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Ajanta Caves, UNESCO World Heritage Centre in India had its historic glory dating back to 2 nd Century BC to 6 th Century AD has become an outstanding exemplary for Ancient Rock Cut Architecture in India. The series of Buddhist caves comprising Chaityas (Commemorative Prayer Halls) and Viharas (Private Prayer Halls with resting cells) onto the horse shoe cliff away from the chaos, amidst nature must have assured the serenity in environment and tranquility for the inhabitants then. Ajanta, exhibits its efficiency in terms of various construction methods and techniques adopted for manifestation by the then artisan, as well as richness in terms of awe inspiring ornamentation both in paintings and reliefs where in majority of the interpretations in accordance to Gandhara Art. This paper focuses mainly on discussing various construction techniques and methods adopted for extrusion of form, purpose of various spatial fragments within vicinity and reflectance of various functional attributes of potential building elements that reinforced sustainability of the vicinity both structurally and aesthetically with the support of visual analysis. Also, other essential strategies such as ornamentation throwing light on Buddhist theology and water management to ascertain the comfort factor for the then inhabitants. This paper concludes with the appraisal of the rock cut mechanisms, design strategies and approaches while promoting a scope for further research in bringing out the practical applications as well issues regarding ambient indoor lighting and ventilation. Also with an anticipation of exploring the then safety concerns along with management strategies for serene and isolated living. Ajanta with its physical setting and articulation of various functional spaces as a sustainable habitat for centuries together does have heritage footprint with an exuberant research quotient.

Penannular brooches with rolled terminals are known in Latgallian areas from the eighth century, and brooches with polygonal (faceted and funnel-shaped) terminals from the middle of the ninth century. At the same time, they were widespread in a large area, including Scandinavia. Penannular brooches on Gotland have been analysed, and these are very similar to those of the Latgallians. Although the origin of the polygonal terminals of brooches is unclear, the same ornamentation can be found on Gotland, and in a broader context in the Scandinavian Vendel Period patterns of ornamentation. The new ideas appeared in the form of Latgallian penannular brooches at the same time or a little later than on Gotland. The new pattern of ornamentation also influenced the ornamentation of bracelets, or vice versa. The contacts between Latgallians and Gotland or Scandinavia were possibly long-standing, lasting about three centuries. If Latgallian artisans were themselves producing this kind of penannular brooch, then they were not creating new forms, but imitating existing ones. Key words: penannular brooches, polygonal, faceted, funnel-shaped and star-shaped terminals, ornamentation of the hoop of the brooch, Gotland, Latgallians. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.15181/ab.v23i0.1306

In this article, daggers from the depository of the National Museum of History of Ukraine having simple geometrical cross-guard with segment or rectangular form are analyzed. Due to the set of analogies, they are dated from the mid 6th to mid 5th centuries BC. The ornamentation of well-known examples is considered from the new point of view. First of all, a significant difference in ornamentation technique between the Middle Scythian daggers with segment cross-guard and the Late Scythian swords is accentuated. The samples discussed demonstrate much simpler technique of decoration and find their analogies in the antiquities of cultures situated to the east from European Scythia. For instance, a spiral ornament on hilts tends to ornamentation of daggers from Ural Steppe. Zoomorphic images on the handles could be interpreted as full-face depictions of predators. Similar compositions are sometimes found on items of the Middle Scythian period. Their beginnings can be traced in Sauromatian culture of the Lower Volga Region or in Ananyino culture in high basin of the Volga River.

The article is devoted to the classification of bindings of the 1-19th centuries with a unique and untypical book binding decoration technique (encaustic, tempera and oil paintings). Analysis of design features, materials and techniques of art decoration made it possible to identify them as a separate type - pictorial bindings and divide them into four groups. The first group consists of Coptic bindings, decorated with icon-painting images in encaustic technique. The second group is made up of leather Western bindings of the 13-14th centuries, which have the decoration and technique of ornamentation close to iconography. The third group involves parchment bindings, ornamentation technique of which is closer to the miniature. The last group comprises bindings of East Slavic origin of the 15-19th centuries, decorated with icon-painting pictures made in the technique of tempera or oil painting. The proposed classification requires further basic research as several specific kinds of bindings have not yet been investigated

In the eighteenth century, the emergence of a neo-classical style in architecture created a growing demand for a range of classically-inspired products - not only for architectural decoration but also for ornamentation of the garden. Producing individual items in stone, however, was time-consuming and expensive, so cheaper clay-based alternatives were adopted, most notably from manufacturers such as Coade (1769-1830), Blashfield (1840s-1875) and Doulton (1854-1890s). The artefacts of these manufacturers are now considered of high historic value and significance and their identification is important, not only for the historical record, but also for provision of the evidence necessary to carry out informed conservation. As the sale and copy of moulds was common practice during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, stylistic considerations do not provide reliable identification. Through the analysis of 24 historic objects of garden statuary and ornamentation, this research evaluates the use of portable X-ray fluorescence spectroscopy (pXRF), and more specifically element profiles, in identifying, and differentiating between the products of Coade, Blashfield and Doulton. Key questions around heterogeneity and representative material analysis are addressed. Despite the inherent heterogeneity of these materials, it is shown that discrimination is nevertheless possible using pXRF, primarily due to the significant differences observed across a range of elements at both macro- and trace-level. Objects of known provenance from Coade, Blashfield and Doulton produced three distinct and statistically significant groups demonstrating that the data reflect the composition of the bulk material – rather than surface characteristics. Through identifying the main discriminators for the Coade, Blashfield and Doulton materials, a simple presumptive test is proposed that can be used in an initial evaluation of any unsigned works. Analysis of a selection of unsigned objects with a probable Coade, Blashfield or Doulton provenance was in many cases successful in confirming the documentary evidence. A few objects, however, presented anomalous element profiles. These most likely result from past conservation treatments or polychromy - the two major limitations of the technique.

