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The public‐elite policy feedback mechanism of the Social Construction Framework (SCF) postulates that the public rewards policymakers for the appropriate distribution of benefits and burdens to target populations. In this article we test a key part of this dynamic by examining public receptivity to policy design features as a function of target population choice. We conduct a national survey experiment of approximately 3350 Americans. Our instrument asks respondents to indicate support or opposition to a range of policy tools in a suite of six climate change policies, but varies who would be responsible for options based upon Schneider and Ingram's idealized types. Our research design tests the independent effects of deservingness and power foundational to the construction of target populations in the SCF. We find, in general, deservingness to be a stronger predictor of support for policy tools than notions of power. We also identify situations where deservingness acts independently of power in ways not anticipated by the SCF—notably public favor for burdens on powerful groups. Our findings offer implications for theoretical and empirical development of the SCF regarding the influence of policymakers' perceptions of public acceptance of policy design in crafting public policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate change is a key socioeconomic and environmental concern in South Africa. The South African government introduced several climate change initiatives to address the impacts of climate change, resulting in the proliferation of climate adaptation policies across spheres of government. This paper studies different climate change adaptation policies and climate policy paradigms (CPP) to understand the adaptation landscape; it explains and compares the changes in CPP in South Africa over time. We mapped 40 policy documents from 2004 to 2022, which shows 12 national policies, 12 provincial (sub-national) policy documents and 14 metropolitan city policy documents. We then used 12 national policy documents to illustrate and understand the CPP. The research shows that different stakeholders have shaped climate change adaptation policy, both private and public firms advised on climate change policy and there are a number of different funding partners supporting the adaptation policy like GEF, C40 and GIZ. The changing policy environment has introduced new frameworks, objectives and processes. Therefore, more efforts will be needed going forward to guide adaptation policy across national, provincial and local governments. We find that several CPPs have emerged, that is different paradigms encompassing a range of policy goals, framings and instruments. The present National CC Adaptation Strategy (NCCAS) mandates adaptation across all levels of government and allows all important stakeholders to address climate change consequences. This NCCAS increases the number and ambition of adaptation policy, encourages integrated approaches, policy coherence and clear direction on how to handle climate risks and impacts in varied South Africa and its global commitment. Changes in policy paradigm enable the use of new policy instruments, including funding and budget mechanisms. Finally, climate adaptation policy has become more ambitious and stringent, requiring all levels of government to plan for climate change. The climate change policy landscape in South Africa has grown over the past 18 years, with policy development across different spheres of government (national, sectoral, provincial and metros), New CPPs have emerged, supported by new policy frames, goals and instruments. The NCCAS provides a clear policy goal, which also provides new policy instruments to implement climate actions and acts to enhance integrated approaches, The lack of domestic budget allocation remains a challenge for national government, but external partnerships have begun to provide support for policy development. Notably, a shift from a flexible to stringent approach to climate policy is needed to deliver effective climate action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: This paper investigates Thailand and Malaysia climate governance policy in practice within their multi-level governance structures. Thailand presents a unique case of a unitary state with a degree of deconcentration and decentralization, while Malaysia showcases a federal state with a high degree of centralization. Methodology: The paper collected and analyzed both primary and secondary data. Indepth interviews with government officials, NGOs, and international organizations were conducted online and onsite in Thailand and Malaysia from May 2022 to September 2023. Interview data was triangulated with secondary data from key national policy documents on climate change and related issues. This paper examines the contributions and hindrances of multi-level governance on climate governance and highlights some lessons learned from both countries. Results: It concludes that multi-level government systems provide opportunities for various stakeholders to engage in decision-making and create policy innovation. However, the administration of decision-making in these systems can be constrained by tensions within these systems, between tendencies towards the centralization of decision-making, and little engagement between subnational governments and local-level stakeholders. Conclusions: Overall, we assert that clear direction and guidance at the national level complemented by mechanisms that engage local stakeholders in administration and civil society is essential to achieve overarching climate action goals regardless of the administrative system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Decarbonization