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Of 490 middle and high school students attending alternative schools who participated in this study, 18.2% of females and 6.7% of males reported a past unwanted sexual experience. Relative to nonabused subjects, female and male adolescents who reported a forced sexual experience were more likely to exhibit externalizing problems such as sexual risk behaviors and internalizing problems such as depression and suicidal thoughts in the past two weeks. Females with a history of a coercive sexual experience also had increased odds of drug and alcohol use, and violence-related behaviors. The magnitude of these associations ranged from a twofold increase to a tenfold increase. Controlling for ethnicity, family income, and family support had less impact on the strength of associations between a forced sexual experience and sexual risk behaviors for females than for males. A forced sexual experience remained significantly associated with depression for females and suicidal thoughts for males. Alcohol use in the past 30 days was the only substance use-related problem that remained significant for females. Violence-related behaviors did not remain significant in the presence of control variables for females. Interventions focusing on adolescents with a history of a coercive sexual experience in general, and in alternative schools in particular, are suggested by these results. More research focusing on the differential impact of a coercive sexual experience on males and females is crucial., An estimated 7% to 53% of American women, and 3% to 37% of American men, have been victims of a coercive sexual experience during childhood or adolescence. (1) Estimates of [...]

Although religiosity is protective for mortality and morbidity, its relationship with depression is unclear. We used the 1994 Alameda County Study survey of 2,537 subjects aged 50-102 to analyze associations between two forms of religiosity and depression as well as the extent to which religiosity buffers relationships between stressors and depression. Non-organizational religiosity included prayer and importance of religious and spiritual beliefs; organizational religiosity included attendance at services and other activities. Non-organizational religiosity had no association with depression; organizational religiosity had a negative relationship that weakened slightly with the addition of health controls. Both forms of religiosity buffered associations with depression for non-family stressors, such as financial and health problems. However, non-organizational religiosity exacerbated associations with depression for child problems, and organizational religiosity exacerbated associations with depression for marital problems, abuse, and caregiving. Religiosity may help those experiencing non-family stressors, but may worsen matters for those facing family crises.

Data on symptoms of major depressive episodes were examined for the 1994 cohort (n = 2,417) of the Alameda County Study (mean age = 65). In addition to age, we examined gender, education, marital status, social isolation and social support, perceived physical and mental health, chronic medical conditions, functional impairment, life events, financial strain, and neighborhood quality. The point prevalence of symptoms of major depressive episodes was 6.6 percent for men and 10.1 percent for women, with a trend for prevalence to increase with age. When the effects of the other psychosocial risk factors were controlled, there were no significant age effects. Multivariate analyses demonstrated that apparent initial age effects were due almost entirely to chronic health problems and functional impairment. The implications are clear: Healthy, normal-functioning older adults are at no greater risk of depression than younger adults. Apparent age-related effects on depression are attributable to physical health problems and related disability.

The Japanese version of the Center for Epidemiologic Studies Depression Scale (CES-D) was subjected to principal component (PC) analysis with oblique rotation, as well as an examination of internal consistency, using data obtained from 2,016 adult employees aged 19-63 years. Analyses focused on age differences in these psychometric properties of the CES-D. Coefficient-[Alpha] was sufficiently high for all age groups but was lower than reported in U.S. studies. Positive affect items lowered internal consistency. The PC analyses extracted four factors for each age group. Depressive affect items did not group into one factor; some were combined with somatic or interpersonal items, and the remainder constituted the smallest factor. These three main factors, 'somatic + depressed', 'interpersonal + negative' and 'positive affect' were comparable across age groups except for those aged 50-63 years. For those aged 50-63 years, the first two factors were combined into a large 'general dysphoria' factor, suggesting a more unified conceptualization of depressive mood. Although 'positive affect' was stable cross-culturally, it was not related to depressive symptomatology as measured by the other items, for Japanese. The 'interpersonal + negative' appears unique for Japanese, indicating the association of interpersonal relations with depressive mood in Japanese. The effects of age-specific ethnocultural factors in Japan on depressive symptomatology are discussed. Key words - age, cross-cultural psychiatry, depression, Japanese, somatization

The relationship between psychological distress, in this case depression, and subsequent risk of mortality is examined using data from the Alameda County (California) Study, an 18-yr, three-wave prospective investigation of psychosocial risk factors and health. The results indicate no relationship between psychological morbidity and all-cause mortality or specific causes of death. While these results are discordant with those reported from a majority of studies of psychiatric patients, they are concordant with a majority of community-based studies of the general adult population. Possible methodologic explanations are discussed which might account for disparate results reported to date, in particular failure to control for the effects of co-morbidity of somatic disorders and socioeconomic status.

There is a great deal of recent interest and debate concerning the linkages between inequality and health cross-nationally. The U. S. National Institutes of Health recommended in 2001 that any new research on health disparities should include social and cultural systems as units of analysis. Nevertheless, many public health interventions and policies continue to decontextualize risk factors from the social environment. Exposures to social and health inequalities probably vary as a consequence of different cultural contexts. To identify the processes that cause social and health inequalities, it is important to understand culture's influence. Navarro's research on political institutions and inequality illustrates the role of cultural context, although indirectly. Policies reflect cultural values because politicians typically translate their constituents' dominant values into policy. Political systems and structural inequality are institutionalized manifestations of cultural differences that intervene between dominant cultural dimensions at the societal level and health. The authors present a theoretical framework that combines constructs from sociological theory and cross-cultural psychology to identify potential pathways leading from culture and social structure to social and health inequalities. Only when all levels are taken into consideration is it possible to come up with effective, sustainable policies and interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study elucidates differences in the pattern of hospital use by three ethnic groups in the Southwest (Anglos, Chicanos, blacks). Findings are presented and discussed in terms of several factors (socio-environmental, medical care system, social and ethnic status). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]