghanistan had ups and downs but Sufis have always been respected in the government. Kings and ministers participated in their assemblies and monasteries and were consulted for the administration of the country. In the contemporary history of Afghanistan, Sufis have always resisted internal oppression and injustice and foreign aggression, as mentioned earlier. Research Question: The main question of the article is how has been the quality of relationship between the Sufi sects and the political ruling in contemporary Afghanistan and their role in the country's political power? Research Hypothesis: The hypothesis is that Sufis, within sects of Naqshbandiyya, Qadiriyya and Chishtiyya, have had a significant influence on high-raking offcials, and the courtiers and royals in Afghanistan. Their elders and leaders have played a crucial role in the Afghan politics and power systems. They often played greater contributions in the removal, appointment of kings and political leaders and legitimizing the power as well as creating political parties in the country. Methodology (and theoretical framework if there are): The current study has been conducted, based on content analysis method which is a type of qualitative analyses and from the point of view of "Political Sociology" whose principle subject matter is the analysis of mutual relations between governmental power and social forces in contemporary history of Afghanistan. One can examine the visible role of the leaders of the Naqshbandiyya, Qadiriyya and Chishtiyya sects in confronting political officials or supporting them or their reaction against the British and Soviet aggressors. Results and Discussion: The link between Sufism and politics in the contemporary history of Afghanistan is undeniable. The elders of Sofia always have a special place in the political and power apparatus of Afghanistan. They have played an important role in deposing and installing kings and emirs and legitimizing their power. As mentioned, Ahmad Shah Abdali was a follower of Naqshbandiyya sect and he established the tradition of coronation and turban cermony by the Sufis elders. He enlisted the support of Sufi masters to persuade his followers and disciples in the fields of warfare and politics. But his sons and descendants could not use the capacity of the Sufis like him. With the arrival of Muhammadzais, the amirs of that time also maintained the relations by establishing causal links through marriages with the Sufi families, in order to gain their support. With the invasion of British troops into Afghanistan, a new chapter was established in the relationship between the Sufis and the government, and the Sufis took a step with political and jihadist movements established in the political and power scene of Afghanistan and engaged in armed struggle with the aggressor forces and their internal agents. In general, elders and followers of Naqshbandiyya and Qadiriya sects have been more involved in the politics and power system of Afghanistan than other sects. Basically, in the contemporary history of Afghanistan, apart from legitimizing the political government, Sufi leaders played a prominent role in resolving the family disputes of the nobles or taking power by the local rulers. Sometimes they themselves had a place in the governing body. But with the passage of time and the involvement of new elements and factors in the political situation of Afghanistan, it seems that the influence of this group in politics and power has decreased compared to the past. The responsible factors can be analyzed in other research works. Conclusion: The results of the research show that the connection between Sufism and politics has always been accompanied by ups and downs since the beginning of Ahmad Shah's reign. he had a good relation with other Sufis. The Sufis also supported him during his campaigns. But with the invasion of British forces and then Russia into Afghanistan, the Sufis rushed to the political and power scene of Afghanistan with greater coordination and started an armed struggle against the aggressor forces and their internal agents. In addition, Sufis have played an important and prominent role in various political and governmental positions in recent years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Iberoamericana de Turismo is the property of Revista Iberoamericana de Turismo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The papers in this forum offer an interdisciplinary assessment of the state of the field of Anglican Studies and perspectives on future trajectories. The first three papers, on liturgy, history, and world Anglicanism, offer an assessment of the respective state of these areas of Anglican Studies. The second set, on theology, sociology of religion, and biblical studies, stake out positions on how these disciplines inform the work of Anglican Studies. A concluding essay offers a synthesis of these papers, focusing on the themes of local contexts for Anglicanism, a further complexification of decolonizing processes in Anglicanism, and the critical role of conversation in Anglican Studies regarding disciplines, languages, and power dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Manuela Sáenz de Thorne is commonly remembered for her passionate love story with Simón Bolívar, The Liberator. Although Manuela was an activist and an influential person before and after her relationship with Bolivar, she died alone and bankrupt in Paita, Peru. This paper highlights Manuela Sáenz's political influence, as well as the period of exile and the legacy, which is currently evidenced in a variety of literary, audiovisual and biographical references. In general, these productions maintain her image as a woman who was moved by passion and emphasize the character of a revolutionary leader ahead of her time. Therefore, this study focuses on the multiple biographies of Manuela Sáenz. From this perspective, we consider the role that certain memories have built about the "Insepulta de Paita". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article introduces the special issue Fifty Years Since Stonewall: The Science and Politics of Sexual Orientation and Gender Diversity. Here, the commemoration of the 1969 Stonewall uprising frames our discussion of issues of representation that arise in commemorating events in general, and events in the history of psychology in particular. We describe how the articles in the special issue expand the existing narratives about the history of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender psychology that are centered in the United States, focused primarily on sexual orientation and often end, rather than begin, in the time of Stonewall. The international scope of the special issue can suggest new ways to particularize histories of psychology since Stonewall that are centered on the United States. We describe the ideological context that shapes the doing of psychology since Stonewall, the telling of the histories of that psychology, and how "the problem of speaking for others" arises in contexts of power, including the curation of the special issue itself. Psychology has engaged with movements for equality and justice for sexual and gender minorities over the last 50 years, resulting in increasingly affirmative perspectives in many parts of the world. This introduction to the special issue frames the histories of such shifts at local, national, and global levels with particular attention to the politics of commemoration and the problem of speaking for others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the political power and technological innovations represented by Aztec gardens. Topics discussed include the significant contribution of Aztec gardening to Global North horticulture, the Mesoamerican irrigation and waste management practices recorded during the Late Aztec period, and the link between Aztec gardening practices and social structure.

This article reassesses the reputation enjoyed by Charles IV of Luxemburg, emperor and king of Bohemia (r. 1346/1347–1378), as the author of a program aimed at projecting his monarchy via visual media. Current scholarship, which stresses the centrally directed character of this program, regards it as serving clear political goals, as "propaganda" to unify Charles's far-flung territories. This article challenges that view. It contends that a straightforward political purpose is often less detectable than usually claimed, and the political "success" of Caroline image-making easily overstated. Above all, it argues for the necessity of decentering Caroline visual culture by stepping away from the familiar focus on the Prague court, to explore instead provincial viewpoints. Focusing on northeastern Bavaria, it shows that local examples of Caroline imagery are often best understood not as impositions from the "center," but rather as products of interactions between court and locality, through which local perspectives and interests also found expression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Liberalism, history, Fukuyama, conservatism, globalization, pessimism Here, despite his partial disavowals, Fukuyama's thinking may well be following a trajectory found in some forms of post-war political realism that sought to craft visions of a "realistic" or even "conservative" liberalism capable of meeting these challenges. Keywords: liberalism; history; Fukuyama; conservatism; globalization; pessimism EN liberalism history Fukuyama conservatism globalization pessimism 794 801 8 10/04/22 20221001 NES 221001 The fate of sophisticated arguments that become best-selling books seems to be a descent into caricature and cliché. The forces of nationalism and resentment that Fukuyama thought (or perhaps hoped)[9] would be tamed by market liberalism and "tolerant" nationalism[10] have gained force from liberalism's very successes and evolution - something we might even see as an alternative dialectic directly subverting his guardedly optimistic liberalism. [Extracted from the article]

This article offers an autoethnographic account of developing a multidisciplinary feminist local history project. In particular it focuses on the construction and delivery of a walking tour celebrating 'Manchester's Modernist Heroines'. These were ten women from Greater Manchester, UK, who achieved professional success in the twentieth century. The author evokes ideas of psychogeography and the dérive to produce a tour with collaboration, accessibility and public participation at the heart of its ethos. However the notion of a psychogeographical heritage tour is an oxymoron as the praxis resists essentialist notions of time and space. Additionally, the women featured did not have blue plaques, stately homes or any of the conventional badges of achievement. The focus instead was on resonances, echoes, connections and traces in the everyday landscape. Some, such as Marie Stopes, have a complex and deeply problematic legacy. Geographer Doreen Massey, born in Manchester and one of the