policies require public support to be implemented and to remain in legislation. Examinations of public support for climate policies tend to focus on a small number of policy instruments and/or use hypothetical instead of real policy proposals. Here, we address these criticisms by examining public support across four distinct policy instruments – command-and-control, market-based, information-based, and voluntary – using sixteen policy proposals by UK political parties and government institutions. In addition to assessing UK national policy support, we also explore regional differences. Using a representative sample of the UK population (N = 1,911), we find that, at a national level, individuals preferred instruments shown to be less effective in reaching net-zero: information-based and voluntary policies. Our results indicate that the extent to which individuals believe in the free market, their environmental worldviews and political party support as well as their age are all correlated with policy support. We find stark regional differences where, compared to individuals living in Greater London, those living in the remainder of the country were 32% and 30% less likely to support command-and-control and market-based policies, respectively (among other regional differences). Regional variations in free-market beliefs and population density partly explain differences in policy support. We propose policymakers focus on place-based initiatives to increase support for decarbonization policies that are more effective in reaching net-zero and on improving the perception of market-based and command-and-control policies through positive framing and policy bundles. The majority of the UK public supports all climate policy instruments (command-and-control, market-based, information-based, and voluntary) regardless of their stringency. More stringent decarbonization policies (command-and-control and market-based instruments) received less public support compared to more lenient policies (information-based and voluntary). Population density as a structural factor helps to explain regional variation and points to the crucial role of improving public infrastructure, particularly in more rural areas. Free-market beliefs are associated with regional and individual variations in support and stress the need for overcoming ideological barriers. Income was found to influence support for less stringent (e.g. information-based) instruments, but was not associated with support for regulatory and market-based instruments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Motivation: This research brings a Pacific Islands‐centred perspective into the discussion of foreign aid and climate mobility. Climate‐related migration is a crucial issue in Oceania as climate change is increasingly affecting Pacific Islanders. In this context, the Pacific Islands are typically seen as migrant‐sending countries to places outside the region. Inter‐Pacific Islands migration (IPIM) is barely recognized. Purpose: Should foreign aid consider climate‐related IPIM? This article focuses on Fiji to: (1) assess current knowledge on migration between the Pacific Island Countries and Territories (PICTs) and Fiji's role therein; (2) maps aid‐funded climate mobility initiatives in the Pacific Islands; and (3) explores Fiji's national polices and local Fijian perspectives on regional climate‐related immigration to Fiji. Methods and approach: This study draws on a combination of statistical analysis, policy document analysis, expert interviews, and semi‐structured interviews and an in‐depth online survey involving local Fijians. Additionally, it incorporates the author's personal work experience as a Pacific Islander and a Fijian traversing climate mobility aid and policy spaces relating to Oceania. Findings: Current aid policies and initiatives addressing climate mobility have insufficiently considered IPIM. Migration from other PICTs to Fiji is significant, both in terms of numbers and in its current and potential impacts on local Fijians. Neither research, nor Fiji's national policies, nor donors have sufficiently considered this issue to date. Policy implications: Aid policies and initiatives targeting climate‐related migration in PICTs need to be refocused to give more attention to IPIM. Donors must expand their support to migrant‐receiving communities in PICTs such as Fiji. By recognizing and investing in IPIM, donors can foster mutual benefits for Fiji, other PICTs, and donor countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Motivation: This research brings a Pacific Islands‐centred perspective into the discussion of foreign aid and climate mobility. Climate‐related migration is a crucial issue in Oceania as climate change is increasingly affecting Pacific Islanders. In this context, the Pacific Islands are typically seen as migrant‐sending countries to places outside the region. Inter‐Pacific Islands migration (IPIM) is barely recognized. Purpose: Should foreign aid consider climate‐related IPIM? This article focuses on Fiji to: (1) assess current knowledge on migration between the Pacific Island Countries and Territories (PICTs) and Fiji's role therein; (2) maps aid‐funded climate mobility initiatives in the Pacific Islands; and (3) explores Fiji's national polices and local Fijian perspectives on regional climate‐related immigration to Fiji. Methods and approach: This study draws on a combination of statistical analysis, policy document analysis, expert interviews, and semi‐structured interviews and an in‐depth online survey involving local Fijians. Additionally, it incorporates the author's personal work experience as a Pacific Islander and a Fijian traversing climate mobility aid and policy spaces