ÖZETMitolojik bir figür olan ejderhadan ve gökyüzündeki yağmur bulutlarından ilhamla, iki farklı yoldan gelişen bulut motifi, Uzak Doğu’dan Orta Asya’ya, Türkistan’dan Anadolu’ya uzanan coğrafyada sanatkârların severek ve ustalıkla kullandığı motiflerden biri olmuştur. Anadolu Selçuklu, İlhanlı, Celâyirli, Timurlu, Akkoyunlu, Karakoyunlu ve nihayet Osmanlı sanat mekteplerinin zevk süzgecinden geçerek gelişen ve çeşitlenen motif böylece İslâm sanatının özgün motif repertuarına dâhil olmuştur. Ancak motifin menşei, çeşitleri ve Osmanlı sanatına geliş süreci, geniş çaplı bir incelemeye tâbî tutulmamıştır. Bu çalışmada motifin menşei, çeşitleri, bahsi geçen devletlerin sanat mekteplerindeki kullanım biçimleriyle tezyînâttaki kullanım alanları ve Osmanlı sanatındaki ilk örnekleri incelenmiştir. Örnek tezyînî eserler üzerinden gelişim seyri takip edilen motifin genel olarak yığma bulut ve dolantı bulut olmak üzere iki farklı çeşitten oluştuğu, zaman zaman bu iki çeşidin birleştirilerek kullanıldığı gözlemlenmiştir. Resimlerle desteklenen Bulut Motifinin Menşei ve Osmanlı’da İlk Örnekleri adlı tez çalışmasıyla, tezyînî sanatlarda önemli bir yere sahip olan bulut motifinin tarihî gelişim ve değişim sürecinin aydınlatılmasına gayret edilmiştir.İÇİNDEKİLERÖZETIABSTRACTIIÖNSÖZIIIKISALTMALARVIIRESİMLER LİSTESİVIIITABLOLAR LİSTESİXXIIII. GİRİŞ1A. TEZİN KONUSU VE MAHİYETİ2B. KAYNAK VE ARAŞTIRMALAR3C. METOD VE DÜZEN6D. ISTILAH7II. BULUT MOTİFİ VE MENŞEİ9A. BULUT MOTİFİ91.İsimleri92.Tasnifi103.Çeşitleri12a.Yığma Bulut12b.Dolantı Bulut124.Kullanım Alanı ve Biçimi17B. MENŞEİ181.Çin Sanatında Bulut18a.Yùnlóng (Bulut Ejderha)18b.Yùnqì (Şans Bulutu)20c.Lingzhi Mantarı (Dendanlı Başlık)20d.Rúyì (Tezyînî Âsâ)21e.Yùnjian (Bulut Yaka)212.Orta Asya Sanatında Bulut23III. BULUT MOTİFİNİN ANADOLU’YA GELİŞİ VE İLK ÖRNEKLERİ28A. ANADOLU DIŞINDAKİ ÖRNEKLER281.İlhanlılar (1256-1353)28a.Mimarî Eserlerde Bulut Motifi31b.Yazma Eserlerde Bulut Motifi32c.Seramik Eserlerde Bulut Motifi342.Timurlular (1370-1507)35a.Yazma Eserlerde Bulut Motifi39b.Seramik Eserlerde Bulut Motifi46c.Ahşap Eserlerde Bulut Motifi46B. ANADOLU’DAKİ ÖRNEKLER471.Anadolu Selçukluları (1075-1308)47a.Mimarî Eserlerde Bulut Motifinin Öncüsü Ejder Örnekleri51b.Yazma Eserlerde Bulut Motifinin Öncüsü Ejder Örnekleri54c.Madenî Eserlerde Bulut Motifinin Öncüsü Ejder Örnekleri562.Akkoyunlular (1340-1514)58a.Mimari Eserlerde Bulut Motifi59b.Yazma Eserlerde Bulut Motifi61c.Seramik Eserlerde Bulut Motifi673.Karakoyunlular (1351-1469)68a.Mimari Eserlerde Bulut Motifi70b.Yazma Eserlerde Bulut Motifi70IV. BULUT MOTİFİNİN OSMANLI’DA İLK ÖRNEKLERİ74A. FATİH DÖNEMİ (1444-46, 1451-81)77a.Mimari Eserlerde Bulut Motifi78b.Yazma Eserlerde Bulut Motifi79c.Madenî Eserlerde Bulut Motifi83B. II. BAYEZİD DÖNEMİ (1481-1512)83a.Mimari Eserlerde Bulut Motifi84b.Yazma Eserlerde Bulut Motifi85c.Seramik Eserlerde Bulut Motifi88V. DEĞERLENDİRME92A. TİPOLOJİ961.Bulut Kanatlı Ejderha962.Ejderha Bulut973.Tezyînî (İşlemeli) Bulut974.Yaprak Bulut985.Bulut Yaprak986.Hurde Bulut987.Münhanîli (Kıvırcık) Bulut998.Dendanlı Bulut999.Kurdele (Kıvrım) Bulut9910.Bulut Madalyon100B. KOMPOZİSYONDAKİ YERİ VE VAZİFESİNE GÖRE BULUT100VI. SONUÇ102KAYNAKÇA105DİZİN121RESİMLER122TABLOLAR313--------------------ABSTRACTInspired by the dragon, which is a mythological figure, and the rain clouds in the sky, the cloud motif developed in two different ways has become one of the motifs that craftsmen use lovingly and skillfully in the geography extending from the Far East to Central Asia and from Turkestan to Anatolia. The Anatolian Seljuk, İlhanlı, Celâyirli, Timurlu, Akkoyunlu, Karakoyunlu and finally the motifs developed and diversified through the pleasure filter of the