subjects, provided inspiration with her progressive vision of space as a simultaneity of 'stories-so-far.' The traditional heritage tour became reconfigured as something overtly and proudly performative, participatory and fluid. The route and location contributions are anchored in is mutable, with content evolving as new stories are shared. The walk incorporates education, conversation, art and provocation. This is Feminist public pedagogy which uses the pedestrian to examine issues around commemoration, memory, gender and the right to the city. It utilises embodied creative walking methods to uncover the power dynamics that shape Manchester and offer an alternative way to view them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout history, most positions of political power have been held by men, and despite numerous laws and regulations aimed at increasing gender equality in society and politics, the majority of democratic assemblies remain predominantly composed of men. What makes this gender composition persistent over time? Using data from Swedish population registers from 1982 to 2014 and demographic statistics from 1749 to 1859, I study how historical social norms shape the present-day gender balance in local politics. The results show that where family formation was more traditional in the past, there are fewer women in local politics today. The analysis also shows that family formation is a likely mechanism for the transmission of social norms across generations. The findings contribute to our understanding of the historical persistence of social structures and the reasons why gender balance in politics is not easily achieved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Republic of Korea plays one of the leading roles in the global economy and is a dynamically developing country. As one of the key elements of South Korea's success, many researchers in their works note the so-called concept of "soft power". The Republic of Korea has great resources of "soft power" and actively uses them. The concept of "soft power" considered in this paper was first proposed by J. Nayem and now this concept has firmly entered the lexicon of world science. The Republic of Korea turned to the concept of "soft power" about twenty years ago. The strategy of the modern concept of "soft power" of the Republic of Korea is based on the dissemination of traditional cultural values and pop culture. South Korea places a great emphasis on the "soft power" of culture, which helped it shape a positive image and create its South Korean attractive brand on the world stage. In this paper, the "soft power" of the culture of South Korea is considered using the example of cybersports and the phenomenon of "Korean wave" or "hullu". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the press control practices used by the provincial political powers of Entre Ríos between 1862 and 1870. This period was characterized by an increasing political dispute and the deepening of public debate. An indication of this process is the increase in the number of newspapers and the diversity of their political positions. Most of the newspapers were Federalists and supporters of Urquiza, but they maintained a space of discursive autonomy and what was published did not always go along the lines of the caudillo's interest. Also, there were Unitary and dissident Federal newspapers which were very critical of the provincial government and the figure of Urquiza. Respect for press freedom as a legitimating principle of the exercise of power prevented the development of legislation restricting that freedom and discouraged the practice of filing law suits for libel against publishers or journalist among provincial officials. Hence, the way in which political power managed to limit opinion was dominated by informal practices of political control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Patriarchy has been variously criticised as a rigid hermeneutic category since the mid-1980s. The postmodern turn has contested master narratives; recent feminist historiography has highlighted the multiplicity of female experience; and masculinity studies have called into question the dichotomy of male dominance/ female subordination by illustrating difference and hierarchy between men. This essay discusses some of these issues for the early modern period by bringing into focus two major historiographical trends that have shaped recent scholarship on gender: female agency and masculinity. Examining research on early modern Italy comparatively with historiographical traditions that have shaped British and American scholarship and drawing on recent scholarship and the author’s own research, the essay argues that patriarchy can be a useful category of analysis in current historiography if informed by updated theoretical and methodological insights into gender, such as the exploration of masculinity or more sophisticated conceptualisations of agency. Problematising and complicating early modern patriarchy involves the understanding of the meaningful process through which gender interacted socially and symbolically with other forms of power and difference in private and public space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the presidency of Charles de Gaulle (1958-1969), state-led spatial planning transformed the Paris region. The aim of the Schéma directeur d'aménagement et d'urbanisme de la région de Paris (1965) was to improve urban life through modernization; but its scale and ambition meant