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I approach this paper from a critical retro-reflective stance, which explores borders both physical and educational through my pedagogical experiences in a high school in India, home experiences in the geographical borderlands of Nepal and India, and my current work in Nepal and the United States. All of the anecdotes or data originate from my personal experiences that include my siblings, friends, neighbors, teachers, and students. Through these anecdotes, I attempt to show how multiple facets of border pedagogy influence what happens at the socio-psychological level and in science teaching and learning contexts. Critical retro-reflective pieces presented in this paper exemplify complex nature of complementarities and contradictories of identity, pedagogy, history, economics, culture, and experiences in classrooms, communities, and other cognitive spaces. Furthermore, what possibilities of border pedagogies and spaces exist that enhance science teaching and learning for equity and social justice. In the context of science education, there have always been struggles to find legitimate teaching and learning environments in which students are encouraged and supported to challenge dominant ways of knowing and understanding. Therefore, retro-reflective approach allows me to examine how geographical borders, in this case Nepal-India, and science classrooms as intellectual borders, present opportunities and struggles to deconstruct oppressive systems and reconstruct possibilities for socially just science learning spaces. The process of reflection aids in reexamining my own relationship to culture, language, history, and local economy with science education.

This paper locates the emergence of critical pedagogy (CP) as praxis in the protest movements in New Delhi, India, against the new citizenship amendment laws that were brought about by the Indian government. The ruling government in India brought amendments to the existing provisions for citizenship, such that persons from Hindu, Sikh, Buddhist, Jain, Parsi and Christian religious communities from neighbouring Afghanistan, Bangladesh or Pakistan were allowed Indian citizenship. Muslims, however, were excluded from this. This exclusion, coupled with the national project established for finding illegal immigrants in India -- called the National Citizenship Registry project -- affects the Muslim communities in South-Asia and has been widely resisted across India, by Muslims and other social and political organisations. This paper traces the development of such a struggle in Shaheen Bagh, New Delhi, and proposes that CP as a critique of the social, emerged from the specificity of the Shaheen Bagh movement. Shaheen Bagh gives critical insights into rethinking CP whenever its foundational tenets seem to have been lost or are merely subsumed by disciplinary compartments within academia. This struggle offers us insights toward returning to the insurrectionary character of CP, by locating CP within the context of such struggles. At the same time, this study of Shaheen Bagh and the specific form of CP that emerged in thatcontext, also shows us the limitations of contemporary social movements to take CP to its logical conclusion where oppressive class relations are undermined.

This work challenges the mainstream media's notions of presenting the region of India-administered Kashmir and enables one to view the culturally diverse, shifting frontier through a different lens. The paper challenges the representation of Kashmir in the mainstream national and international print media, which serve as an instrument and power's pedagogical tool for the public. The media is used to shape people's imagination and elicit certain political or apolitical positions as well as reinforce predispositions and behaviours according to agenda. Hence, the media's perspective needs to be examined closely. This work replaces the framework of ethnonationalism, which contours the media's representation of Kashmir, with an alternative framework of civic nationalism, which will bring about a different understanding of the region for the public. This framework not only unravels the conflict from twelfth century onwards, but also illuminates historical reasons for the present-day conflict, which is a vital component in conflict resolution. Unpacking the theory of Civic Nationalism and presenting evidence of Kashmir's diversity by delving into the heterogenous region's social, economic, cultural, and political spaces, the paper aims to unravel this comprehensive framework which counters the hegemonic, pedagogical national and international medias' narratives on the conflict. The authors not only attempt to enliven aspects of the region's social history and contextualise/reframe the oppressed people's movement for self-determination from the Civic Nationalism framework, but also decode the present-day conflict by unravelling its root causes.

Within the spirit of conspiration, this article brings together contributions from participants of the PhD-led UCL Reading and React Group 'Colonialism(s), Neoliberalism(s) and Language Teaching and Learning', which ran in 2019/20. Weaving together various perspectives, the article centres on the dialogic nature of the decolonial enterprise and challenges the colonial concept of monologic authorial voice. Across the reflections on participants' own engagements with questions of decolonising language teaching and learning, we pull together three threads: the inherent coloniality of the concepts that shape the very disciplines we seek to decolonise; the need to place decolonial efforts within broader contexts and to be sceptical of projects claiming to have completed the work of decolonising language teaching and learning; and the affordances and limitations offered to us by our positionalities, which the reflexivity of the conspirational encounter has allowed us to explore in some depth. The article closes with a reflection on the process of writing this article, and with the assertion that decolonising the curriculum is a multifaceted and open-ended process of dialogue and conspiration between practitioners and researchers alike.