Ottoman art schools were thus included in the original motif repertoire of Islamic art. However, the origin of the motif, its varieties and the process of its arrival in the Ottoman art were not subjected to a wide-ranging examination. In this study, the origin of the motif, its types, the usage forms of the mentioned states in the art schools, their usage areas in the ornamentation and the first examples in the Ottoman art were examined. It is observed that the pattern of the pattern followed by the development of sample works consists of two different types, generally yığma cloud and dolantı cloud, and from time to time it is observed that these two types are used together. With the thesis on Origin of the Cloud Motif and First Samples in the Ottoman Empire supported by paintings, an effort was made to illuminate the historical development and change process of the cloud motif which has an important place in ornamentation arts.İÇİNDEKİLERÖZETIABSTRACTIIÖNSÖZIIIKISALTMALARVIIRESİMLER LİSTESİVIIITABLOLAR LİSTESİXXIIII. GİRİŞ1A. TEZİN KONUSU VE MAHİYETİ2B. KAYNAK VE ARAŞTIRMALAR3C. METOD VE DÜZEN6D. ISTILAH7II. BULUT MOTİFİ VE MENŞEİ9A. BULUT MOTİFİ91.İsimleri92.Tasnifi103.Çeşitleri12a.Yığma Bulut12b.Dolantı Bulut124.Kullanım Alanı ve Biçimi17B. MENŞEİ181.Çin Sanatında Bulut18a.Yùnlóng (Bulut Ejderha)18b.Yùnqì (Şans Bulutu)20c.Lingzhi Mantarı (Dendanlı Başlık)20d.Rúyì (Tezyînî Âsâ)21e.Yùnjian (Bulut Yaka)212.Orta Asya Sanatında Bulut23III. BULUT MOTİFİNİN ANADOLU’YA GELİŞİ VE İLK ÖRNEKLERİ28A. ANADOLU DIŞINDAKİ ÖRNEKLER281.İlhanlılar (1256-1353)28a.Mimarî Eserlerde Bulut Motifi31b.Yazma Eserlerde Bulut Motifi32c.Seramik Eserlerde Bulut Motifi342.Timurlular (1370-1507)35a.Yazma Eserlerde Bulut Motifi39b.Seramik Eserlerde Bulut Motifi46c.Ahşap Eserlerde Bulut Motifi46B. ANADOLU’DAKİ ÖRNEKLER471.Anadolu Selçukluları (1075-1308)47a.Mimarî Eserlerde Bulut Motifinin Öncüsü Ejder Örnekleri51b.Yazma Eserlerde Bulut Motifinin Öncüsü Ejder Örnekleri54c.Madenî Eserlerde Bulut Motifinin Öncüsü Ejder Örnekleri562.Akkoyunlular (1340-1514)58a.Mimari Eserlerde Bulut Motifi59b.Yazma Eserlerde Bulut Motifi61c.Seramik Eserlerde Bulut Motifi673.Karakoyunlular (1351-1469)68a.Mimari Eserlerde Bulut Motifi70b.Yazma Eserlerde Bulut Motifi70IV. BULUT MOTİFİNİN OSMANLI’DA İLK ÖRNEKLERİ74A. FATİH DÖNEMİ (1444-46, 1451-81)77a.Mimari Eserlerde Bulut Motifi78b.Yazma Eserlerde Bulut Motifi79c.Madenî Eserlerde Bulut Motifi83B. II. BAYEZİD DÖNEMİ (1481-1512)83a.Mimari Eserlerde Bulut Motifi84b.Yazma Eserlerde Bulut Motifi85c.Seramik Eserlerde Bulut Motifi88V. DEĞERLENDİRME92A. TİPOLOJİ961.Bulut Kanatlı Ejderha962.Ejderha Bulut973.Tezyînî (İşlemeli) Bulut974.Yaprak Bulut985.Bulut Yaprak986.Hurde Bulut987.Münhanîli (Kıvırcık) Bulut998.Dendanlı Bulut999.Kurdele (Kıvrım) Bulut9910.Bulut Madalyon100B. KOMPOZİSYONDAKİ YERİ VE VAZİFESİNE GÖRE BULUT100VI. SONUÇ102KAYNAKÇA105DİZİN121RESİMLER122TABLOLAR313

This book examines the practice of poetry in the devotional Vaiṣṇava tradition inspired by Śrī Kṛṣṇa Caitanya (1486–1533), through a detailed study of the Sanskrit poetic works of Kavikarṇapūra, one of the most significant sixteenth‐century Caitanya Vaiṣṇava poets and theologians. It places his ideas in the context both of Sanskrit literary theory (by exploring his use of earlier works of Sanskrit criticism) and of Vaiṣṇava theology (by tracing the origins of his theological ideas to earlier Vaiṣṇava teachers, especially his guru Śrīnātha). Both Kavikarṇapūra’s poetics as well as the style of his poetry is in many ways at odds with those of his time, particularly with respect to the place of phonetic ornamentation and rasa. Like later early modern theorists, Kavikarṇapūra reaches back to the earliest Sanskrit poeticians whom he attempts to harmonize with the theories current in his time, to develop a new poetics that values both literary ornamentation and the suggestion of emotion through rasa. This book argues that reasons of and purposes for Kavikarṇapūra’s literary innovations are firmly rooted in his unique Vaiṣṇava theology, and exemplifies this through a careful reading of select passages from the Ānanda‐vṛndāvana, his poetic retelling of Kṛṣṇa’s play in Vṛndāvana.