that it came to represent the hubris of state power. This article examines the role of discourse and narrative in state planning. It explores the role of planning discourses in the production of space, as well as stories told about planning by the planners and those who live with their actions. It investigates perceptions of power in post-war France, placing the Gaullist view of the state as a force for good in the context of contemporary critiques of state power. Addressing the relationship between power, resistance, and critique, it sees the environments produced by spatial planning as complex objects of dispute, enmeshed in conflicting hopes and visions of the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study sheds light on the causes of failure of economic reform in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI). It argues that the success of economic reform largely relies on the choices available for ruling authorities as well as their willingness to share power with the people and with each other. Since the birth of the Iraqi state and the KRI the interaction of uncivic traditions, rent seeking, and centralization has been the main cause hindering economic reforms that are desired to sustain development. To investigate, the study provides a comprehensive account of the failure of the region’s past and present economic policies and the sociopolitical structure that supported it. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Through the case study of Fatna El-Bouih's Talk of Darkness, this paper frames the concept of 'resistance' in Moroccan female prison narratives. The study contributes to a lively debate about (post)colonial Morocco's history. The examination of Talk of Darkness shows the politics of the concept of resistance and sheds light on those small acts and rebellions that upset power relations while slipping under the radar. The theory of resistance developed by Scott, Vinthagen, and Johansson is used in this thesis. Resistance is demonstrated theoretically to be a very confusing topic that sparks intense disagreement among resistance studies researchers. This paper concludes by suggesting that Talk of Darkness is a narrative of resistance that exemplifies the intriguing resistance of Moroccan women in (post)colonial Morocco. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the article, the author discusses the works of Professor Ronald Hutton on anthropology and history, particularly on their relationship with the academic study of religion and power. Also cited are the comments of scholars like Saba Mahmood and Talal Asad on the vagaries of Christianity with respect to science and politics, and the influence of dreams of self-identification between historians and anthropologists.

This study aims to take a historical journey through childhood development and respond to the changes that have taken place in the education of children over the centuries. What did the concept of childhood education mean in ancient times? What role did family and school play in those ancient times? Was childhood visible in past societies? What skills did Christian education seek to improve in children? What important changes do the Enlightenment ideas introduce in the conception of childhood? How and when does childhood acquire individuality within the whole society? When did the change from passive to active students in the classroom take place? What role have teachers played throughout history? These and other questions will be answered as we attempt to comprehend how we have reached the point of speaking of empowerment and autonomy in school learning today in Western Europe education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do only some powerful states choose to develop power projection capabilities? To answer this question, we test the proposition that states choose to develop power projection capabilities when they face a competitive geopolitical environment. This proposition is derived from our theory, which is used to construct a new measure of the level of geopolitical competition that every state in the system faces. This measure incorporates each state’s relative geographic position to every other state in the international system, the relative amount of economic power of those other states, and the degree to which their interests are compatible. We then apply this unique country-year measure to test the proposition that competitive environments are associated with the development of power projection capabilities, as measured by the tonnage of naval ships maintained by each country in each year. We demonstrate that our measure helps explain the degree to which states choose to invest in power projection capabilities. This provides an explanation for why the world has been economically multipolar, but military unipolar, for the past quarter century, and why this might change in the future, as rising powers with incompatible interests are increasing their investment in power projection capabilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the history, purpose and meaning of social justice. Topics discussed are perception of power and wealth from the beginning of civilization to the American Revolution, comparison of the political system of the ancient Greeks and Romans with the Western heritage including the idea of social contract between the government and the people, association of social justice to equality, and basic principles that should be considered as a framework for defining social justice.