Adolescence is the period between childhood and adulthood and the most important stage of a human being. Adolescence is a period of stress and storm. Students cannot adjust with their new-fangled role in life. They can have Emotional, Mental, Behavioural, and Adjustment problems known as "disorders". Behavioural patterns that appear in adolescents include consuming alcohol, smoking, using other substances, sexual behaviour, violence, etc. An individual experiences fulfilment when the psychological and physiological requirements are fulfilled. If an individual fails in satisfying the needs, it makes him/her disappointed and depressed. Behavioural disorders of adolescent students are depression, stress, anxiety, risky sexual behaviours, aggressive behaviour, violence, and disobedience. Adolescents find it difficult to adjust with family and society. With regard to somatic variation and problems, he/she is confused with the role of adolescence. The academic performance of the adolescent students at school are greatly affected by these problems. The fact that the behavioural and adjustment problems can be reduced by Yoga is the main aim of this paper. As a solution to their problems, the techniques of Yogasana, Pranayama, and Meditation are given to the Adolescent students to control the mind. The reason for this paper is to give an insight of Yoga and how Yoga helps the adolescents to lesser their stress and stay calm. It benefits the young people not only in school, home, and the community, but throughout their life. The result of Yoga intervention gives positive effects on both physical and mental health of the adolescent students.

We thank Patil Pillai et al. for preparing a critique on our article (Joy et al., 2018). Patil Pillai et al. contest the analytical procedure utilized for the carbonates and "geological information" documented in our research article and raise concerns on our conclusions. We hereby provide our reply to each of their comments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan was bifurcated and Bangladesh emerged as a sovereign state in 1971 after the culmination of a separatist movement that was raised on the basis of Bengali nationalism claimed on ethnic and cultural grounds. Since the pronounced demand as well as well-defined goal of the movement changed from autonomy to the separation only after Pakistan Army?s action on 25th March 1971 and also Awami League (AL) and Mujibur Rehman, the party and leader that spearheaded the separatist movement, got prominence as separatists after Agartala Conspiracy Case in 1966 the time and events of the origin of the Bengali Movement need to be looked for. This paper highlights the ideological origins of Bengali separatism even before the partition of India in 1947. It also finds out the early organisations which, when got matured in later decades, became instrumental in promotion of the Bengali separatist movement. The paper then examines the development which for the first time generated the cultural and lingual feelings as well as economic grievances that nurtured the Bengali separatist movement. Therefore main research question of the paper is when and how the Bengali Movement started.

The aim of this article is to trace the literary historiography of the Bengali "rupkatha" or the fairy tale. It is a conscious decision to use the two terms--"rupkatha" and fairy tale interchangeably in the paper because it has been argued that the genre of the Bengali "rupkatha" received its shape and form in negotiation with the Western fairy tale in the nineteenth century. This article argues that the "rupkatha," despite being claimed as an indigenous generic mode, counters the basic premises of Indian narrative tradition and instead, shows alliance to the European fairy tale tradition. The dominant features of the European fairy tales and also the Indian "upakatha," the closest possible allies of the Bengali "rupkatha," will be discussed, with important departures made from the received generic conventions of the fairy tale. Because the "rupkatha" has traditionally been considered a naïve, children's genre, it has consistently received less scholarly attention than any other literary genre. The casual treatment of the "rupkatha" has mostly expressed itself in the form of a vague romanticization. This romanticism has either used the rhetoric of universality or the rhetoric of cultural nationalism, or both at the same time. There has been little effort in locating the historical roots of the Bengali fairy tale; instead, the ahistoricity of the genre has been celebrated time and again because that is what has lent 'charm', 'mystery' and 'antiquity' to the tales. This article will be questioning these much-coveted ideas of timelessness and universality associated with the idea of the "rupkatha" as well as historically contextualizing the genre.