Purpose. At the end of the 20th – beginning of the 21st century, a generalization of all radiocarbon dates available at that time for the Eneolithic of the Trans-Urals forest and forest-steppe zone was carried out. Two stages were allocated – early and late, within the second half of the 5th – 4th millennium BC. However, an analysis of the differences be-tween the chronology of sites in the forest and forest-steppe zones was not carried out. The aim of this article is to analyze the presence of radiocarbon dates and chronological positions of Eneolithic sites in the forest zone of the Trans-Urals. Results. In the forest part of the Trans-Urals, more than 50 Eneolithic sites were studied and 55 radiocarbon dates were obtained for 26 of them. Dating of various types of archaeological sites has been carried out: sites and settlements, including peat bogs; the burial-cult site Skvortsovskaya Gora V and the cult object Koksharovsky Hill; burials; animal bones and wood tools; human bones and skulls. The results were obtained both by the traditional method (43 dates), and AMS (12 dates). Conventionally, all sites can be divided into two categories – with several dates and with single dates. Coverage categories: belonging to the early group; objects of late groups and objects that have dates of both early and late groups.Conclusion. Analysis of the presented materials showed the presence of early complexes – the second half of the 5th – the first quarter of the 4th millennium BC (12 objects), and the late ones – the second half of the 4th – the beginning of the 3rd millennium BC (8 objects). It is also necessary to note a number of sites that have both early and late dates (7 objects). Another attempt to establish the Eneolithic sites periodization according to cultural traditions (e.g. ceramic complexes differences) was not successful. Traditional for the Trans-Urals ceramic complexes: with comb simple (linear) and geometric ornamentation, false cord (Lipchinskaya), Sosnovoostrovskaya, Shuvakishskaya and Shapkulskaya, present as in the early and in late complexes.

The Morača Monastery was built in the mid-13th century by Grand knez (prince) Stephen Vukanović, a member of a cadet branch of the Nemanjić dynasty (1166–1371), as his burial place. Interpreting the actions its founder reveals interesting details about the relationship of the center of power with the political periphery, ruling ideology, and the monk’s place in society. The completion of the frescoes and other ornamentation at this monastic church of the Dormition of the Mother of God and Stephen’s withdrawal from his political life to take monastic vows partially coincides with the action of King Uroš I (1243–1276), who consolidated his royal power during this time by eliminating the principalities in the Serbian coastal regions. Prince Stephen’s transition to life as a hermit may have gone through two stages that included tonsuring and then admission into the Great Schema. These actions were motivated by his personal piety and his age or by a desire to emulate the Nemanjić dynasty’s model of sanctity–which was a key feature of the ruling dynasty’s political ideology–or were possibly the result of political upheaval.