Drawing on the population survey of social exclusion in Lithuanian cities, the article examines how residents' distrust of their power to change neighborhoods and influence local authority decisions reflects more general processes of sociospatial segregation and differentiation. We argue that this distrust is spatially driven, although there is a limited evidence to suggest consistent sociospatial differentiation between prestigious city areas (city centers and suburbs) and low-end zones (working-class neighborhoods and Soviet-era housing areas). Pointing to the residents' emotions of distrust and powerlessness related to 'messy' social exclusion processes, the article contributes to the research of both emotional geography and sociospatial differentiation in post-socialist cities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study evaluates America’s prominence in world affairs by analyzing the content of key news sites from around the world over three years. Findings show that the United States remains by far the most prominent country in news sites from around the world, particularly in the categories of business, technology, and world-news. While world attention to most rising regional powers such as Brazil, Russia, and India remained low, China increased its news prominence over the period of study. Yet this rise was found to be related with US international affairs. On the basis of these findings, we conceptualize and delineate “prominence power” as a factor in the debate over the various faces of American power and its relation to soft power in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article talks about Chinese president and Communist Party chief Xi Jinping's campaign on corruption dealing with the issue of the relationship between power and wealth in contemporary China. Topics include corruption in the Chinese government, post-Mao era in China and its impacts, and corruption in the People's Liberation Army (PLA). Also discussed is the economic reform and marketization in the Chinese economy.

What is the utility of US military power when seeking to generate international economic arrangements preferential to its national interests? Conventional theories of relational power, whereby actor A compels actor B against their own will, offers a narrow range of explanations. We argue that theories of structural power, whereby an actor can utilize positional advantages to shape the structural contexts of other states international preferences offers a more nuanced account of the close interaction between geopolitics and the global economy. We taxonomize structural power into positive and negative components, applying these to a case-study of regional American primacy in east Asia. We argue that US primacyhas allowed it to leverage its military power into generating political-economic institutional outcomes that have reinforced its broader leadership role. The US may well continue its deep engagement or follow a path of retrenchment under President Trump, but both grand strategic options will impact on its capacity to leverage such structural power and have implications for US hegemony and the region's political economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 5 October 2016 and 28 April 2017 the Official Gazette of Spain disclosed two resolutions which showed a tightening in the doctrine of the General Directorate of Registries and Notaries regarding the effectiveness in Spain of powers of attorney granted abroad. According to this new doctrine, if such powers of attorney are to be used in the granting of a document which is to be registered in a Spanish public registry, evidence is needed as to the fact that the requirements set forth in the Third Transitional Provision of Law 15/2015, of 2 July, on Non-contentious Proceedings, and in Article 60 of Law 29/2015, of 30 July, on international cooperation in civil matters are met. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The authors of this article consider the development of the political, administrative and law spheres of the early modern Russian state against the backdrop of similar processes taking place in the neighboring states of Europe at this time. Analyzing the administrative and legal practices inherent in European states and in Russia of the late middle ages - early new age, the authors come to the conclusion that the notion of Muscovia, formed as a despotic state based on the absolute power of the Moscow tsars and the lack of rights of their subjects, is based on the subjective impressions of foreign observers. The latter, getting into the "closed" Moscow society, failed to understand the peculiarities of the Russian state power mechanisms functioning and their legal basis, based on traditions not recorded in written law. Having perceived the official Moscow political declarations as the real legal foundation, on which the early Russian state was built, foreign observers did not notice the everyday life behind this front façade, which had little in common with the officially proclaimed doctrine. The reality was to build a thin balance of interests between the supreme power and local government, based on the observance of "old traditions" by both sides. In this regard, the Russian state of the late middle ages - early new age can be considered a legal one, if we understand by "a law" not only the written law, but also the customary one. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]