One of the challenging issues that has gained much attention, and has in fact sparked much debate, within the emergence and acquisition of World Englishes, is the Native- Non-native accent, especially its relationship with teachers' and learners' identity and selection of an appropriate pedagogic model. This paper investigates the attitudes of 260 English teachers from India and Iran as members of Outer and Expanding Circles, respectively. Using a questionnaire, this study measures cognitive, affective and behavioral attitudes of teachers towards their own English accents in two circles which include the most users of English in the globalized world. The results show that teachers in the Expanding Circle (Kachru, 1992), compared to those in the Outer Circle, had an exonormative orientation, favoring native-speaker and mostly American English pronunciation. Indian teachers were in favor of endonormativity, highly valued their local forms of English while they were in favor of British English. Teachers' preferences will be discussed with consideration of the historical and political backgrounds of the two countries which might have influenced the construction of teachers' identity. The results of this study suggest that, together with encouraging and valuing different varieties of English, it is important to acknowledge and promote ways to raise awareness of teachers and learners towards global spread of English.

In "Mansfield Park," Jane Austen has exhibited the English identity lies on property earned by the slave trade in Caribbean Islands. If we go deep inside of the history of Britain we could able to see their awareness and concern over a national identity, and consider American colonies a poor reflection on Britain. The traits of British colonization always stretched their dominating wings soar above in the sky of ruling. The tyrannical rule on the Caribbean Islands and other places, where they have set the subjugation upon the destitute subjects. Such as West Indies, Jamaica, Haiti, Indian subcontinent and many more countries which they consider inferior in front of them. This was the ideology of English people and their smug of English identity. In the first part of my research paper, I am suppose to depict that, how the English superiority discern its voice through the narrative of the 19th century English novels. The great example of English superiority proved by the reading of "Mansfield Park," and this novel will also explore the deepest meaning of coveted Englishness. Jane Austen's "Mansfield Park," which has written based on English identity earned by slave trade and also the English people who are very much obsessed with property, money, status, elite class attitudes and heedless towards their subordinate people. On the other hands, Kazi Nazrul Islam upholds the position of anti colonial writer. He was very much against the British rule and their despotic rulers. Therefore, Kazi Nazrul Islam has established the notion of anti British ideology and activities through his writings and showed the world about his rebellious nature.

Border conflict is the product of aggression between the nations. Borders are not just physical barriers, but also psychological barriers between the neighboring countries. The Union Territory Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) is experiencing hostility and displacement since independence of India and Pakistan in 1947. The uncertainty continues, especially for the villages close to the border where incidences of firing are quite frequent. During conflict in border areas, the rights of a children i.e. the right to life, the right to education, the right to be with family and community, the right to health and the right to be nurtured and protected are severely violated and compromised. This paper aims to understand the impact of border conflict on the education of children in the Jammu region. This study adopted qualitative method in which, thirty children living in the bordering villages, of the age group between 10-14 years were interviewed. Phenomenological analysis is used to explore the lived experiences of the children. The findings of the study described the impact of border conflict under four sections viz. (a) disturbed school functioning and student hood; (b) frequent dislocation due to intense concern for security; (c) multiple impediments in sustaining education during conflict; and (d) tangled aspirations and hope for future among the children.

British colonization initiated colonial capitalist dispossession of Adivasi-Dalit-Nontribal Forest Dwellers (ADNTFD) in India. Post-independence development continued this trend, accentuated by the neoliberal turn in the early 1990s orchestrated by the then Congress government and intensified by saffron (Hindu nationalist) authoritarian neoliberalism under the recently re-elected Bharatiya Janata Party in 2014 and 2019, leading the National Democratic Alliance regime. Neocolonial continuities and current neoliberal colonial capitalist dispossession and resistance in the forest belt, or India's contemporary 'land wars', are dialectically linked to potential spaces for Participatory Action Research (PAR) with/in ADNTFD struggles. This paper explores the imbrications of the neoliberal agenda, land wars and PAR in India, and by extension, for similar contexts addressing the vicissitudes of neoliberal authoritarian capitalism in the neo-colonies.