This article presents findings of the comprehensive study of Chinese mirrors with inscriptions unearthed from the early Iron Age burial complexes of Korea and Japan and the search for their closest analogies. An analysis of the morphological features of these objects and the content of the inscriptions allows us to attribute them to four main types: mirrors with inscriptions containing the characters jia chang fu gui, riguang, zhaoming and qingbai. Similar mirrors were widespread in Han China from the middle of the 2nd century BC to the end of the 1st century AD. They also became widespread throughout Eurasia, including the territory from Ukraine in the west to Japan in the east, from Western Siberia in the north to Central Vietnam in the south. The identity of the ornamentation and inscriptions of mirrors from different regions suggests that they all were produced in a limited number of centres located within the borders of Han China and spread across the territory of Eurasia along the routes of the Great Silk Road, which ran mainly along the steppe belt to the west and along sea routes to the east and southeast of the continent and to nearby islands. On the territory of Korea and Japan these mirrors might serve as amulets and markers of high social status, the inscriptions themselves, most likely, were not clear to the majority of the ancient inhabitants of this territory, since hieroglyphic writing became widespread in Korea and Japan only in the 6th – 7th centuries.

Art and architecture demonstrate fascinating phenomenon, created in various geometrical forms and obtained in both architecture and craft. These geometrical forms have been traced from the prehistoric cave paintings and refined during the Islamic and the Mughal reigns. Old havelis of Saharanpur, over a period of time, display the glimpse of Islamic architecture with architecture treatment and structural ornamentation. The term havelis is generally used for private and huge mansion where people live together. In this context, the tremendous variety of geometrical motifs has been introduced in old havelis of Saharanpur which can be seen on the structural part of old havelis like doors, brackets, windows, and lattice screens in two-dimensional space with Islamic beliefs and skillful manner of artisans. In fact, variation is the most distinctive characteristic of the geometrical design which provides a high-level experience of aesthetics which balances simplicity and complexity that creates harmonious ambience in human life. These wide varieties of decorations demonstrate the glimpse of Indian art as well as the mysteries of Islamic art. Such geometrical designs generate spiritual and lyrical ambience and mesmerize the viewers through marvelous variety of patterns. This paper attempts to examine the geometrical ornamentation in old havelis of Saharanpur with special reference to the symbolic value of geometry in human life. Additionally, it briefly investigates and identifies the rationale behind the application of design principles in the intricate geometrical patterns. It also elaborates how these patterns enhance the beauty and attraction of old havelis of Saharanpur.

The settlement of the territory of north-eastern Serbia by the representatives of the Coţofeni culture began during the second half of the IV millennium, probably under the pressure of invading tribes from Euroasian steppe. This territory extended over Transylvania, Banat, Oltenia and Muntenia (Map 2). On the territory of Serbia they settled from the Djrerdap gorge up to the Mlava river to the west, and through Kučajske mountains, Bor, Zaječar and further to the south, up to Niš. Aspecific symbiosis occurred on the territory of Serbia between the Coţofeni and the Kostolac cultures. According to the results of the latest project of re-identification, the number of Coţofeni-Kostolac sites and settlements increased to 76. After all the sites were re-identified and georeferenced, with consideration of the surrounding landscape, hydrography, geomorphology of the terrain and the character of the ceramic production finds, we believe that there is a need for re-analyzing specific aspects of the cultural and geographic development not only of settlements, but of the entire Coţofeni-Kostolac cultural phenomenon. In this paper we considered three archaeological sites in the Nišava valley, given that re-identification work over the past several years yielded new information (Bubanj-Staro Selo, Velika Humska čuka and Donja Vrežina). The topography of Coţofeni-Kostolac settlements on the territory of north-eastern Serbia, the Serbian part of the Danube valley and its hinterland, is characterized by diversity of position (location above sea level and landscape placement), types of houses and economic survival. In the 70’s of the last century sites were identified that are located in very inaccessible terrain, which in particular cases has an slope incline of 45°, where the number of such settlements in the meantime increased to nine. They are represented by Kulmja Škjopuluji in Klokočevac and Pjatra Kosti in Crnajka (T. I/1-2; Map 1/9), followed by Vratna -Veliki most (T. I/ 7; Map 1/33), Bogovina-above a cave (T. I/ 4; Map 1/8), Jezero (T. I/ 3; Map 1/12), Kljanc (T. I/3; Map 1/11), Turija-Stenje (T. I/ 6; Map 1/22), Mokranjske stene-quarry (T. I/ 5; Map 1/39) and Bolvan (T. I/ 8; Map 1/66). These settlements have several other common elements, the most important being that each one of the elevated settlements is positioned on the rocky peak of a canyon, in places where smaller rivers or brooks flow into a larger river. We can suppose how the selection of such positions was of strategic importance, given that in the mountainous area of north-eastern Serbia the system of waterways and river