relating to Oceania. Findings: Current aid policies and initiatives addressing climate mobility have insufficiently considered IPIM. Migration from other PICTs to Fiji is significant, both in terms of numbers and in its current and potential impacts on local Fijians. Neither research, nor Fiji's national policies, nor donors have sufficiently considered this issue to date. Policy implications: Aid policies and initiatives targeting climate‐related migration in PICTs need to be refocused to give more attention to IPIM. Donors must expand their support to migrant‐receiving communities in PICTs such as Fiji. By recognizing and investing in IPIM, donors can foster mutual benefits for Fiji, other PICTs, and donor countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As jurisdictions across the globe step up their efforts to adapt to climate change, it is important to assess progress by taking stock of and comparing adaptation policy. However, scholars and practitioners are struggling to conceptualize and measure adaptation policy. In this article, we propose a new two‐dimensional framework to measure public adaptation policy output, namely, the Climate Adaptation Policy Index (CAPI). The index combines multiple indicators from two core interdependent dimensions, namely, an institutionalization dimension focusing on strategic plans and administrative capacities for adaptation; and a measures dimension capturing concrete adaptation measures in relevant action areas such as in green and open spaces, transport infrastructure, buildings, public education, and disaster management. Our approach is extensive but feasible and may be adjusted for use in different contexts and policy areas. We probe our approach at the local level using original survey data from a diverse sample of 211 municipalities located in the state of Hessen in central Germany. A factor analysis suggests that the two dimensions constitute a meaningful measurement of municipal adaptation policy output. A cluster analysis identifies five groups of municipalities representing different stages of adaptation policy progress in Hessen. Finally, a regression analysis examines potential determinants of local adaptation policy making such as the size and wealth of municipalities. The results highlight the potential of the CAPI for analyzing both the state and the making of municipal adaptation policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Local governments have led the way on climate action in the United States. While the federal government has largely stood to the side, local governments have made great efforts to adopt policies aimed at reducing greenhouse gas emissions. A large and robust literature in urban politics has explored the variables that influence local government action on climate change in the United States. Issue severity and resident ideological preferences have been identified as two of the most important factors in local climate action. Governments that are more likely to face major impacts from climate, such as coastal communities, and governments serving more liberal residents have both been found to pursue climate policy at higher rates. In this paper we suggest that these relationships are better understood as conditional. We argue that the effect of issue severity will be moderated by ideology. When residents are liberal, issue severity will matter. When residents are conservative, the impact will be muted. We find strong evidence for this hypothesis. Coastal governments and governments that have experienced drought adopt more climate policies, but this is conditional on the ideology of residents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Urban climate governance scholarship has paid little attention in Sub-Saharan Africa, where studies of this kind are needed. Using semi-structured interviews with officials from three local governments with populations less than 300,000 inhabitants, this paper explores how centralized climate policies are implemented locally in Ghana. The results show that though the national climate policies are good tools, local government's ability to implement them is quite limited due to a lack of independence and funding to make climate decisions. But with the growing climate crisis, the paper concludes that urban climate governance is likely to improve especially in developing countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Policymakers underestimate the extensive role of indigenous and local knowledge (ILK) in national climate adaptation action. Drawing from the mainstreaming theory, this study examined the extent to which ILK systems have been mainstreamed into Ghana's climate policy framework for realizing adaptation outcomes in agriculture and rural development. The study employed qualitative approaches including content analysis of policy documents and 15 key informant interviews. Findings revealed that adaptation actions are only canvassed in the national actions for climate change adaptation but are spirally incorporated in agriculture and rural development policies which are critical adaptation areas for Ghana as emphasized in the National Climate Change Policy. Further, results suggested that ILK is less prioritized in Ghana's policy framework despite its importance and emergence in local adaptation efforts. Finally, the results revealed inadequate information on ILK, lack of deliberate policy on ILK and practices, lack of government commitment toward ILK, under-sourced institutions and Lack of coordination and inherent overlap of mandate as key barriers militating against mainstreaming ILK and climate change adaptation in national policy. We conclude that mainstreaming ILK and local adaptation practices in Ghana's climate policy has the potential to