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It is easy to put words on paper; it is harder to put them into practice. This is evidenced by the frequent discrepancy between a country’s Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC) and its actual climate policies. In this article, we examine whether such disharmony should be criticized. We first provide a taxonomy of types of disharmony. We then examine various problems with settling the case for a strong norm of harmonization by simply referring to the general principle that commitments ought to be kept. This opens the door to paying more attention to the long-term effects of such a norm on emission reductions. In conclusion, we call for nuance in expecting countries to harmonize their NDCs and national policies. While climate policy offers the perfect test case for this normative examination, many of our arguments could be adapted to other areas in which deviations between international commitments and domestic policies arise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study addresses the potential health benefits of climate change mitigation action. Carbon Reduction Benefits on Health tool and the MARket ALlocation model are used to evaluate the health co-benefits of the proposed energy sector policies and measures in North Macedonia's enhanced nationally determined contribution. The study hypothesises that implementing these policies and measures will reduce morbidity and mortality due to air pollution by 2030. The results indicate 629 prevented bronchitis cases, 2,788 fewer asthma symptom days among children, and 143 preventable deaths, leading to considerable welfare improvements and economic savings. The findings underscore the importance of considering health outcomes in climate policy decisions, emphasising the substantial public health benefits alongside climate gains as an incentive for emissions reduction. Sharing these findings with other countries will enhance efforts to limit the global temperature rise below 2 °C by the century's end. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Emissions of local pollutants from industry have declined across many developed countries over the last decades. For carbon emissions such reductions have yet to materialize. Using German administrative micro-data at the product level, we apply the workhorse model for decomposing emission changes into scale, composition (changes in the mix of goods produced) and technology (emission factors of production) effects. We find that the production composition in German manufacturing shifted towards less CO2 intensive goods, while emission intensities of production increased. We show that data aggregation matters. Both effects are substantially underestimated when using data at the sector level as compared to the product level. A complementary plant level decomposition reveals that emission intensities of production increased both within plant, and due to a reallocation of production to more emission intensive plants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Meeting the Paris Agreement’s climate targets necessitates better knowledge about which climate policies work in reducing emissions at the necessary scale. We provide a global, systematic ex post evaluation to identify policy combinations that have led to large emission reductions out of 1500 climate policies implemented between 1998 and 2022 across 41 countries from six continents. Our approach integrates a comprehensive climate policy database with a machine learning–based extension of the common difference-in-differences approach. We identified 63 successful policy interventions with total emission reductions between 0.6 billion and 1.8 billion metric tonnes CO2. Our insights on effective but rarely studied policy combinations highlight the important role of price-based instruments in well-designed policy mixes and the policy efforts necessary for closing the emissions gap. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate policies are often evaluated using criteria that are heterogeneous and misaligned with the stated aims of these policies. By combining legal research methods with insights from economic theory, we systematically map and analyze the legal objectives of the European Union (EU) Emissions Trading System (ETS), a key climate policy instrument. We find that the EU ETS is shaped by a nuanced internal normative framework, the principal goal of which is emissions reduction, combined with three secondary goals of cost-effectiveness, economic efficiency and equity, and a meta-goal of coherence. Based on the contents and interrelations of these legal objectives, we formulate evaluation criteria that can be used to critically analyze and evaluate the EU ETS performance in a more comprehensive, transparent, and comparable manner. The resulting methodology is applicable to other environmental policies and jurisdictions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Industrial emissions are significant and need to be addressed in the fight against climate change. To achieve carbon emission reduction targets in line with climate change policies while maintaining the competitiveness of the industry, hard-to-abate sectors are exploring efficient carbon reduction technologies and striving to reduce associated costs. Carbon capture technology presents a large-scale CO2 reduction solution with immense potential. In promoting the application of carbon capture in hard-to-abate industries, it is essential to comprehensively analyze the feasibility and economics of carbon capture technology. This paper conducts a review of the technical feasibility and economics of carbon capture technologies in several industrial sectors, namely iron and steel, cement, and coal chemical industries. A vast amount of data on the costs of industrial carbon capture technologies has been gathered for comparison. This study also specifically addresses policy incentives that have been discussed and are currently being implemented to cut costs and promote industrial carbon capture projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The latest Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change Assessment Report argues if the world is to avoid the catastrophic effects of climate change from heating above 1.5o, all nations will have to undergo expedited sustainability transitions. In addition, nations will need to undertake adaptive transitions within their built form, economies, societies, and component systems to ameliorate the now unavoidable effects of climate change. This article examines intersectoral government policy responses to climate change in Singapore. The Singapore government accepts the science of climate change the many vulnerabilities the nation has to it. Therefore, the government has initiated polices to both reduce the nations greenhouse gas emissions and adapt to the potential effects of climate change. The analysis shows that Singapore's development state governance structures and path dependence places it in a good position to successfully undertake an expedited sustainability transition and adapt to its potential effects. However, there are sectors where the government is relying upon unproven technologies to affect change. This is likely to prove a significant challenge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Methaodos: Social Science Journal / Methaodos: Revista de Ciencias Sociales is the property of Departamento de Ciencias de la Comunicacion y Sociologia, Universidad Rey Juan Carlos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The European Union is committed to a 55% reduction in greenhouse gas emissions by 2030, as outlined in the Green Deal and Climate Law initiatives. In response to geopolitical events, the RePowerEU initiative aims to enhance energy self-sufficiency, reduce reliance on Russian natural gas, and promote hydrogen utilization. Hydrogen valleys, localized ecosystems integrating various hydrogen supply chain elements, play a key role in this transition, particularly benefiting