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The popular radical movement that developed in Great Britain after the Napoleonic wars under the leadership of Henry Hunt made the mass platform its main – and most striking – means of action in the fight for parliamentary reform. Mass demonstrations became a defining feature of the radical agitation, a tradition also followed by the Chartist movement from the late 1830s to the mid-1850s. Chartist processions have been extensively studied by historians, but a certain type of procession has remained largely absent from the discussion: funeral cortèges. Through the study of the funerals of six local or national leaders of the Chartist movement, this article intends to address this issue and to work towards a rapprochement between the political history of popular radicalism and the cultural and social history of death in the Victorian period. The interments of Samuel Holberry, Joseph Williams, Alexander Sharp, Ben Rushton, Feargus O'Connor and Ernest Jones were made public by the radicals in charge of their organization and gathered several thousand people. This work argues that these funerals can be seen as belonging to the radical repertoire of collective action that developed in nineteenth-century Britain. The way they were organized and advertised, the form and appearance they took, and the numbers involved, and debated, identify them as an integral part of the radical tradition of political agitation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social work is a core health profession with origins deeply connected to the development of contemporary public health in the United States. Today, many of the nation’s 600 000 social workers practice broadly in public health and in other health settings, drawing on a century of experience in combining clinical, intermediate, and population approaches for greater health impact. Yet, the historic significance of this long-standing interdisciplinary collaboration—and its current implications— remains underexplored in the present era. This article builds on primary and contemporary sources to trace the historic arc of social work in public health, providing examples of successful collaborations. The scope and practices of public health social work practice are explored, and we articulate a rationale for an expanded place for social work in the public health enterprise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a report from a February 23-24, 2017 conference in Munich, Germany on the modern history of collective action among rural Europeans. Topics of presentations delivered include the history of rural preservation in early 20th-century Bucklebury Parish, England, collective agriculture in East Germany, and sociological aspects of rural Polish youth after World War II.

CONTRARY TO CONCEPTIONS of the rural workforce as inherently conservative, tobacco workers and small farmers in Depression-era Ontario frequently organized to protest their socioeconomic conditions and to demand a fairer deal from employers and tobacco companies. Led by Hungarian immigrants, but with significant involvement from other groups, working people in the Tobacco Belt built an "infrastructure of dissent," a constellation of formal organizations and informal networks that allowed for the development of radical ideas and provided a platform from which to launch oppositional efforts, both coordinated and spontaneous. Two key moments of 1930s protest are focused on in this article. In 1937, a dramatic growers' movement saw over 1,000 small farmers, with the support of workers, band together to demand higher prices from the tobacco companies for their crops. In 1939, the local forces of working-class opposition were joined by a massive influx of job-seeking "transients," who brought with them the politics of the Depression-era unemployed, establishing the conditions for what would become the greatest moment of tobacco worker resistance in the decade. In both campaigns, efforts were made to unite workers and small growers, but the evidence suggests that growers benefitted more from these collaborations than did workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the role of committees of correspondence in U.S. colonial history. Emphasis is given to topics such as collective action and resistance to taxation by Great Britain, the search and seizure of vessels under the Sugar Act of 1764, and reaction to the Boston Tea Party resulting in the formation of the First Continental Congress.