facilitate a collective and sustainable response to climate change and build resilient agricultural systems to address food security challenges and foster rural development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What effect does extreme weather have on climate policy? Existing studies show that weather shocks have negative economic impacts and increase public awareness of climate change. These findings help identify the impacts of climate change on economic and social systems, and provide reasons for governments to adopt climate policy reforms. However, questions remain about the overall link between local extreme weather shocks and government climate policy. I investigate the effect of temperature shocks and natural disasters on a range of national, international, and subnational climate policies in samples spanning 1990–2018. I find that neither temperature shocks nor natural disasters generate climate mitigation reforms. Given that climate policy is currently insufficient to manage climate change and climate impacts are expected to increase this century, these findings suggest that future climate shocks are unlikely to catalyze meaningful climate action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 2005, Mexico has developed a national climate policy aligned with internationally defined parameters. In this article, we analyze the vertical and horizontal coherences in the process of institutionalization of climate policy during the period 1992–2018 in the Usumacinta River Basin, based on the review of laws and actions implemented at national scale, as well as by the federal states and municipalities. The analysis shows vertical coherence at the national-international scale, as well as at the legal level in the state of Chiapas. In terms of horizontal coherence, it points to a series of incoherencies in the state's legal framework and in concrete actions at the river basin scale linked to the vertical incoherencies between the national scale and states located in the river basin. Desde 2005, México ha desarrollado una política climática nacional acorde con los parámetros definidos en el ámbito internacional. En este artículo analizamos las coherencias verticales y horizontales en el proceso de institucionalización de la política climática durante el periodo 1992–2018 en la cuenca del río Usumacinta a partir de la revisión de leyes y acciones implementadas a escala nacional, así como de los estados federados y municipios. El análisis evidencia coherencias verticales a escala nacional-internacional y en el ámbito legal en el estado de Chiapas. En materia de coherencia horizontal, apunta una serie de incoherencias a escala de la cuenca en el marco legal estatal y en las acciones concretas, vinculadas con las propias incoherencias verticales entre la escala nacional y los estados de la cuenca. Depuis 2005, le Mexique a mis en œuvre une politique nationale en matière climatique conformément aux paramètres définis à l'échelle internationale. Dans cet article, nous analysons les cohérences verticale et horizontale du processus d'institutionnalisation de la politique climatique durant la période 1992-2018 dans le bassin versant du fleuve Usumacinta sur la base d'un examen des lois et des actions mises en œuvre à l'échelle nationale, des états fédérés et municipale. L'analyse met en évidence des cohérences verticales à l'échelle nationale-internationales et dans le domaine juridique au Chiapas. En termes de cohérence horizontales, elle dévoile un certain nombre d'incohérences juridiques dans les états fédérés et dans les actions concrètes liées aux incohérences verticales entre l'échelle nationale et les états du bassin versant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

U.S. electricity markets vary by region and imperfectly overlap with regional climate policies. Although emissions leakage across emissions-regulated and -unregulated areas may depend on regional market design, and the extent of trading between market designs, previous studies of leakage from regional climate policies have focused on market power and market efficiency within only a centralized region following market rules. I develop a theoretical model which considers a second-best problem where a climate policy to correct for a negative externality from carbon emissions can be distorted by another market failure from the market design itself. My model allows for several types of non-overlapping climate policies and electricity market designs, and generates leakage predictions for these combinations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite substantial efforts being made through public and private sources, funding for climate change mitigation falls far short of what is needed. Meanwhile, philanthropic sources have begun to emerge as important sustainability partners by connecting multiple sectors and guiding funding flows. This study provides a comprehensive overview of climate-related philanthropic foundation financing and funding in China. Using a classification framework for climate change initiatives through co-word analysis and text segmentation techniques, we conduct visualization analysis to depict the changing pattern of climate philanthropy in China by analyzing donors, subfields, and flow of funds between 2008 and 2019. We conclude by providing suggestions for funders, charities, and policymakers seeking to enhance the value of collaborative governance in addressing climate change. Philanthropic sources play a key role in climate change mitigation in the new mixed-actor model of climate governance in China. Climate philanthropy in China is inseparable from strong political connections and policy influence of the government. Policymakers worldwide need to pay attention to flows