isolated regions like islands. This manuscript focuses on optimizing a Centralized Green Hydrogen Production Facility (CGHPF) on the island of Crete. A mixed-integer linear programming framework is proposed to optimize the CGHPF, considering factors such as land area, wind and solar potential, costs, and efficiency. Additionally, an in-depth sensitivity analysis is conducted to explore the impact of key factors on the economic feasibility of hydrogen investments. The findings suggest that hydrogen can be sold in Crete at prices as low as 3.5 EUR/kg. Specifically, it was found in the base scenario that, selling hydrogen at 3.5 EUR/kg, the net profit of the investment could be as high as EUR 6.19 million, while the capacity of the solar and wind installation supplying the grid hydrogen facility would be 23.51 MW and 52.97 MW, respectively. It is noted that the high profitability is justified by the extraordinary renewable potential of Crete. Finally, based on our study, a policy recommendation to allow a maximum of 20% direct penetration of renewable sources of green hydrogen facilities into the grid is suggested to encourage and accelerate green hydrogen expansion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anthropogenic mercury (Hg) emissions to the atmosphere are a long-lived hazard to human and environmental health. The UN Minamata Convention on Mercury is seeking to lower anthropogenic mercury emissions through a mix of policies from banning Hg uses and trade, to reducing unintentional Hg releases from different activities. In addition to independent Hg policy, greenhouse gas, particulate matter (PM) and SO2 reduction policies may also lower Hg emissions as a co-benefit. This study uses the Greenhouse Gas – Air Pollution Interactions and Synergies (GAINS) model to examine the effect of different clean air and climate policy on future global Hg emissions. The Baseline scenario assumes current energy use and Hg emissions, as well as current legislation for clean air, mercury and climate policy. In addition, we explore the impact of the Minamata Convention, co-benefits of climate policies and of stringent air pollution policies, as well as a maximum feasible reduction scenario for Hg (Hg-MFR). Hg emission projections until 2050 show noticeable reductions in combustion sectors for all scenarios, due to a decrease in global fossil fuels and traditional biomass use, leading to emission reductions of 33 % (Baseline) up to 90 % when combining stringent climate and Hg-MFR. Cement and non-ferrous metal emissions increase in all activity scenarios with current air pollution policy, but can be reduced by up to 72 % and 46 % respectively in 2050 with stringent Hg-specific measures. Other emissions (including waste) are a large source of uncertainty in this study, and projections range between a 22 % increase and 54 % decrease in 2050 depending on both climate and clean air policy. The largest absolute reduction potential for Hg abatement, but also the largest uncertainties of absolute emissions lie in the in small-scale and artisanal gold production, where Hg-specific abatement measures could eliminate annual Hg emissions in the range of 601–1371 t (95 % confidence interval). 90 % of the Hg emissions in GAINS are covered by the Minamata Convention. Overall, the findings emphasize the necessity of implementing targeted Hg control policies in addition to stringent climate, PM and SO2 policies to achieve significant reductions in Hg emissions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate policymakers across the world seek inputs from the research community to determine appropriate policies to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. However, the reports of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), which perform the largest available analytical exercise in this area, offer scarce analytics on climate policy design. Here, we explore how, despite its 'neutral, policy-relevant but not policy-prescriptive' principle, the IPCC's analytical scenario process in Working Group III on Mitigation has adopted an implicitly prescriptive policy position in favour of carbon pricing. Drawing on the example of alternative climate-economic modelling using the E3ME-FTT framework, we explore a pathway for the IPCC process that could cater for diverse ranges of more realistic granular policies. We conclude that, to become truly policy-relevant, the IPCC's climate mitigation work is in urgent need of reform to provide more effective support for policy design. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are major gaps in the measurement of the adoption and stringency of countries' climate actions and policies, notably in a manner coherent across countries, time, sectors, and instrument types. The Climate Actions and Policies Measurement Framework (CAPMF) aims to fill this gap. It is the most extensive structured and internationally harmonised climate mitigation policy database available to date. Currently, it comprises 130 policy variables, grouped into 56 policy instruments and other climate actions, covering 50 countries and the EU-27 as a block for the period 1990–2022. Results indicate that countries strengthened their climate action between 1990 and 2022 in terms of policy adoption and policy stringency, although at different paces. Policy adoption, policy stringency and policy mixes changed over time and differ substantially across countries and country groups. Importantly, regression analysis suggests a significant relationship between stronger climate action and greater emission reductions. Mitigation policies helped reduce emissions by about 12% in the last 5 years; most of this effect is attributable to a reduction in the energy intensity of the economy, and only residually to other factors such as a reduction of GHG intensity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transition to a sustainable net zero society is an urgent task, and if it is to be achieve, it will be essential to have the participation of citizens who are responsible for climate damage and emission reduction. Climate citizens' assemblies have been held mainly in Europe since around 2019. A climate citizens' assembly is a meeting where citizens selected by random sampling discuss and put together recommendations for use in climate policies of national and local governments. This paper reviews these assemblies, summarizes their significance, and looks at what the challenges are to establishing their use in Japan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research aim of the paper is to analyze the objectives of the European Union (EU) climate policy and the instruments for their implementation, as well as to present the challenges on the way to achieving climate neutrality by the EU. In 2015, during the 21st UN Climate Change Conference in Paris, an agreement was agreed, the purpose of which is to limit global warming, aiming, among other things, for limiting the increase in global average temperature to well below 2°C above pre-industrial levels, and preferably to no more than 1.5°C. All EU Member States have ratified the above agreement, while agreeing to take action to make the EU the world’s first climate-neutral economy and society by 2050. To achieve this, the “European Green Deal” strategy was adopted, followed by the European Climate Law and the “Fit for 55” package of legislative proposals. In addition, a more ambitious EU climate target for 2030 has been agreed, namely a reduction of net greenhouse gas emissions by at least 55% compared to 1990 levels. Based on this, the following research hypothesis should be put forward, assuming that if all initiated projects, climate programs and mechanisms are fully implemented, the EU will become the first climate neutral continent by 2050. The first part of the article focuses on the goals of the European Green Deal and their implementation. The second part discusses the assumptions of European Climate Law and the elements of the “Fit for 55” package, as well as presents the most important financial