valleys represents communicational links from prehistory to modern times. The second common characteristic of these settlements is the rocky massif which provided the foundation for their erection. The rock foundation in the majority of cases is of limestone origin and is well suited to artificial nivelation into terraces atop which surface structures could be built using wood covered with mud (Jezero, Kulmja Škjopuluji, Pjatra Kosti, Vratna, Bogovina). The third shared characteristic is that one or more caves are usually located in the immediate vicinity of settlements. An example of the symbiosis of cave and hill fort Coţofeni-Kostolac settlements is the vicinity of the Zavojsko jezero near Majdanpek. So far two hill fort settlements, Jezero and Kljanc (T. I/3; Map 1/11-12), were identified in this area, built on limestone cliffs above the Mali Pek river. The Rajkova cave (Map 1/14), Paskova cave and Kapetanova cave (Map 1/13) are located in their immediate vicinity, in which the remains of anthropogenic activity were discovered. The Kapetanova cave provides stratigraphy of over 3 m high, which represents a rare case for Coţofeni-Kostolac cultural sites. This fact does not only indicate its long-term use, but could provide the answer to the genesis and duration of this cultural phenomenon on the territory of the Serbian part of the Djerdap hinterland. The fourth shared characteristic which links these settlements is their dominant position in the landscape. Given that their position and appearance are readily visible from a considerable distance, they probably were not used for hiding, but for making their position prominent. We suppose that pastoral communities emphasized in this manner their control of mountain crosspass and roads, particularly in places where rivers exit narrow canyons in important communications paths to the Crni and Beli Timok, Pek and Danuber rivers. The other Coţofeni-Kostolac type settlement on the territory of north-eastern Serbia is represented by settlements that are positioned on smaller hills or on gentle slopes that on the average range between 336 and 210 m above sea level. The only fortified hill fort settlement discovered so far, Čoka lu Balaš near Krivelj (Map 1/3) belongs to this group. The archaeological sites Velika Čuka i Neresnica (Map 1/23), Smiljkova glavica in Štubik (Map 1/31) and Ćetaće in Kovilovo (Map 1/38) are located on wide and flat, elevated plateaus that dominate up on river valleys. Judging by the considerable surface that they occupy, their position and surroundings for these two settlements, we can suppose that they could have been used for wintering places or points for gathering of flocks and shepherds during pauses between seasonal migrations. They are primarily characterized by the natural surroundings of smaller hills and larger river valleys, as well as the relatively low above sea level elevation on which they are located. Such “seasonal stations or checkpoints” on which larger groups of shepherds could gather with their flocks during the winter months represented important locations in the lives of pastoral communities. During the warm summer period, homesteads with stable architecture are abandoned because of migrations into mountain areas, where favourable grazing areas area located. Certain groups of shepherds during autumn returned to these settlements en route to lowlands and river terraces, while other groups probably continued their journey to gathering centres in valleys near the Danube and the Timok rivers. The next type of settlement belongs to high, multi-layered settlements (Arija baba-Košobrdo, Čoka Kormaroš, Field of Z. Brzanović, Varzari and Smedovac-Grabar-Svračar) which represent sunbathed dominant positions, with a good view of the surrounding area, well suited to long-term occupation. Settlements on high elevations of this type are usually linked with landscapes that predominate in grazing areas and in which there are no large forests. The last type of Coţofeni-Kostolac settlement is characteristic of lowland settlements positioned on river terraces. The settlements on the right bank of the Danube, around Ključ (Kladovo- Brodoimpeks, Mala Vrbica, Zbradila-Fund, Korbovo- Obala, Vajuga-Pesak, Jakomirski potok estuary, Velesnica, Ljubič evac-river bank, Ljubičevac-Island, Brzi prun, Slatinska reka estuary, Knjepište, Ruženjka, Kusjak-Bordjej, Kusjak-Motel, Kusjak-Vrkalj), represented points at which shepherd’s flocks could remain for longer periods, waiting for favourable conditions for crossing to the other side of the river. This assumption is based on old maps predating the construction of the accumulation lake. These maps indicate that in the immediate vicinity of these settlements were located small sand islands linked to the river bank, pointing to shallows and crossing points. These sections of the river bank, during prolonged droughts or during cold winters, when ice was formed, could have been places where the river was crossed from one side to the other. Residential architecture cannot be precisely defined, given that the discovered remains of houses are very meagre and lack sufficient elements for reconstruction. The most recent excavations on the Bubanj-Staro Selo settlemant at Niš, indicate an identical type of architectural construction as discovered at Gomolava and Bordjej which represents structures that are characteristic for lowland areas. Houses in hill fort settlements built on artificial terraces have been mostly devastated by erosion, so that judging by the impressions of wooden structures and wattle and daub, as well as the remains of hearths, it can be asserted that these were residential structures. Numerous studies so far noted that based on the stylistic and typological characteristics of ceramics