and gaps in philanthropic funding as part of climate finance monitoring and to stimulate data-driven decisions concerning future investments. Policymakers need to leverage the crucial role of philanthropy in connecting multiple sectors to strengthen the climate change mitigation ecosystem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper assessed the extent to which local government authorities have mainstreamed climate change adaptation strategies in their development policies in selected districts in Ghana, using a qualitative case study design within the phenomenological epistemology. Forty-four respondents participated in this study from the decentralised departments of local authorities key informant interviews (KIIs) were used for data collection in the study areas. The study findings revealed that climate policy integration at the study districts was done as a compliance measure rather than a response to real needs of the districts. A gaping chasm therefore exists between stated and actual climate change-related goals. Lack of collaboration, weak coordination of sector plans and weak community and private sector engagement were identified as the causal factors of the gap between the rhetoric and reality of integrating climate change concerns into district development plans in the study areas. Further, competing local priorities on the district agenda, institutional capacity constraints and information and technological constraints were identified as major barriers for the local authorities in adaptation to climate change. It is concluded that although climate change and its related policies have been integrated into the various national development policies, climate policy integration remains a challenge at the district level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Peru was one of the first developing countries to commit to a voluntary emissions reduction target and is seen as a bridge builder within the UNFCCC. It played an important role in advancing the multilateral climate process between 2013 and 2015. Peru is a member of the Independent Alliance of Latin America and the Caribbean (AILAC), a progressive coalition of countries that promotes ambitious positions within the climate regime. Although the country's level of activism in international negotiations has markedly declined since 2016, there have been no significant changes in its foreign position. What factors explain Peru's conciliatory and relatively progressive stance at the UNFCCC? To answer this question, I use the 'climate commitment approach' as analytical framework and trace the processes that link possible causes with outcomes, comparing two different periods in the trajectory of Peru's participation in the climate regime. The study is based on semi-structured interviews, governmental publications and data, reports and studies by independent organizations, news reports, and scientific literature. It concludes that Peru's position in the UNFCCC negotiations has been mainly determined by the dominant presence of Peru's Ministry of Environment (MINAM) in foreign climate policy decision-making as well as of individual agents who act as climate leaders. It also points to several other factors that determine its position: the low level of interest in, or understanding of, the climate issue by domestic pressure groups; the country's international profile; the governmental perception of economic, political, and diplomatic benefits associated with a more ambitious climate position; and the wish to access international climate financing. Foreign pressure and support were major pillars of the development of Peru's foreign climate policy. Peru's diplomatic position was profoundly shaped by the vision and interests of MINAM, which filled a political vacuum and exercised leadership in international climate negotiations. Given the ministry's expertise, and international support for its activities, other ministries could hardly compete with MINAM for influence. Recently, the diminished authority of MINAM, the inclusion of climate change into Peru's national policy agenda combined with domestic political turmoil, have translated into a marked decline in the country's level of foreign activism. Peru has continued to align with AILAC due to the link between the country's foreign trade and climate policy agendas, and to the benefits associated with a more ambitious foreign climate position, including possibilities for attracting international climate finance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bioenergy could play a major role in decarbonizing energy systems in the context of the Paris Agreement. Large‐scale bioenergy deployment could be related to sustainability issues and requires major infrastructure investments. It, therefore, needs to be studied carefully. The Bioenergy and Land Optimization Spatially Explicit Model (BLOEM) presented here allows for assessing different bioenergy pathways while encompassing various dimensions that influence their optimal deployment. In this study, BLOEM was applied to the Brazilian context by coupling it with the Brazilian Land Use and Energy Systems (BLUES) model. This allowed investigating the most cost‐effective ways of attending future bioenergy supply projections and studying the role of recovered degraded pasture lands in improving land availability in a sustainable and competitive manner. The results show optimizing for limiting deforestation and minimizing logistics costs results in different outcomes. It also indicates that recovering degraded pasture lands is attractive from both logistics and climate perspectives. The systemic approach of BLOEM provides spatial results, highlighting the trade‐offs between crop allocation, land use and the logistics dynamics