instruments of the EU climate policy. The third part contains an analysis of the challenges standing in the way of the EU achieving climate neutrality by 2050, including the COVID-19 pandemic and the Russian aggression against Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To develop and implement effective policies to mitigate climate change, it is important to understand the emission profile of sectors that comprise the network of global supply chains. Focusing on the relationship between sectors' positions in the global supply chain, this study develops a structural position analysis framework based on input–output analysis. Our framework reveals the highest‐priority sectors and transactions, and the best strategies for CO2 emission reduction in the global supply chain. The strategies identified focus on cross‐border transactions and highlight the need for inter‐sectoral and international collaboration. The results indicate that the United States and China have different priorities and characteristics (even vis‐à‐vis the same industry), and that joint emission reduction policies should be coordinated to take advantage of each country's emission reduction potential. Our findings suggest that, in the United States and Europe, policies to promote the reduction of direct emissions from production of goods for exports through carbon taxes are important. Contrarily, in Asian countries, carbon emissions originate mainly from intermediate goods trades, suggesting the need for mandatory life cycle assessment reporting and emissions disclosure. Our analytical framework thus proposes specific policies that could effectively reduce specific sectors' and transactions' carbon footprints. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public support for ambitious climate policies and carbon prices that have direct costs for voters may depend on policy sequencing. Policy sequencing theory suggests that the strategic ordering of policies into sequences that initially create benefits can subsequently increase support for higher carbon prices. However, systematic quantitative evidence about the effects of sequencing on public support is lacking. We provide novel theoretical and empirical insights on the mechanisms through which strategic policy sequencing affects public support for climate policies. We generated these insights using geospatial data and a representative conjoint experiment with Swiss voters conducted just before the popular vote on an amendment to the Federal Act on the Reduction of Greenhouse Gas Emissions in June 2021. Our evidence shows that the perceived effectiveness of prior policy-induced benefits is related to more public support for higher carbon prices across sectors. Moreover, we find that more opportunity structures for low-emission alternatives--like higher EV charging station density--are associated with increased public support for carbon prices in the sector where the former material benefits occur. Our results also imply that positive policy perceptions of prior climate policies are related to increased support, particularly among conservative voters and those who do not regard climate change as a salient issue. Thus, strategic policy sequencing could be an effective strategy for broadening public support for ambitious climate policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores whether economic viability is the key to achieve deep decarbonization or net zero emissions. The hypothesis tested is that popular support for decarbonization policies is conditional upon most people's belief that their economic well-being will improve, or at least not suffer with these policies. While GDP growth is the typical metric for economic health, a more useful socio-economic indicator for gauging the political viability of climate policies may be job creation. Specifically, the paper reviews the existing evidence about whether climate policies are more successful in achieving deep decarbonization in the long run if policy-makers include job creation as well as emissions reductions when designing and implementing climate policies, because, to date, climate policy-makers have often focused on emissions reductions as the primary criterion for policy choice. While empirical evidence remains thin, we find that job creation in low-carbon industries appears to lead to greater political support for the climate policies that contribute to decarbonization, but employment factors are not always the most salient factor in a voter's decision. We also find empirical evidence that clean energy deployment policies, such as feed-in tariffs, have led to significant net gains in employment in the countries that have been studied. The review points to several policy implications, including the need to assess competitive advantage, develop plans, design and execute industrial policy, and develop a low-carbon workforce. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While most literature on federal climate change policies has focused on failures to adopt broad policies, this article describes and explains successes in two important sectors. Regulations to improve the fuel economy of motor vehicles and efficiency standards for appliances and equipment have produced substantial reductions in greenhouse gas emissions, although they largely have other goals and hence can be considered implicit climate policies. We synthesize the existing literature with our analyses of case studies to offer three explanations for the adoption of effective policies in these two sectors. First, the policies delivered politically popular co-benefits, such as reducing consumers' energy bills, enhancing energy security, and promoting public health. Second, they gained business acceptance because they were narrow in their scope, avoided long-term economic costs, and helped industry cope with state-level regulations; industry often strategically tried to influence these policies rather than resist them. Third, the legislation that initiated and expanded these policies received bipartisan support, which was aided by co-benefits and business acceptance; more recently, these laws have been strengthened through the actions of Democratic administrations. We conclude by comparing these policy areas to the passage of the Inflation Reduction Act of 2022. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Local governments have led the way on climate action in the United States. While the federal government has largely stood to the side, local governments have made great efforts to adopt policies aimed at reducing greenhouse gas emissions. A large and robust literature in urban politics has explored the variables that influence local government action on climate change in the United States. Issue severity and resident ideological preferences have been identified as two of the most important factors in local climate action. Governments that are more likely to face major impacts from climate, such as coastal communities, and governments serving more liberal residents have both been found to pursue climate policy at higher rates. In this paper we suggest that these relationships are better understood as conditional. We argue that the effect of issue severity will be moderated by ideology. When residents are liberal, issue severity will matter. When residents are conservative, the impact will be muted. We find strong evidence for this hypothesis. Coastal governments and governments that have experienced drought adopt more climate policies, but this is conditional on the ideology of residents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate change is a global emergency that necessitates urgent action from policymakers and the public. Public opinion plays a crucial role in shaping climate change policy, making it essential to understand how people perceive and respond to the issue. Studies on public opinion on climate change are emerging, but are lacking in examining linguistic aspects. The present study intends to conduct a linguistic analysis of public opinion news to identify public recommendations on climate change issues, by identifying themes in opinion news on climate change. The analysis focused on directive verbs and modal verbs, and examined how the general public linguistically expressed their recommendations. 