Existing historical understandings of disability are dominated by European and American experience and tend to assume Judeo-Christian ideas of stigma and exclusion are universal norms. This paper emphasises the unique experience of disability in India and the role of poverty, gender, caste and community in compounding the marginalisation felt by people with disabilities. It argues, with Kudlick, that "disability" is as important as "race" or "gender" as an analytic tool in the historical understanding of oppression and disempowerment. Moreover, the paper sees reclaiming history and insisting on inclusion of the experience of disability in the writing of Indian history as a critical factor in affirming the right of Indians with disabilities to full social and economic participation. Finally it emphasises the need for "disability history" to look beyond colonial and post-colonial welfare paradigms and to investigate disability as an aspect of rights based history.

Taking the case of postcolonial India, this paper explores ways in which present temporal junctures permit a probing of historical boundaries to speak of voices largely silenced from Indian historiography, namely those of British (Indian) public citizens who were committed to the assembling of "an India." In particular, the paper discusses ways in which letters to and by Charles Andrews, Edward Thompson and John Amery debated ideas about carving an India out of the Empire and how this epistolary form in all its incompleteness mirrors the ongoing suspension of a collective assembly such as that of a nation. Heeding Radhakrishnan's cautions (2003) about turning history pages in other ways, the paper meditates on the dangers of the hardening borders of (postcolonial) nations--particularly India--and brings to the center silenced minor histories that at an earlier juncture escaped the historian's archive (Chakrabarty, 1998). Threaded through the exploration are also metaphysical ruminations on the relations of the silenced and languaged, silencing and languaging, and more general, silence and language. The paper also raises issues about the discursive construction of (postcolonial) nations through language and policies (Ricento, 2003; Wiley, 2004; Wodak, 2001). (Contains 3 tables and 6 footnotes.)

The rise of Brazil, Russia, India, and China will shape global resource use, the location of market demand and international institutions and interdependencies in the decade to come. In this paper we argue that an understanding of the historical and institutional context of the BRICs, and the potential shift towards a multi-polar world is important for developing curricula and content in international business courses in the future. Implications for international business theory and teaching are discussed. (Contains 4 tables.)