between production, conversion, and demand, providing valuable insights for regional and national climate policy design. This makes it a useful tool for mapping sustainable bioenergy value chain pathways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current climate changes constitute the most serious problem humanity has ever faced, which puts at risk the quality of life and the very survival of the species in the near future. The text addresses the climate issue from the methodological perspective of the public policy cycle, aiming to answer the following question: why has the most serious problem facing humanity not yet become the number one political problem? The facts - scientific findings, conferences, international agreements, legislation and (un)adopted measures - are relatively well known, but the political process, less so. The political process is chronicled from the scientific discoveries about the greenhouse effect in the 19th century, the awakening of society's and governments' attention in the 1980s, the United Nations debates and international agreements from the 1990s on, the policies implemented in different countries, the results of which are being measured and monitored by the IPCC and other institutions. In the different stages, the cycle of climate policies unfolds as a scene with multiple agents, who use varied resources, adopt divergent positions and decisions for economic and political reasons. Denialism, the obstructions created by the oil industry, neoliberal forces and the extreme right, and the absence of a sense of urgency in society are pointed out as factors that prevent the climate issue from being elevated to the condition of the number one political problem of humanity. The research technique is a semi-systematic literature review. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The UK government's net-zero commitment assumes the use of bio-energy with carbon capture and storage (BECCS) and direct air carbon capture and storage (DACCS). Quantifying where the costs of funding these technologies fall – and their magnitude – provides greater insight into potential fairness of future government policies. Using a microsimulation model, this study is the first to evaluate the potential distributional impacts. We consider the distributional incidence and magnitude on household income deciles if the costs for deploying and operating BECCS and DACCS are placed on different sectors of the economy via a range of viable policy funding options. Using existing and novel policy funding options, we demonstrate that levying the costs entirely on the household energy bill is the most regressive of the options considered. We find aviation to be an important point of intervention from a distributional perspective. Higher-income households have larger aviation carbon footprints than lower-income households, meaning passing costs onto households via aviation alone could help fund BECCS and DACCS while having minimal impacts on social welfare. Funding BECCS and DACCS via income tax emerged as the only progressive way of apportioning costs across income deciles. As the benefits of carbon removal accrue to society as a whole, there is further argument that the costs should be shared across society in the fairest way possible. However, such an approach has the potential to blunt the price signal that polluters face. In reality, some pass-through cost may be desirable to adhere to equity principles under a polluter pays principle and to create an incentive for polluters to switch to cleaner inputs and adopt low-carbon technologies. This study is the first to evaluate distributional incidence and magnitude of costs to households, if costs for deploying and operating BECCS and DACCS are placed on different sectors of the economy. Recovering policy costs via income tax provides a progressive option to fund BECCS and DACCS. All modelled alternative funding options result in regressive outcomes where low-income households pay disproportionately more towards the costs of BECCS and DACCS. Funding BECCS and DACCS through levies on household energy bills further entrenches inequality; spend on electricity as a share of income is disproportionately high for low-income households. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate politics and governance across the globe involve an increasing number of interest groups such as from business and civil society. Against this backdrop, it matters a great deal whether interest group mobilization is able to influence climate policy-making. First, there is an increasing number of climate policy supporters like nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and green businesses lobbying in favour of additional climate policies. Second, there is also strong mobilization of groups from energy-intensive and fossil fuel industries lobbying against potentially costly climate policies. In this paper, we investigate the potential effects of these mobilization patterns. More precisely, we ask whether there is any systematic effect of competing interest group mobilization on national climate policy production. To this end, we harness arguments from literatures on interest group mobilization and climate policy-making. Empirically, we exploit a comprehensive global dataset on the adoption of national climate laws and interest group mobilization (over 4,000 organizations) between 1997 and 2016. The results show that the increasing mobilization of climate policy supporters is positively related to national climate policy production. Climate policy opponents are able to weaken this effect, but are hardly able to block new climate laws. The results add to our understanding of climate politics focusing on the role of business organizations and NGOs. This is highly policy relevant for both analysts and practitioners given that the Paris Agreement relies heavily on national policy efforts. The growing mobilization of climate policy supporters is positively related to the adoption of additional climate laws. The positive effect of climate policy supporters is weakened but rarely blocked by climate policy opponents, such as those from the fossil fuel industry. The effect of lobbying over climate policy needs to be assessed in its competitive context, that is by considering how political support and opposition on climate policy interact. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At international climate conferences, the European Union (EU) and its member states both are negotiating partners. The EU signs the treaties to protect the climate, the member states ratify and translate them into national policy. Based on the literature on actorness, we identify different dimensions in which the EU's actor quality is articulated. Actorness has internal dimensions, such as the transfer of responsibilities, and external dimensions, such as the recognition as a contracting party by other states. Actorness, however, cannot be grasped by analysing institutions alone, but also arises discursively and situationally. We trace EU actorness for four critical points in time in international climate policy and can thus show that actorness in the policy field has increased overall over time, but that the full potential has not yet been exploited. In some dimensions, a temporary decline in actorness could be observed, especially at the Copenhagen summit. The analysis of actorness can also contribute to the explanation of a possible lack of effectiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Solar geoengineering (SG) may be a helpful tool to reduce harms from climate change, yet further research into its potential benefits and risks must occur prior to any implementation. So far, however, organized research on SG has been absent from the U.S. national policy agenda. We apply the Multiple Streams Approach analytical framework to explain why a U.S. federal SG research program has failed to materialize up to now, and to consider how one might emerge in the future. We argue that establishing a federal program will require the formation of an advocacy coalition within the political arena that is prepared to support such a policy objective. A coalition favoring federal research on SG does not presently exist, yet the potential nucleus of a future political grouping is evident in the handful of 'pragmatist' environmental organizations that have expressed conditional support for expanded research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the early 2000s, short sea shipping (SSS) is often associated with significant social and environmental benefits. To encourage a modal shift, several nations around the world have developed public SSS policies. However, the policies' effectiveness are increasingly being questioned in the public arena. Therefore, the current article's primary objective is to assess one of these SSS public initiatives' legitimacy. In particular, we analyzed Quebec's PREGTI initiative, which is designed to both reduce greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions and promote local SSS development. Our findings are based on a triangulated analysis of official PREGTI documents and semi-structured interviews with local marine-sector specialists (N = 36). The data analyses inspired the development of an integrative framework that includes four components that could explain the lack of SSS program credibility and interest. Our framework identified critical issues for consideration in SSS program development, including: 1) the institutional framework's relevance; 2) its implementation challenges; 3) the program's predictability; and 4) the credibility of government authorities. Ultimately, the present article provides a better understanding of the significant discrepancies between public SSS programs development and the needs of local maritime sector stakeholders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on Significant progress has been made in focusing international attention on the need to address displacement in the context of disasters and the adverse effects of climate change.

In the Anthropocene, practicing diplomacy with a renewed emphasis on strategy is critical. However, the implications of the planet's new geological reality – of which climate change is the primary indicator – have not been internalised into policy and practice thus far at both the domestic and international levels. Brazil is no exception. In this article, the strategic diplomacy framework is applied to the Brazilian case as a policy proposal and diagnostic tool to (a) identify the country's strategic climate interest, (b) propose a diplomatic strategy capable of addressing the gravity of the climate crisis, and (c) analyse the factors blocking the development of a national agenda and policy consistent with a climate security scenario. Despite Brazil's vast natural capital, powerful interests in the agribusiness and energy sectors, lack of vision among the ruling elites, and a poorly educated population in a society still marked by high levels of poverty and income inequality have precluded the country from developing a leading role in the global climate arena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We measure the comprehensive carbon price from 2008 to 2019 resulting from climate policies imposed by 25 high-polluting countries that represent 82 percent of global carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions in 2019. Comprehensive carbon prices build upon previous notions—including explicit, effective, and