136 news articles from the New Straits Times Malaysia were analysed using a corpus-assisted discourse analysis approach. The findings revealed that the dominant themes are government action, followed by education and awareness, protecting natural resources, encouraging sustainable lifestyle, transitioning to renewable energy, and reducing greenhouse gas emissions. The public's overwhelming emphasis on government action, indicates a strong demand for policy restructuring and enactment to address climate change. While there is increasing awareness and interest in learning about climate change, the study raises concerns about the limited attention given to themes such as encouraging sustainable living, protecting natural resources, transitioning to renewable energy, and reducing greenhouse gas emissions, suggesting a need for further education and awareness campaigns to bridge these knowledge gaps and promote holistic climate action. The results provide insights into Malaysian public opinion on climate change, which can assist policymakers in developing effective policies and communication strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We utilize a coupled economy–agroecology–hydrology modeling framework to capture the cascading impacts of climate change mitigation policy on agriculture and the resulting water quality cobenefits. We analyze a policy that assigns a range of United States government’s social cost of carbon estimates ($51, $76, and $152/ton of CO2-equivalents) to fossil fuel–based CO2 emissions. This policy raises energy costs and, importantly for agriculture, boosts the price of nitrogen fertilizer production. At the highest carbon price, US carbon emissions are reduced by about 50%, and nitrogen fertilizer prices rise by about 90%, leading to an approximate 15% reduction in fertilizer applications for corn production across the Mississippi River Basin. Corn and soybean production declines by about 7%, increasing crop prices by 6%, while nitrate leaching declines by about 10%. Simulated nitrate export to the Gulf of Mexico decreases by 8%, ultimately shrinking the average midsummer area of the Gulf of Mexico hypoxic area by 3% and hypoxic volume by 4%. We also consider the additional benefits of restored wetlands to mitigate nitrogen loading to reduce hypoxia in the Gulf of Mexico and find a targeted wetland restoration scenario approximately doubles the effect of a low to moderate social cost of carbon. Wetland restoration alone exhibited spillover effects that increased nitrate leaching in other parts of the basin which were mitigated with the inclusion of the carbon policy. We conclude that a national climate policy aimed at reducing greenhouse gas emissions in the United States would have important water quality cobenefits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research note discusses a study conducted on youth climate activists in British Columbia between 2018 and 2021. The findings reveal that these activists are highly concerned about climate change, critical of the government's policy approach, and supportive of civil disobedience. They prioritize climate change as a significant issue and recognize its interconnectedness with other social justice issues. The majority of respondents were unsupportive of Canada's current climate policies and expressed support for aggressive policies to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. They also recognized the need for Canada's economy to transition away from fossil fuel extraction. The study highlights the important role of youth in mobilizing action on climate change. [Extracted from the article]

Jurisdictions use an assortment of policies to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. Climate policy mixes have often evolved through the ad hoc layering of new policies onto an existing policy mix, rather than deliberate design of a complete policy portfolio. This can lead to unanticipated interactions between policies which can support or undermine policy objectives and is further complicated where climate policy is implemented at multiple jurisdictional levels. In the context of Canada and its four most populous provinces, we examine the development of climate policy mixes across jurisdictional levels between 2000 and 2020 and evaluate policy interactions. We develop an inventory of 184 climate policies, and examine each in terms of instrument type, implementation timing, technological specificity, and expected abatement. We evaluate interactions between overlapping policies both within jurisdictional levels (horizontal) and across jurisdictional levels (vertical) for their impact on emissions abatement using a policy coherence analysis framework. We find that subsidies and R&D funding were the most abundant policies (58%), although pricing and flexible regulation are expected to achieve the most abatement. Sub-national jurisdictions have often acted as policy pilots preceding federal policy implementation. We evaluate 356 policy interactions and find 74% are consistent in adding abatement. Less than 8% have a negative impact by reducing abatement, although vertical interactions between federal and provincial policies were more often negative (11%) than horizontal interactions at the federal (<3%) or provincial (<2%) levels. Although the impact of many interactions is unknown (13%), we generate interaction matrices as a foundational roadmap for future research, and for policy-makers to consider potential interactions when designing and assessing policy effectiveness. Key policy insights Climate policy mixes have expanded and diversified over the period 2000–2020 across jurisdictions in Canada. Sub-national jurisdictions have often acted as policy 'pilots' by implementing policy before the adoption of similar national level policy. Climate mitigation policy interactions are predominantly supportive toward achieving additional emissions abatement. Vertical interactions between federal and provincial policy can undermine the additionality of policy effort by sub-national jurisdictions. These findings emphasize the need for better coordination in climate policy mix design between national and sub-national jurisdictions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Knowledge about how implemented policy instruments have performed is important for designing effective and efficient policy instruments that contribute to reductions of greenhouse gas emissions. This paper carries out a meta-evaluation of ex-post evaluations of climate policy instruments in the freight transport sector. By analysing the outcomes and quality of evaluations, the aim is to identify whether estimated effects of policy instruments can be compared between evaluations and if the results are appropriate to use for evidence-based decision making. To analyse these aspects, commonly applied evaluation criteria are assessed and classified according to an assessment scale. We confirm that few ex-post evaluations are carried out and that there is a gap between evaluation theory and how ex-post policy evaluations are performed in practice, where evaluation criteria recommended in policy evaluation guidelines are found to often be neglected in evaluations. The result is a lack of systematic climate policy evaluation which hinders reliable conclusions about the effect of policy instruments. There is a need for more systematic monitoring and evaluation of implemented policy instruments and we suggest that evidence-based decision making can be improved by adjusting current policy evaluation guidelines and by introducing an evaluation obligation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When taking an active part in international climate governance, the Chinese government places emphasis in the legislation on addressing climate change, which is the key process