Experiences in the post-partition Indian subcontinent refute the conventional expectation that the ‘possession of citizenship enables the acquisition of documents certifying it’ [Jayal 2013. Citizenship and Its Discontents: An Indian History. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 71]. Instead, identity papers of various types play a vital part in certifying and authenticating claims to citizenship. This is particularly important in a context where the history of state formation, continuous migration flows and the rise of right-wing majoritarian politics has created an uncertain situation for individuals deemed to be on the ‘margins’ of the state. The papers that constitute this special issue bring together a range of disciplinary perspectives in order to investigate the history, politics and materiality of identity documents, and to dismantle citizenship as an absolute and fixed notion, seeking instead to theorise the very mutable ‘hierarchies’ and ‘degrees’ of citizenship. Collectively they offer a valuable lens onto how migrants, refugees and socio-economically marginal individuals negotiate their relationship with the state, both within South Asia and in South Asian diaspora communities. This introduction examines the wider context of the complex intersections between state-issued identity documents and the nature of citizenship and draws out cross-cutting themes across the papers in this collection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This introduction to a special section brings together three papers first presented at a panel, 'Medical Professions in South Asia: Historical and Contemporary Analyses', at the 26th European Conference on South Asian Studies, held in Vienna, Austria and online, in July 2021. All three papers deal with aspects of the professionalisation of biomedical doctors in India since its independence in 1947. The authors bring together historical and sociological approaches to illuminate the growth of specialisms, patterns of practitioner–patient interactions and efforts to maintain occupational closure and maintain status in the face of growing challenges. The introduction concludes with a discussion of the relevance of these papers for the sociology of health and illness in India and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Post-independent India has witnessed several horrific incidents of communal violence. The largest communal riot happened in the year 1984, in the capital city of New Delhi. But after the occurrence of the Anti-Sikh Riots of 1984, there was silence surrounding the incident. The silence was primarily caused by the trauma inflicted from the incident. There are reasons to believe that the silence was politically motivated too. However, the role fictional writings have played in communicating the traumatic memory of the incident was significant. This paper studies the novel Amu written by Shonali Bose to understand the representation of traumatic memory of the community. The paper attempts to problematize the decades-long silence surrounding the incident and the novel's role along with other similar fictional accounts in unravelling the truth of the incident. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that our understanding of the transition to colonialism in South Asia can be enriched by examining the formation of revenue collection systems in north India between 1750 and 1850. It examines agrarian revenue systems not through the prism of legalism or landholding patterns, but by looking at the paper and record-based mechanisms by which wealth was actually extracted from India's hinterlands. It also examines the Kayastha pensmen who became an exponentially significant component of an Indo-Muslim revenue administration. They assisted the extension of Mughal revenue collection capabilities as qanungos (registrars) and patwaris (accountants). The intensity of revenue assessment, extraction and collection had increased by the mid 1700s, through the extension of cultivation and assessment by regional Indian kingdoms. The East India Company, in its agrarian revenue settlements in north India, utilized this extant revenue culture to push through savage revenue demands. These Kayastha pensmen thus furnished the ‘young’ Company with the crucial skills, physical records, and legitimacy to garner the agrarian wealth which would fund Britain's Indian empire. These more regular patterns of paper-oriented administration engendered a process of ‘bureaucratization’ and the emergence of the modern colonial state. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Contemporary academic debates on the history of the colonial Famine Codes in India-also considered to be the first coded and institutionalised normative frameworks for natural disaster response on the continent-generally are based on one of two perspectives. The first focuses on their economic rationale, whereas the second underlines that they constitute an anti-famine contract between the colonial masters and the people of India. This paper demonstrates that both of these viewpoints are limited in scope and that they simplify the nature of governance instituted through famine response practices in Colonial India. It links this reality to current disaster response policies and practices in India and shows that the discussion on the development of normative frameworks underlying disaster response is far from over. The paper goes on to evaluate the development of normative frameworks for disaster response and recovery, which remain embroiled in the politics of governmentality that underlies their development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Right-wing extremism has emerged as a global phenomenon manifest in various forms and locations of exclusionary nationalism. Following a concise comparative discourse on the historical and modern resemblances between fascist ideologues, this paper focuses on Hindutva or Hindu fundamentalism which has metamorphosed into a rightwing violent entity. Beginning with a historical outlining of Hindutva - which phases its history into ancient, modern twentieth-century, and postmodern to contemporary paradigms - this discourse moves onto merging the theoretical foundations of Hindutva to its practices of violence and discrimination against minority groups and depressed classes of India and for Indian foreign policy towards other South Asian countries. The second part of this paper studies Hindutva and its paraphernalia as tools of populist politics in India - including but not limited to propaganda through social media, saffron brigades of 'sevaks' or fringe paramilitary groups, and civic organizations advocating to restore Hindu culture. Findings of this paper include: a) Hindutva is not an isolated phenomenon but a piece in the global machinery of farright politics in the contemporary era; b) elements and measures like 'anti-Romeo' squads and ban on meat-eating are used as pretexts for multidimensional violence against Muslims, Christians, Dalits, and other lower classes; c) the current Indian occupation of Kashmir can be seen as an extension of Hindutva; and d) by defining Hindus as 'insiders' and Muslims as 'outsiders', the Modi regime has irreparably damaged the South Asian communal ethic of coexistence which has laid the ground for a segregated future for the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This special issue of Contemporary South Asia seeks to capture the diversity and situatedness of the caste experience and deepen our understanding of caste dynamics and lives in the twenty-first century. In this Introduction, we highlight the continuing salience of caste, offer an overview of theoretical understandings of caste and foreground the importance of analysing caste in the present as a dynamic form of human relations, rather than a remnant of tradition. Following on from this, we highlight the increasingly global spread of caste and reflect on what happens to caste-based social relations when they traverse continents. In conclusion, we introduce the papers that make up this special issue. Taken together, they speak to changes in attitudes towards caste, but also the persistence of caste-based identities and dynamics in India and Britain. Even though the papers presented in this special issue work with the assumption of caste being a reality in and among the Indians, caste-like status hierarchies have existed in most, if not all, societies, and they continue to persist and intersect with other forms of differences/inequalities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emerging sub-field of world history is all about connections and interactions. It challenges the received treatments of history which have focused on specific regions and civilizations as if they had been discrete realities unto themselves, and reminds people that nothing happens in a vacuum. But to date world historians have not taken this approach far enough, since their work continues to focus almost exclusively on interactions and connections between humans. People should remind themselves that humans interact not only with each other, but in all times, places and contexts with the non-human world as well. All human actions take place within the context of ecosystems, and are affected by them in ways that differ enormously over time and space. In this paper, the author argues that the call for integrating environmental history with world history has an urgency beyond mere scholarly thoroughness. The theme of interactions, which lies at the heart of world history, offers a corrective to the fragmented approach of the knowledge system which has become dominant in the modern age. Fragmented thinking enables everyone falsely to perceive human activities as somehow disembedded from any physical context. So world history, if done properly--that is, expanding the theme of interactions to include all actors, not just human ones--is not only good scholarship, it may be vital to saving the planet! (Contains 51 notes.)