on archaeological sites in Timočka Krajina it is possible to distinguish between two phases of the Coţofeni group, where the first is dominated by ornamental techniques of carving that are characteristic of the Coţofeni group, and a later phase in which this style is mixed with the furchenstich, as well as other Kostolac cultural elements (furchenstich, certain types of ceramics, etc.). The fact is that the majority of Coţofeni-Kostolac group sites in eastern Serbia have not been excavated, or have only been partially excavated, and that no vertical stratigraphy had been observed, where no stratigraphic relationship between stylistic-topological characteristics of older ceramics (Coţofeni) and the more recent phase (Coţofeni-Kostolac) have been established. These are mostly settlements in which ceramics were observed with elements both of the Kostolac and the Coţofeni group, or only with elements of the Coţofeni group, while settlements with only Kostolac ceramics have not been identified. Therefore, in Serbia it is only possible to distinguish between sites where furchenstich ornamentation has been observed and those where this type of ornamentation still has not been observed. Still, it is unclear whether this distinction can be applied to period assignment, or whether it is in fact caused by settlement of different populations in different regions of Eastern Serbia - the Kostolac region from the west and the Coţofeni group from the East. In Romania, however, vertical stratigraphy was observed at several settlements where development phases were observed of the Coţofeni group, so that based on the stratigraphy at those sites, with certain caution, it is possible to draw conclusions about the development of the Coţofeni-Kostolac group in eastern Serbia. Settlements without any furchenstich ornamentation would be assigned to the older phase (Coţofeni group) where ceramics characteristic of the Coţofeni group have been observed, although observed shapes and ornaments are usually associated with the furchenstich technique and the more recent phase of the group. The most frequent type of vessels at sites in eastern Serbia are amphorae with extended funnel shaped necks, ornamented below the neck with carved lines or with stamped ornamentation (fig. 6, 21, 38, 64, 71, 89, 98-100, 104, 109, 115, 116, 134), fishbone shape impressions (fig. 4, 28), and in the more recent period furchenstich ornamentation or point impressions (fig. 9, 20, 25, 140), with a tongue shaped or vertically perforated handle, tunnel shaped or horse-shoe shaped handle below the rim (fig. 6, 9, 20, 21, 51, 63, 100, 126, 134, 88, 115 ). The second characteristic type of vessel are semi-spherical bowls with deeper recipients, with flat rims (fig. 11, 12, 23, 27, 29, 52-54, 57, 59-60, 74, 79, 81, 82, 90, 91, 95, 113, 124, 125, 131 and 145), or with shallower recipients, with a slanted, triangular rim or T-shaped profiled rim (14, 19, 133 and 146). Such vessels are characteristic for both phases, because they are ornamented, besides vertical ribs, with carves, and with furchenstich ornamentation (fig. 23, 68, 81 and 82). The third type of vessels are semi-spherical bowls with contracted rims creating a nearly spherical shape. They can be ornamented with vertical ribs on rims (fig. 148) in combination with pinholes (fig. 17), carves (fig. 61, 84, 85) or line impressions (fig. 132). Less frequent vessels on the territory of northeastern Serbia are biconical or spherical goblets, followed by pare-shaped goblets with a single handle, larger pare-shaped amphorae with an extended or conical neck, with small handles below the rim, ornamented with a series of carves (fig. 39, 86), as well as barrel or spherical pots ornamented with carves, horizontal tapes or circular impressions (fig. 45-47, 141, 142). The appearance of ropeshape ornaments is very significant, given that they appear in Rumanian finds in the second phase of the Coţofeni group, and most frequently in the third phase. This ornament was sporadically observed in the far south, on the Dikili Taš site on the northern shore of the Aegean sea, in level 6, which according to the author belongs chronologically to the Bubanj-Hum II group and the Kostolac group. Its presence at sites in eastern Serbia can be linked to the older phase at the majority of settlements, except in the case of Grabar-Svračar, as these ceramics were not found alongside ceramics with furchenstich. The largest number of sites with only Coţofeni elements on ceramics have been observed (34), but it is indicative that only a few have been excavated. 28 sites with Kostolac group elements were noted, while 17 unspecified sites in which the period cannot be precisely defined have been identified. According to the stratigraphy of several of the mentioned sites in western Bulgaria, in the Morava valley and in southern Romania it can be concluded that the Coţofeni group (northeastern Serbia and Romania) and the Coţofeni-Kostolac group (Morava valley and western Bulgaria), in all of the mentioned regions, was preceded by the Černavoda III group, and was superseded by the Vučedol culture and the Bubanj-Hum II group in the Morava valle and the Struma valley, and the Glina II-Schnekenber group in Oltenija and the territory of Transylvania and the southern Carpathians. Analysis of the distribution of settlements and stylistictopological characteristics of ceramics from all of the settlements led to the conclusion that the oldest settlements, without ceramics with furchenstich ornamentation, were established in Ključ in Negotinska Krajina, leading to the assumption that the representatives of the Coţofeni group came from Oltenia and from the southern Carpathians. A large number fo sites west of Ključ, along the Danube, at which ceramics