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Gamification in higher education has steadily been gaining traction as a useful addition to the diversity of learning resources available to both teachers and students. We have invented a card-based, role-playing team game called 'Braincept' to help aid pharmacology learning for medical students. The aims of the current study are to determine whether the students who played the game perceived any benefit to their pharmacology learning and to gauge any learning gain as a result of playing the game. Here, we present questionnaire data and thematic analysis collected from students who played Braincept along with our data on learning gain associated with play. Our data show that this style of gamified learning has a positive effect on student confidence in handling pharmacological knowledge and that there was measurable learning gain after playing the game.

The notion of lifelong learning has become a mantra within educational policies. However these have been strongly critiqued for reflecting an understanding of learning that privileges the economic benefits of participation in formal education. In UK contexts, the importance attached to widening participation in higher education is one manifestation of these policy discourses, which can be interrogated as a form of governmentality. This paper draws upon a recent small-scale mixed-method study of different vocational learners' transition from Level 3 courses to consider how these policy discourses are being mediated by "learners" who were qualified to enter higher education, but decided instead on alternative life courses. The analysis suggests that policy constructions of participation in higher education sit at a disjuncture with respondents' longer-term experiences of institutionalised education processes. In other ways, lifelong learning seemed to be willingly embraced in respondents' different commitments to learning and self-development, although higher education institutions were not often seen as a source of this learning. The article aims all the same to allow this interpretation of respondents' voices to speak back and disrupt policy mantras.

This paper is based on a small-scale mixed-method research project, which was located in south-east England and was funded by the British Academy. The project, investigated the factors that affected young people's decisions not to progress to higher education (HE) after following a Level 3 vocational pathway in upper secondary education. Set against the context of divergent and somewhat contradictory government policy initiatives, it draws on the concept of imagined futures as a way of considering students' "decision-making" in their transition from further education to other locations. This paper explores how a group of young people completing their vocational courses in summer 2008 viewed--or imagined--their futures. Contrary to policy discourses, vocational pathways did not necessarily offer straightforward progression to HE. Respondents' "imagined futures" did not lack agency, but HE was not an immediate part of them. (Contains 1 note.)

This paper is based on a research project funded by the Higher Education Funding Council for England which investigated employers' needs for information on higher education quality and standards. A key issue was identifying the type of knowledge that employers utilise in graduate recruitment. A finding of the study was that information on quality and standards was being used by some employers in a way that could undermine equity and widening participation initiatives. Whereas employers reported that, in initial recruitment, they placed least emphasis on information about quality and standards and most emphasis on graduates' interpersonal and communication skills, over a quarter used league tables/Top 20 lists in their decision-making processes and 80 per cent of employers cited the importance of the reputation of the higher education institution in their decision making about marketing and individual recruitment of graduates. Reputation was based on real or imagined league tables, "grapevine" knowledge, personal, regional and professional networks, performance of past graduates and prejudice against new universities. The hierarchy of opportunity within the labour market often appeared to correspond to a highly stratified higher education sector.