This paper examines the spatial and temporal dimensions of varied schooling agendas for poor and oppressed caste children and adults in the princely state of Travancore in nineteenth-century colonial south India. Schools became socially contested and politically charged spaces in which various subaltern castes, particularly the Dalits and Nadars, articulated a new language of social and religious self-fashioning. British Protestant missionaries played a crucial role in provoking these imaginations and yet, the joint workings of caste and racial prejudices resulted in ambivalent cultural encounters in the educational landscape. Caste was central to these contestations and negotiations in making modern child subjectivities and tended to produce new forms of inequality and reproduce existing ones. I argue that schooling campaigns for the poor resulted in the perpetuation of hierarchised, caste-inflected norms of childhood and produced multiple marginal children in local society. This paper draws upon British Protestant missionary archives to highlight the unstable and violent geographies in which children of subaltern castes navigated the sphere of modern schooling in colonial Travancore and the constitutive function of schools in the making of marginal childhoods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existing scholarship on the Emergency’s sterilisation programme largely excludes women’s experiences, echoing the Shah Commission of Inquiry’s focus on men’s complaints against the government in its published reports. This paper re-orients historical understandings of this programme to account for female sterilisation during 1975–1977. By reading the Commission’s extensive collection of archived files against the grain, I use the male-dominated archive to illuminate the gendered nature of this policy and its effects on India’s women. Against dominant perceptions that the Emergency’s sterilisation programme focused entirely on vasectomy, this paper discusses instances where women were critical in families’ attempts to negotiate the regime’s coercive measures. It also analyses the negative impacts of coercion on the ‘girl child’ and the consequences of the Emergency’s single minded focus on sterilisation for the Mother and Child Health programme. Through these discussions I argue that such measures exacerbated existing gendered biases. In doing so, this paper challenges dominant understandings of the Emergency’s sterilisation programme and explores women’s experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to look at the antecedents of the Indian women's movement and the achievements before and after independence. The status of women has been a central concern of many reform movements in India. Prior to India's independence, the organizations and groups that addressed social issues and sought change for women were closely associated with the independence movement. The women's movement during the 19th century in India emanated from the broader social reforms movement. Consequently, the 20th century freedom movement and women's rights movement in the post-1970s has brought to the fore a wide range of women's concerns. The subsequent events like the constitutional promise of gender equality, Towards Equality Report prepared by the Committee on the Status of Women in 1974 have surely promoted women's concern to some extent. All these achievements were the result of women's movement groups that worked for the promotion of women's rights and equality. In the above-stated context, this paper also analysis the issues of women's justice and equality taken up by women's groups in pre and post-independent India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper intends to explore Magical Realism in the Indian context through O. V. Vijayan's novel, The Legends of Khasak, initially published in Malayalam in 1969; later in 1994, Vijayan himself translated it into English. This regional novel might not have fetched global recognition, but it remains one of the most influential magical realist texts in Malayalam literature. Intriguingly though, the novel was published just two years after García Márquez's magnum opus, One Hundred Years of Solitude, and almost a decade and a half before Rushdie's Midnight's Children. Salman Rushdie's commercial success in this genre popularized South Asian Magical Realism in the West. However, many regional writers from India had employed Magical Realism's stylistic paradox in their works before the term officially originated in the European and Latin American contexts. Through Vijayan's novel, this study explores how, in the Indian context, the paradoxical impulse to naturalize the supernatural deeply exists in realism's stylistic undercurrents. The research further uses the critical framework of trauma and memory to analyze how the author attempts to recuperate the indigenous cultural identity of the natives, lost due to colonialism and capitalism, and simultaneously historicize the onset of colonial modernity and industrialization in India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper traces the inception, emergence and relevance of the celebration of a historical figure of Assam - Joymoti - as the Joymoti Utsav (Joymoti Festival). With the first attested public celebration of the festival in Upper Assam in 1914, Joymoti Utsav was a landmark public celebration on multiple counts. Firstly, it created a feminist and nationalist consciousness in the region through its celebration of Joymoti - an Ahom princess; secondly, it marked public support to celebration of an ideal female figure whose qualities and character women were encouraged to aspire to; thirdly, it followed and also spearheaded a socio-cultural movement that found expression in literature and arts including the first Assamese movie Joymoti in 1934; fourthly, it brought together people and organizations in the making of a legacy that gave direction to the feminist movement in Assam thereby establishing it as a major socio-cultural feminist festival of Assam. This paper traces the emergence of this iconic festival in Upper Assam, its role in establishing feminist ideals, carving out a distinct regional history and nurturing national sentiment, its depiction in various literary genres of the 20th century and the current relevance of the festival in Assam. In doing so, the paper locates Joymoti Utsav in a socio-historical perspective in the context of Assam while crediting it with creating a feminist consciousness in the public discourse of early twentieth century Assam. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Unprecedented interest has been shown in the notion of Emotional Intelligence (EI), both in the lay and scientific communities, and it has also quickly become a topic of study among academics and researchers. When compared to other less impressive traditional psychology concepts like IQ and personality, EI has emerged as one of the hottest buzzwords in today's corporate world. The current research aims to provide a synopsis of the existing literature on EI by exploring the development of the concept of emotional intelligence during the course of its existence. In it, the ideas and theories that led to the development of the theory of emotional intelligence are explored. It also defines EI by examining the numerous ways in which EI may be measured and the purpose of this paper is to investigate the concept of E.I. by analysing the existing models, evaluation tools, and connections between them. By comparing the models of EI on criteria such as their focus on emotions and emotional intelligence, the gaps in the three models, and the suggested need for designing and standardising EI scales, a contrast will be drawn between those that place an emphasis on intellectual ability and those that combine intellectual ability with personality attributes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the case of a community of Bengali immigrant settlers along the coast of Odisha in India at the centre of a unique citizenship controversy. Families have arrived here gradually over the years since 1947, and have generally acquired a range of identity documents from Indian state agencies. These documents certify to a range of rights that signal social and political participation within India: land ownership, voting rights and the receipt of official welfare subsidies. With little warning, a 2005 order by the state government following a high court directive led to the production of a list of 1551 persons, declaring such persons as ‘infiltrators’. The list ostensibly comprises those who have entered India illegally after 1971 or born to parents who entered illegally. While no deportation, as originally intended, has taken place, the nullification of their various documents of citizenship has created a void in their lives. This paper examines the wider politics of the case, especially focusing on how those with nullified documents negotiate the authority of the local state and actors within their own society, and what this reveals about the ever contested nature of citizenship in post-partition India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Indian Treasure Trove Act of 1878 is understood as a landmark legislative victory in the preservation of South Asian material pasts. This paper presents a detailed archival history recounting how archaeologists themselves were crucial to the promulgation of the Act and the authors of its specific provisions. It demonstrates how arguments for the reform of royal prerogative into an instrument for the discipline were born in mid-nineteenth-century British debates, where archaeologists' attempts for a similar statutory change in property laws had been frustrated. Centuries-long tensions in common law definitions and their governance of treasure are demonstrated to be crucial to how we may better understand the new 'policy' of the colonial law and its operation. To do so, the paper reviews select cases and presents an evaluation of the archaeological justice of the rule of this law. It asks why our critical historiography has remained insensible to the victims of this law — archaeology's counter-publics — who have been routinely incarcerated and punished in the name of the greater archaeological common good. Through these examinations, the paper reflects upon the enduring sensibilities and commitments that are involved in continuing to take treasures from others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper revisits the intersection of the 19th and 20th century to bring into focus hitherto unused archival and diplomatic correspondence from the attempts to define and delimit a boundary between India and China. The theoretical point of departure for the paper is to discern how perception (knowledge, beliefs, and norms) relating to the boundary evolved over time to alter the meaning and construction of the material reality i.e. the boundary itself. In doing so it establishes how what each country deems today, as its 'traditional customary boundary' was not an unambiguous fixed one, but was mutable across different time periods. The political importance of the selection of these boundary lines did not lie in their being 'true', or in the claim being 'real' but in their being shared by a process of political selection, and then being reified in the respective countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies corruption in India through an ethnographic elaboration of practices that are colloquially discussed as the ‘eating of money’ (paisa khana) in northern India. It examines both the discourse and practice of eating money in the specific context of the implementation of the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act, 2005 (NREGA). The article works through two central paradoxes that emerge in the study of corruption and the state. The first paradox relates to the corruption–transparency dyad. The ethnography presented shows clearly that the difficulties in the implementation of NREGA arose directly out of the transparency requirements of the statute, which were impeding the traditional eating of money. Instead of corruption being the villain it turns out that, in this particular context, it was its categorical Other—transparency—that was to blame. The second and related paradox emerges from an ethnographic examination of the processes and things through which development performance, corruption, and transparency are established and adjudged in the contemporary Indian state. Corrupt state practices and transparent state functioning are authoritatively proclaimed through an assessment of evidence—material proof in the form of paper—that is constructed by the Indian state itself. The push for transparency in India at the moment is not only leading to an excessive focus on the production of these paper truths but, more dangerously, is also deflecting attention away from what is described as the ‘real’ (asli) life of welfare programmes. Ultimately, this article contends that we need to eschew treating corruption as an explanatory trope for the failure of development in India. Instead of devising ever-more punitive auditing regimes to stem the leakages of the Indian state, this work suggests that we need a clearer understanding of what the state really is; how—and through which material substances—it functions and demonstrates evidence of its accomplishments. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The paper is a review of ancient Sanskrit literature for information on the origin and development of speech and language, speech production, normality of speech and language, and disorders of speech and language and their treatment. (DB)