with furchenstich ornamentation were noted, point to the direction of expansion of Kostolac elements, from Banat, Branicevo and Stig. The influence of the Kostolac group was very strong starting in the Coţofeni II phase, even in Romanian sites, given that in Transylvania and in the southern Carpathians a large number of ceramic finds were found with furchenstich ornamentation, while it is interesting that only sporadic appearances were noted in Oltenia. It is clear that Coţofeni group settlements represented a certain barrier to the expansion of these elements to the east. With the formation of the Coţofeni-Kostolac group which was created through contacts between representatives of the Coţofeni to the east and the representatives of the Kostolac group to the west and north-west a short period of coexistence occurred on this territory. Absolute dating of the chronological framework of the Coţofeni-Kostolac group in the Danube valley and in eastern Serbia can only be assigned indirectly, as there is no carbon dating available from these sites. According to J. Bojačijev, phase II-III of the Coţofeni group (4400-4300 bp) can be assigned chronologically approximately to the same period as the Kostolac group (4500-4100 bp), and if we suppose that the Coţofeni-Kostolac group occurred a little while after the occurrence of the Kostolac group, it can be concluded that the Coţofeni-Kostolac group existed at the end of the IV and the first half of the III millennium BC, although it is possible that it continued even later in particular regions. The results for the oldest and the middle phase of the Kostolac cultural group at Gomolava range between 3038-2903 BC and 3108-2877 BC, while the Kostolac culture at the Streim and Vučedol sits was dated 3310-2920 BC, as is the approximate dating of settlements of this group in Pivnica (3042-2857 BC). All the dating of Kostolac group sites indicate that this cultural group occurred and developed in the period of the last quarter of the IV and the first half of the III millennium BC, which would chronologically assign the Coţofeni-Kostolac group in the Morava valley and Timočka Krajina to the end of the IV and the start of the III millennium BC, and to the ensuing period. [Projekat Ministarstva nauke Republike Srbije, br. 177020: Arheologija Srbije: Kulturni identitet, integracioni faktori, tehnološki procesi i uloga centralnog Balkana u razvoju evropske praistorije]

This paper explores the differential rates of diachronic change developed by diverse features of portable art in southern Tierra del Fuego. It is argued that decorative designs and techniques, which simultaneously constitute each decorated artefact, had asynchronic rates of change throughout the archaeological sequence. Results indicate that: (I) decorated harpoon points (1) had a broader and more complex design repertoire which entailed a higher labour investment and showed a faster rate of change than beads, due to a greater individual input in their decoration, (2) were richly decorated in spite of their high risk of loss/fracture, yet their decoration was concentrated in the early period of the archaeological sequence and then decreased in time due: a) to such loss/fracture risk, which jeopardised the labour invested in their decoration, (b) to a relative decrease in pinniped hunting which might have reduced the socio-economic and symbolic value of harpoons; (II) decorated beads (1) had a simpler and more standardised design repetoire which entailed a lower labour investment and showed a slower rate of change than harpoons, due to a stricter process of teaching/learning or imitation during their production and a collective way of ornamentation during their display, (2) increased with time and have been decorated during the three periods of the archaeological sequence due to: (a) their lower risk of loss/fracture, which did not endanger the labour invested in their decoration, (b) their social function as a shared form of ornamentation; (III) decorative techniques had a slower rate of change than decorative designs throughout the archaeological sequence due to their differential instrinsic variability potentials.

EnglishIn 1890, Maurice Denis expressed his hopes that books be decorated « with no servicing of the text », consisting in « arabesques embroidered upon the page, an expressive line accompaniment ». The linear ornamentation which takes over books at the end of the century seems to put this program in action. Books become a locus for the experimentation of new links between the arts and for the invention of new relationships between the visible and the readable. From love at a distance mis en abyme by Mucha’s ornamentation for Ilsee, princesse de Tripoli to the open marriage of free verse and arabesque in the editions produced by Deman through the physicality of Nancy bindings, Art nouveau invites us to extend the metaphor of the artistic hymen realised in the books in question seen as works of art francaisEn 1890, Maurice Denis appelait de ses vœux une decoration du livre « sans servitude du texte » consistant en « une broderie d’arabesques sur les pages, un accompagnement de lignes expressives ». L’ornementation lineaire qui investit le livre a la fin du siecle semble mettre en œuvre ce programme. Le livre devient alors un lieu ou s’experimentent de nouveaux nouages entre les arts et ou s’inventent de nouveaux rapports entre lisible et visible. De l’amour de loin mis en abyme par l’ornementation de Mucha pour Ilsee, princesse de Tripoli a l’union libre du vers libre et de l’arabesque dans les editions Deman en passant par le corps a corps de la reliure nanceienne, l’Art nouveau nous incite a filer la metaphore de l’hymen des arts effectue en mineur dans le livre considere lui-meme comme objet d’art