Rebellious collective action is rare, but it can occur when subordinates are severely discontented and other circumstances are favorable. The possibility of rebellion is a check—sometimes the only check—on authoritarian rule. Although mutinies in which crews seized control of their vessels were rare events, they occurred throughout the Age of Sail. To explain the occurrence of this form of high-risk collective action, this article holds that shipboard grievances were the principal cause of mutiny. However, not all grievances are equal in this respect. We distinguish between structural grievances that flow from incumbency in a subordinate social position and incidental grievances that incumbents have no expectation of suffering. Based on a case-control analysis of incidents of mutiny compared with controls drawn from a unique database of Royal Navy voyages from 1740 to 1820, in addition to a wealth of qualitative evidence, we find that mutiny was most likely to occur when structural grievances were combined with incidental ones. This finding has implications for understanding the causes of rebellion and the attainment of legitimate social order more generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article hypothesizes that minority groups are more likely to protect persecuted groups during episodes of mass killing. The author builds a geocoded dataset of Jewish evasion and church communities in the Netherlands during the Holocaust to test this hypothesis. Spatial regression models of 93 percent of all Dutch Jews demonstrate a robust and positive correlation between the proximity to minority churches and evasion. While proximity to Catholic churches increased evasion in dominantly Protestant regions, proximity to Protestant churches had the same effect in Catholic parts of the country. Municipality level fixed effects and the concentric dispersion of Catholicism from missionary hotbed Delft are exploited to disentangle the effect of religious minority groups from local level tolerance and other omitted variables. This suggests that it is the local configuration of civil society that produces collective networks of assistance to threatened neighbors. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Beyond the repression of the national waves of food rioting during the subsistence crises of the 1790s, workers in the English countryside lost the will and ability to mobilize. Or so the historical orthodoxy goes. Such a conceptualization necessarily positions the ‘Bread or Blood’ riots of 1816, the Swing rising of 1830, and, in particular, the agrarian trade unionism practised at Tolpuddle in 1834 as exceptional events. This article offers a departure by placing Tolpuddle into its wider regional context. The unionists at Tolpuddle, it is shown, were not making it up as they went along but instead acted in ways consistent with shared understandings and experiences of collective action and unionism practised throughout the English west. In so doing, it pays particular attention to the forms of collective action – and judicial responses – that extended between different locales and communities and which joined farmworkers, artisans, and industrial workers together. So conceived, Tolpuddle was not an exception. Rather, it can be more usefully understood as a manifestation of deeply entrenched cultures, an episode that assumes its historical potency because of its subsequent politicized representations. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Formal models of revolutionary collective action suggest that ‘informational cascades’ play a crucial role in overcoming collective action problems. These models highlight how information about the aggregate level of participation in collective action conveys information about others’ political preferences, and how such informational cues allow potential participants to update their beliefs about the value of participating in antiregime collective action. In authoritarian regimes, foreign mass media are often the only credible source of information about antiregime protests. However, limited robust evidence exists on whether foreign media can indeed serve as a coordination device for collective action. This article makes use of a detailed dataset on protest events during the 1989 East German revolution and exploits the fact that West German television broadcasts could be received in most but not all parts of East Germany. Across a wide range of Cox proportional hazards models and conditional on a rich set of observables, it finds that the availability of West German television did not affect the probability of protest events occurring. The evidence presented here does not support the widely accepted ‘fact’ that West German television served as a coordination device for antiregime protests during the East German revolution. More broadly, it also calls into question strong claims about the effects of communication technology on revolutionary collective action. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper examines the tradition of interdisciplinary research developed in the 40-year history of the Workshop in Political Theory and Policy Analysis. In the late 1960s, Vincent and Elinor Ostrom began to plant the seeds for a teaching and research environment that would promote deliberation, contestation, and collaboration among their colleagues and students at Indiana University, Bloomington. Based on their experiences of working with a master woodworker in Bloomington, they envisioned a 'workshop' setting. From a simple tradition of voluntarily organized weekly colloquia with their colleagues across campus, they crafted an academic environment in which students, visiting scholars, and colleagues from diverse disciplines interacted daily, studying issues of institutional analysis and collective action. This paper examines the historical foundations of the research center created by the Ostroms. Particular focus is placed on the evolution of inquiry that led to the path-breaking research on collective action in the 'commons.' [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the impact of Feminism on one of the most popular left-wing youth groups in Greece, the Eurocommunist Rigas Feraios (RF), in the mid-to-late 1970s. It indicates that, rather than a shift to (depoliticised) individualisation, which scholars claim that emerged elsewhere in Western Europe during the 1970s, post-dictatorship Greece witnessed intense politicisation and experimentations in mass-mobilisation models, a facet of which was the reconfiguration of the relationship between Eurocommunist organisations and Feminism. It demonstrates that the spread of Feminist ideas in RF led to the sexualisation of feminine representations in its language. Still, it argues that Feminist activity within RF had broader repercussions: it stirred reflection on masculinities and contributed to the reshaping of the collective memory of left-wing activity in Greece endorsed by this organisation. Finally, the article shows that the Feminist members of RF formed women's committees, which functioned as a test-bed for novel conceptualisations of collective action that RF tried to develop in the mid-to-late 1970s. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Urban History Review / Revue d'Histoire Urbaine is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article focuses on the role of missionaries in the indigenous movement in Brazil between 1967 and 1988. The author discusses the history of the Indigenist Missionary Council or Conselho Indigenista Missionario (CIMI) as part of the National Conference of Brazilian Bishops, explores the relationship between CIMI and pan-Indian collective action, and examines the role of Jesuits within the movement.

This essay sketches an array of cultural, political, and bureaucratic mechanisms that mediate the Chinese Communist state's relationship with the major types of social protests, in the process exploring how governance and contention have transformed each other in the past six decades. In particular, it spotlights a noteworthy development in recent years: the increasingly salient market nexus between state and protest. While the regime response of making economic concessions to protesters is hardly unique in the context of China's own past, the transition from top-down mandated concession to pervasive bargaining between the state and protesters is a significant break with past patterns. The negotiability of cash and material rewards insinuates a market logic of governance that is made all the more poignant by the singularly formidable fiscal and infrastructural capacities of the current Chinese regime among its authoritarian counterparts worldwide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how Louise Tilly's examination of nonstate actors, collective action, and transnationalism remains relevant to scholars today. More specifically, I address how her scholarship has influenced the conceptualization of my first book project, which investigates how Italian and Jewish immigration reform advocates in the United States mobilized against restrictive immigration laws within a transnational framework. Tilly's work has helped me complicate the story of immigration restriction in the United States by looking at how grassroots ethnic organizations took advantage of their members’ ability to naturalize to challenge the legitimacy of draconian immigration laws that marked them as undesirable. In addition to the influence that her scholarly agenda still has on the field, this article contends that Louise Tilly's commitment to interdisciplinarity and collaboration with other scholars is a model to emulate and represents another major aspect of her legacy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]