The nature and content of student activism in the 1970s in India is examined in relation to the state of the "Internal Emergency." The development of the student movement during the pre-Emergency period and the reversal in the movement since the end of the Emergency are summarized. The prospects for a reemergence of such a movement are discussed. (JMF)

Until recently, Australia's cricketing past has been coloured by an anglocentric bias. Australian cricket writers, players and administrators mainly have deemed Australian series with subcontinental countries of much lesser importance than Ashes contests. In surveying Australia's cricketing relations with the subcontinent from the 1880s until Australia's first fully fledged official tour of the region in 1959–1960, this paper seeks to redress this imbalance. The paper explores how initial cricketing relations were viewed within the prism of Australia's traditional cricketing ties with England. This did not alter with India's attaining official Test match status in the 1930s. Australian tours of India were confined to unofficial teams, and it was not until 1947–1948 that the first official exchange occurred. As this paper documents, the importance of subcontinental cricket tours increased after the war, as both Labor and Liberal Coalition governments encouraged the use of cricket to foster diplomatic ties at a time of increasing decolonisation and when Indian and Australian external relations were ideologically opposed. The governments' efforts were not fully supported by many Australian cricketers and administrators. While some, such as the Australian captain Ian Johnson, embraced cricketing diplomacy, many of his colleagues coloured these new cricketing worlds with old Australian prejudices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The career in India of the Fleet Street journalist F.W. Wilson as editor of The Pioneer (1928–29) is a fascinating episode in the endgame of empire. Catapulted into the editorship of this reactionary colonial newspaper by a British management anxious to rescue its waning fortunes, Wilson sought to widen its appeal beyond a colonial British readership by embracing an anti-government, campaigning agenda which would enlist Indian middle-class audiences. This paper assesses the evidence for Wilson's radicalisation of The Pioneer's editorial stance in the context of India's freedom struggle, and the extent to which new editorial methods and approaches were introduced. It explores Wilson's contacts with leading Indian politicians, his efforts to ‘Indianise’ the content of the paper, the success of this editorial strategy in attracting advertising and key episodes which brought about The Pioneer's outright conflict with the government of India and his removal as editor. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]