to make climate change policy propelled actively. This article aims to explore how to establish China's climate change legislation system in the post-Paris era, to achieve China's goal of "carbon peak and carbon neutralization," and better fulfill the emission reduction obligations under the Paris Agreement. Drawing on approaches suggested by the Dawes Matrix, to explain a climate law system which is based on "three integrated layers" in China, this article proposes the core layer of policy-oriented integrated climate change law, the most significant layer for the legislation on mitigation and adaptation, the supportive layer involving safeguard system related to various administration regulations, department measures and local legislation, as well as relevant guide policies of climate change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reducing methane emissions from fossil fuel exploitation (oil, gas, coal) is an important target for climate policy, but current national emission inventories submitted to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) are highly uncertain. Here we use 22 months (May 2018-Feb 2020) of satellite observations from the TROPOMI instrument to better quantify national emissions worldwide by inverse analysis at up to 50 km resolution. We find global emissions of 62.7 ± 11.5 (2σ) Tg a−1 for oil-gas and 32.7 ± 5.2 Tg a−1 for coal. Oil-gas emissions are 30% higher than the global total from UNFCCC reports, mainly due to under-reporting by the four largest emitters including the US, Russia, Venezuela, and Turkmenistan. Eight countries have methane emission intensities from the oil-gas sector exceeding 5% of their gas production (20% for Venezuela, Iraq, and Angola), and lowering these intensities to the global average level of 2.4% would reduce global oil-gas emissions by 11 Tg a−1 or 18%. High-resolution satellite data enables a unique verification of national methane emissions worldwide. Global estimates are 63 Tg a−1 for oil-gas, 30% higher than the UNFCCC reports due to under-reporting by four largest emitters, and 33 Tg a−1 for coal, consistent with previous estimates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the United States, state governments have been the locus of action for addressing climate change. However, the lack of a holistic measure of state climate policy has prevented a comprehensive assessment of state policies' effectiveness. Here, we assemble information from 25 individual policies to develop an aggregate index of state climate policies from 2000-2020. The climate policy index highlights variation between states which is difficult to assess in single policy studies. Next, we examine the environmental and economic consequences of state climate policy. A standard-deviation increase in climate policy is associated with a 5% reduction in per-capita electricity-sector CO2 emissions and a 2% reduction in economy-wide CO2 emissions per capita. We do not find evidence that more stringent climate policy harms states' economies. Our results make clear the benefits of state climate policy, while showing that current state efforts are unlikelyto meet the US goal under the Paris Climate Accord. In the US, states vary in their efforts to address climate change. Stronger state climate policies reduce CO2 emissions without harming the economy, but these reductions are unlikely to meet the goals in the Paris Climate Accord. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the energy sector is the largest global contributor to greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, the agriculture, forestry, and other land use (AFOLU) sector account for up to 80% of GHG emissions in the least developed countries (LDCs). Despite this, the nationally determined contributions (NDCs) of LDCs, including Nepal, focus primarily on climate mitigation in the energy sector. This paper introduces green growth—a way to foster economic growth while ensuring access to resources and environmental services—as an approach to improving climate policy coherence across sectors. Using Nepal as a case country, this study models the anticipated changes in resource use and GHG emissions between 2015 and 2030, that would result from implementing climate mitigation actions in Nepal's NDC. The model uses four different scenarios. They link NDC and policies across economic sectors and offer policy insights regarding (1) energy losses that could cost up to 10% of gross domestic product (GDP) by 2030, (2) protection of forest resources by reducing the use of biomass fuels from 465 million gigajoules (GJ) in 2015 to 195 million GJ in 2030, and (3) a significant reduction in GHG emissions by 2030 relative to the business‐as‐usual (BAU) case by greater use of electricity from hydropower rather than biomass. These policy insights are significant for Nepal and other LDCs as they seek an energy transition towards using more renewable energy and electricity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Corporate climate initiatives such as the Science-Based Targets initiative and RE100 have gained significant prominence in recent years, with considerable increases in membership and several ex-ante studies stating how they could bring substantive emissions reductions beyond national goals. However, studies evaluating their progress are scarce, raising questions on how members achieve targets and whether their contributions are genuinely additional. Here we assess these initiatives by disaggregating membership by sector and geographic region and then thoroughly evaluating their progress between 2015–2019 using public environmental data disclosed by 102 of their largest members by revenue. Our results show that the collective Scope 1 and 2 emissions of these companies have fallen by 35.6%, with companies generally on track or exceeding scenarios keeping global warming below 2 °C. However, most of these reductions are concentrated in a small number of intensive companies. Most members show little evidence of emission reductions within their operations, only achieving progress via renewable electricity purchases. We highlight how intermediate steps regarding data robustness and implementation of sustainability measures are lacking: 75% of public company data is independently verified at low levels of assurance, and 71% of renewable electricity is obtained through low-impact or undisclosed sourcing models. More companies are setting climate targets, but detailed evaluations remain scarce, raising questions on their effectiveness. Here, authors assess the progress of 102 of the largest companies in the world by revenue for the period 2015–2019. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To identify means to improve mitigation efforts, we investigated whether the number of climate policies is associated with emission projections up to 2030 and compared policies' prevalence across country groups. We find that larger and more comprehensive policy portfolios are conducive to emission reductions, regardless of whether absolute emissions increase or already decline. However, country groups have distinct entry points to expand climate policy. Countries with fast-increasing emissions have significantly fewer policies overall but policies are especially missing in energy-demand sectors, such as buildings and transport. Countries with stalling emissions lack climate strategies and other cross-sectoral policies. This suggests the need for better coordination of mitigation efforts across sectors. In all country groups that fail to reduce emissions, policies to reduce energy and material demand are also substantially fewer. Despite the collective increase of policies in force, countries can still expand climate policy to use the full breadth of mitigation options available. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of carbon neutrality, the BRICS countries, representatives of emerging developing countries, have proposed their own adaptation policies and carbon emission reduction targets (CERT). Here, we sort out the evolution of their climate policies and actions over the past half-century. After piecing together their energy structures and carbon emissions from various sources and by different sectors, we see distinct energy structures diverging over time with increasing varieties of non-fossil energy. However, all the BRICS countries, except for Brazil, still rely heavily on fossil fuels, which poses a real challenge to emission reduction. After considering their diversified energy structures, we estimate their timelines for achieving the carbon neutrality goal using the Greenhouse Gas and Air Pollution Interactions and Synergies (GAINS) model. From the model output, we propose possible solutions to help achieve the carbon neutrality goal with respect to their individual status quo and future needs for socioeconomic development. The suggestions include reinforcing the legislation, strengthening cooperation in the fields of energy and carbon management and in core technologies for carbon emission reduction, improving the cooperation mechanisms of the BRICS countries, and further expanding all-round cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Policies designed to control greenhouse gases imply domestic tradeoffs and international externalities, which lead to both domestic and international conflicts, influencing their feasibility and implementations. Our paper investigates two quantitative aspects within this debate. We intend to quantify the impact of: (a) the internalization of international externalities; and (b) the damage associated with a short-term view of climate policies. In this respect, we adopt the innovative (in this field) idea of model predictive control to formalize moving-horizon policy strategies and, thus, to build counterfactuals characterized by a different horizon for all policymakers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A method to objectively compare and link climate policies, expressed in CO2eq, to IPCC's carbon budgets, expressed in CO2-only, is exhibited, as countries often omit to so in their Nationally Determined Contributions. Furthermore, they are usually pledging only towards territorial targets despite the fact that imported emissions are now greater in occidental countries, thus relying on the countries they are importing from to achieve their own territorial emissions reductions. This paper demonstrates that the +1.5 °C carbon budgets of France and Wallonia will be exceeded even with territorial emissions only. For the +2 °C carbon budget to be secured, France should reduce its imported emissions at least to the same extent as their projected territorial emissions. For Wallonia, this is even emphasized since it has no margin in the +2 °C carbon budget with only the territorial emissions. It should therefore legally adopt more ambitious territorial and imported emissions reduction pathways with short-term commitments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite its projected crucial role in stringent, future global climate policy, non-CO2 greenhouse gas (NCGG) mitigation remains a large uncertain factor in climate research. A revision of the estimated mitigation potential has implications for the feasibility of global climate policy to reach the Paris Agreement climate goals. Here, we provide a systematic bottom-up estimate of the total uncertainty in NCGG mitigation, by developing 'optimistic', 'default' and 'pessimistic' long-term NCGG marginal abatement cost (MAC) curves, based on a comprehensive literature review of mitigation options. The global 1.5-degree climate target is found to be out of reach under pessimistic MAC assumptions, as is the 2-degree target under high emission assumptions. In a 2-degree scenario, MAC uncertainty translates into a large projected range in relative NCGG reduction (40–58%), carbon budget (±120 Gt CO2) and policy costs (±16%). Partly, the MAC uncertainty signifies a gap that could be bridged by human efforts, but largely it indicates uncertainty in technical limitations. The potential for the mitigation of global non-CO2 greenhouse gases is highly uncertain. Harmsen et al. estimate this uncertainty and show that it has large implications for the feasibility of reaching the Paris Climate Agreement targets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Afforestation and reduction of fossil fuel emissions are two major components of climate mitigation policies. However, their effects on the Earth's climate are different because a reduction of fossil fuel emissions directly alters the biogeochemical cycle of the climate system and modifies the physics of the atmosphere via its impact on radiation and the energy budget, while afforestation causes biophysical changes in addition to changes in the biogeochemical cycle. In this paper, we compare the climate and carbon cycle consequences of carbon removal by afforestation and an equivalent fossil fuel emission reduction using simulations from an intermediate complexity Earth system model. We performed two major sets of idealized simulations in which fossil fuel emissions follow extended Shared Socioeconomic Pathway (SSP) scenarios (SSP2-4.5, 3-7.0, and 5-8.5), and equal amounts of carbon are removed by afforestation in one set and by a reduction in fossil fuel emissions in another set. Our simulations show that the climate is cooler by 0.36, 0.47, and 0.42 ∘C in the long term (2471–2500) in the case of reduced fossil fuel emissions compared to the case with afforestation when the emissions follow the SSP2-4.5, SSP3-7.0, and SSP5-8.5 scenarios, respectively. The global mean surface temperature is cooler in the reduced fossil fuel emissions case compared to the afforestation case because the net biophysical effect of warming from afforestation partly offsets the biogeochemical cooling effect of afforestation. Thus, in terms of climate benefits, reducing fossil fuel emissions could be relatively more beneficial than afforestation for the same amount of carbon removed from the atmosphere. However, a robust understanding of the processes that govern the biophysical effects of afforestation should be improved before considering our results for climate policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

New methods have been proposed for calculating CO2 equivalents for short-lived climate gases such as methane. These take into account the fact that the warming effect of such gases depends on previous changes in emissions, rather than on their total atmospheric concentration, as it is the case for carbon dioxide. For methane from rumination, it should also be taken into account that there is a constant recycling of carbon emitted in the form of methane through agricultural forage production. In contrast to methane from fossil sources, an equilibrium between emission and degradation of methane can thus be established, without a further warming effect. As a conclusion, the prioritization of measures to reduce fossil methane emissions should be even stronger than already indicated for cost reasons. Furthermore, it becomes clear that in an equilibrium situation a CO2 pricing of methane from rumen digestion does not make sense from a climate policy point of view. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After nearly a decade of policy inaction by the Abbott/Turnbull/Morrison Coalition governments, the election of Anthony Albanese's Labor government has ushered in expectations of a sea-change in Australian climate policy, one that might allow the country to finally emerge as a global leader on the issue. Yet while years of inaction have left some relatively easy victories for the new government to rack up, the change of leadership and rhetoric obscures some key continuities in the Albanese government's approach that need to be foregrounded and critiqued by domestic and international audiences alike. In this brief commentary, we consider what the new Labor government might mean for Australian climate action over the coming years. We focus, in particular, on the role that fossil fuel exports will continue to play in overwhelming any emissions cuts achieved domestically, and underscore the need for a much broader and more ambitious national climate strategy designed to wean the country off its reliance on coal and gas revenues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Industrial enterprises around the world are grappling with greenhouse gas emission reduction expectations, whether being driven by respective government policy for climate change or by shareholders to drive corporate sustainability through maintaining access to their 'net zero'-demanding markets. In some instances, the enterprises co-located within complex industrial areas are coming together to face the common carbon reduction challenge as a collective. The Kwinana Industrial Area in Perth, Western Australia is well regarded on the world's stage as a successful integrated heavy industrial precinct, presenting as an extensive, complex, and broad-based example of Industrial Symbiosis. In earlier papers, the authors have posited a novel four-dimensional framework to expand the definition of Industrial Symbiosis to be used to understand why one industrial precinct may be more successful for its resident industries to operate within than another, and for application in the design of new industrial areas. The four dimensions are described as Materials Exchange, Skilled Workforce, Support Industry, and Governance. Through the lens of climate change literature and policy frameworks, we investigate the governance dimension and industry's response to the contemporary climate challenge. The outputs of the paper include a literature review of the governance dimension, and a description of the cascading nature of climate change policy from global through to the enterprise level. We illustrate how climate change governance is enhanced in practice by detailing how the enterprises in Kwinana collectively responded to the global requirement for carbon reduction, achieved through the facilitative governance-based intervention of their industry association, the Kwinana Industries Council. Exploring this in-practice example helped to consolidate the hypothesis that successful industrial symbiosis is about positive relationships across several dimensions building towards improved Circular Economy outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The climate change crisis is a behavioral problem that may necessitate policy development to reduce greenhouse gas emissions to delay the climate Point of No Return (PNR). We compared two approaches to climate change policy, taxation (negative punishment) and redistribution (positive reinforcement and negative punishment), on people's preference for policies that constrain driving (in miles) within a delay discounting framework. Consistent with prior research (Belisle et al., Behavior and Social Issues, 29(1):64–77, 2020), our results supported a hyperbolic relationship between delay to PNR (i.e., delay discounting of reinforcer loss) and people's willingness to accept restrictive driving policies. We also achieved mixed results in our comparison, in that absolute differences in discounting rate were present but not statistically significant. However, we did observe significant differences in the overall probability of participants choosing the pro-climate policy given the redistribution contingency. When the present data was analyzed using a hyperbolic discounting model there were no significant group differences; however, when data were analyzed using an area under the curve approach there were significant differences, with the redistribution group showing more choices for taxation policy. These preliminary results have implications for isolating policy dimensions within a discounting framework to inform climate policy development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As addressed by many studies, greenhouse gas has a significant impact on the different aspects of life and more importantly on the whole environment. The excessive emission of green gas leads to climate change which is regarded as one of the most significant challenges of 21 century. Hence, in this regard, this paper has addressed the changing greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions in 18 countries of the MENA region. For this purpose, ten different scenarios of this disease's future status and its restrictions were considered in an input–output modelling framework. The empirical results indicated that the emission of greenhouse gas is reduced under all scenarios. However, some countries experience more reduction due to the restriction because of COVID-19 like Syria, Iran, Yemen and Lebenon. Based on the ninth scenario, Iran and Syria have the highest reduction in emission of greenhouse gas by 13.1 and 13.8 per cent, and based on the tenth scenario, Lebenan and Syria will experience the highest reduction in emission by about 13.1 and 17.9 per cent. The results show that according to scenario 10 (explosive intensification of the pandemic without the wave subsiding over a while) and scenario 9 (the pandemic worsens step by step without subsiding over a while), Syria and Iran have the highest reduction in greenhouse gas emissions, respectively. According to scenario 1 (rapid and complete control of disease), Bahrain, Qatar, and Kuwait have the lowest reduction in GHG emissions. Besides, the study draws several fruitful implications regarding environmental concerns as sectoral analysis such as Hotels and Restaurants, Retail Trade, Fishing, Wholesale Trade, and Transport sectors. Moreover, policymakers should be alert that notwithstanding all limitations, Private Households and Public Administration develop their emissions during the pandemic since quarantine intensifies the supply of these services. Surprisingly, none of the policy restrictions have a significant impact on GHG emissions from Education, Health, and Other Services, Petroleum,Chemical, and Non-Metallic Mineral Products, Textiles and Wearing Apparel, and Re-export & Re-import, demonstrating the robust and established nature of these sectors' activities. To control the emissions of the quarantine-neutral sectors, long- and mid-term structural and environmental policies should be considered. The researchers are guided by the novel implications in terms of how various industries might reduce emissions in different ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the effects derived from the application of local policies and measures on the update of the circulating vehicle fleet of the city of Madrid in terms of greenhouse gases and urban pollutants emissions. The identification of said effects has been possible thanks to the use of Vehicle Fleet Characterization Studies (VFCS), which have been applied to Madrid for the last 10 years. It explores the evolution of several indicators, such as fleet age or urban emissions, through the analysis of the results obtained in the VFCS performed in 2013, 2017 and 2022. These studies help decisively in the evaluation of traffic emissions, thus being a compelling tool in the elaboration of the urban inventories. They constitute a cornerstone in the assessment of the city environmental issues and the decision-making process to reduce the environmental impact and minimize transport-related problems. The results show that the renovation of the fleet has diminished the emission of nitrogen oxides and particulate matter, improving the air quality. However, the emissions of carbon dioxide stay almost unaffected, which suggests that the climate change policies should be oriented towards the decarbonization of the road traffic, mainly by switching to electric vehicles or low-carbon fuels. [Display omitted] • Vehicle fleet characterization as a useful analysis to develop local policies • Analyzing effects of local environmental policies or designing new ones • Emissions reduction: 42 % for NO x , 48 % for PM 2.5 and 8 % for CO 2 (average fleet) • Hybrids and low-emitting fuels have increased its presence in a combined 16 % • Air quality has greatly improved, but the impacts on climate change are still high [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Robert Mendelsohn of Yale School of the Environment, Department of Economics, and Yale School of Management reviews "Climate Future: Averting and Adapting to Climate Change" by Robert S. Pindyck. The Econlit abstract of this book begins: "Explores the extent and nature of the uncertainty of climate change's impact on the economy and society, promoting the argument that climate policy should focus on adaptation in preparation for the unlikelihood of sufficiently reducing greenhouse gas emissions." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To meet the Paris Agreement targets, carbon emissions from the energy system must be eliminated by mid-century, implying vast investment and systemic change challenges ahead. In an article in WIREs Climate Change, we reviewed the empirical evidence for effects of carbon pricing systems on technological change towards full decarbonisation, finding weak or no effects. In response, van den Bergh and Savin (2021) criticised our review in an article in this journal, claiming that it is "unfair", incomplete and flawed in various ways. Here, we respond to this critique by elaborating on the conceptual roots of our argumentation based on the importance of short-term emission reductions and longer-term technological change, and by expanding the review. This verifies our original findings: existing carbon pricing schemes have sometimes reduced emissions, mainly through switching to lower-carbon fossil fuels and efficiency increases, and have triggered weak innovation increases. There is no evidence that carbon pricing systems have triggered zero-carbon investments, and scarce but consistent evidence that they have not. Our findings highlight the importance of adapting and improving climate policy assessment metrics beyond short-term emissions by also assessing the quality of emission reductions and the progress of underlying technological change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The gap between the internationally agreed climate objectives and tangible emissions reductions looms large. We explore how the supreme decision‐making body of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), the Conference of the Parties (COP), could develop to promote more effective climate policy. We argue that promoting implementation of climate action could benefit from focusing more on individual sectoral systems, particularly for mitigation. We consider five key governance functions of international institutions to discuss how the COP and the sessions it convenes could advance implementation of the Paris Agreement: guidance and signal, rules and standards, transparency and accountability, means of implementation, and knowledge and learning. In addition, we consider the role of the COP and its sessions as mega‐events of global climate policy. We identify opportunities for promoting sectoral climate action across all five governance functions and for both the COP as a formal body and the COP sessions as conducive events. Harnessing these opportunities would require stronger involvement of national ministries in addition to the ministries of foreign affairs and environment that traditionally run the COP process, as well as stronger involvement of non‐Party stakeholders within formal COP processes. This article is categorized under:Policy and Governance > International Policy Framework [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the light of inadequate global emissions mitigation, geoengineering – solar radiation management and carbon dioxide removal – is increasingly being positioned and problematized by some researchers, policymakers, and advocates as a partial solution for avoiding catastrophic levels of warming. However, there are concerns that geoengineering may serve as a rhetorical tactic for delaying emissions reduction. As the news media field is an important space in which storylines surrounding geoengineering are created and circulated, the manner in which media actors discuss these topics is an important factor that can legitimate some policy pathways and close off others. In this paper, we analyze patterns in news media coverage of geoengineering in Australia to identify four dominant storylines: "a symptom of systems failure", "silver buckshot", "the Faustian bargain", and "time for plan B". We consider the implication of these storylines for the role that geoengineering may play in the Australian climate policy regime. We identify a risk geoengineering may be positioned as a rhetorical tactic for delaying emissions reduction. However, we note that the storylines in the public sphere provide a basis for public debate that engages critically with geoengineering, engaging with risks and differentiating solar radiation management from carbon dioxide removal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Soils are an enticing reservoir for nature-based climate solutions, but long timescales are required to store amounts of C of relevance to mitigate warming acknowledging its impermanence. Scientific clarity on the controlling factors in soil C persistence should help to disambiguate debates related to permanence in the climate policy domain. However, another contributing factor that is lacking in this debate is a way to compute the climate benefits of C in terrestrial ecosystems over time in the same units as greenhouse gas emissions. We use a case study approach here to demonstrate the use of the metrics of carbon sequestration (CS) and climate benefit of sequestration (CBS) with the aim of assessing the contribution of simultaneous emissions and uptake on radiative forcing. We show how this new computational framework quantifies the climate benefit achieved in two different agricultural systems, one a managed tropical perennial grass system in Hawaiʻi, USA and the other a boreal (cold-temperate, semi-humid) agricultural soil from long term amendment trials in Sweden. Using a set of computations, we show how C inputs and persistence interact to produce different levels of radiative forcing at relevant time frames, which could greatly help to clarify issues of carbon permanence discussed in climate policy. Temporary soil C storage could help to decrease peak warming provided that ambitious emission reductions are part of the portfolio of solutions; the CS and CBS framework gives us a way to quantify it based on biogeochemical understanding of soil C persistence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Adaptation to climate change has become a top priority of negotiations under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and the Paris Agreement. However, most of the literature on global climate governance focuses on mitigation of greenhouse gas emissions. This article therefore proposes a framework for tracking negotiation outcomes on adaptation based on the four dimensions of the Adaptation Gap Report of the United Nations Environment Programme (planning, finance, implementation, and effectiveness) and on key governance functions outlined in the climate policy literature. By comparing the adaptation outcomes of the three most recent Conferences of the Parties (COP25 – COP27) with the baseline of adaptation provisions in the Paris Agreement and its rulebook, the extent and type of decisions on adaptation are assessed and the evolution of relevant agenda items is analysed. Decisions adopted since 2019 have concentrated on support and transparency while the Paris Agreement made greater use of signalling and rule-setting. The extent to which adaptation gaps identified by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change can be reduced through decisions at UN climate change negotiations is influenced by the potential and limits of governing a context-specific subject matter at the global level. Reflecting about how adaptation can be facilitated through multiple governance functions will be vital for the development of an effective framework for the global goal on adaptation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]