implicit carbon prices—by incorporating a broad range of policies that reduce carbon emissions. We consider seven types of major market-based policies commonly used to create marginal incentives to reduce emissions: carbon taxes, emissions trading systems, fossil fuel taxes, fossil fuel subsidies, renewable portfolio standards, feed-in tariffs, and low-carbon fuel standards. Comprehensive carbon prices represent the weighted average of marginal incentives imposed on polluters by country policy mixes. We measure country-level comprehensive carbon prices by summing across all seven policies the product of (1) the marginal incentive imposed by a policy (expressed in dollars per ton of CO2 emitted), and (2) a CO2-emissions-coverage weight for that policy (equal to the proportion of CO2 emissions regulated by the policy relative to that country's total CO2 emissions). We measure the global comprehensive carbon price by summing across all 25 countries the product of (1) each country's comprehensive carbon price, and (2) that country's proportion of CO2 emissions relative to total CO2 emissions from our sample of 25 countries. The global comprehensive carbon price has risen upward from +8.68 USD in 2008 to +19.13 USD in 2019, with a dip to +6.94 USD per ton in 2012. These values are far too low to appropriately address climate change. The comprehensive carbon price varies widely between countries, ranging from −128.35 USD to +146.25 USD in 2019. This heterogeneity means that polluters face uneven marginal incentives to reduce CO2 emissions. Our focus is on measuring marginal incentives rather than policy outcomes, such as overall emissions abatement, which we identify as a promising area for future research. Comprehensive carbon prices represent a useful metric for summarizing and tracking global and country-level efforts to mitigate carbon emissions through public policy. Comprehensive carbon prices report a dollar per ton of carbon dioxide emissions imposed by a wide range of climate policies including carbon taxes, emissions trading systems, fossil fuel subsidies and taxes, renewable portfolio standards, feed-in tariffs, and low-carbon fuel standards. Country-level comprehensive carbon prices vary widely, from −128.35 to +146.25 USD in 2019, reflecting wide heterogeneity in the overall effort countries are putting into climate mitigation. The global comprehensive carbon price has approximately doubled over the last decade, reaching a value of +19.13 USD in 2019, and remains too low to seriously address climate change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The socio-political processes that influence the acceptance of climate policies play a crucial role in shaping mitigation strategies. In this paper, we explore the interplay between social and political dynamics and their impact on climate policy support. Using a simplified model of the social and political system, we aim to uncover ways to enhance public support for climate change mitigation measures. Several factors come into play when considering policy support, including social norms, self-efficacy, social learning, and income. By examining climate mitigation policies and accounting for shifting and inherent preferences, we shed light on how individuals contribute to processes of social change. Through simulations, we find that even minimal peer pressure has a positive and significant impact on individuals' inclination towards green behaviours, regardless of whether regressive or progressive policies are implemented. Additionally, assuming uniform self-efficacy across society leads to an overestimation of society's acceptance of green policies. Our results highlight the importance of nurturing existing skills or developing new ones. Finally, our findings reveal that regional heterogeneity matters for climate policy acceptance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the role of forests in national climate policies of two countries very rich in woods: Russia and Canada. Canada has made efforts to reduce direct CO2 emissions in the national economy, intensify forestry, and increase greenhouse gas sequestration by forests. Russia focuses on the verification and recalculation of the carbon sequestration capacity of its forests. Analysis of the Russian and Canadian stationary models used to assess the carbon sequestration capacity of forests (ROBUL and CBM-CFS, respectively) shows that both the Canadian model and the Russian one derived from it reflect the stationary dynamics of forest stands, which inevitably results in a downward CO2 absorption trend. Even if the forest inventory is updated on a regular basis, the predictive components of such models are unable to take into account the variability of forest ecosystems and their adaptation to climate change. Models that describe global carbon fluxes (e.g., ones using FLUXNET and remote sensing data) provide significantly higher net carbon sequestration values and indicate a nondecreasing net carbon accumulation trend in forests. It is concluded that stationary and remote sensing models should be used together to assess net carbon sequestration and formulate key principles of national climate policies in countries rich in forests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work evaluates and discusses the greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions reduction potential of agroecological policies implemented in public food procurement for school canteens. Using a life cycle analysis (LCA) methodology (cradle-to-grave approach) and the information gathered from the Red Municipal de Comedores Escolares (Local Network of School Canteens) in the municipality of Ames (A Coruña, Galicia, Spain), the results show how organic production, dietary change (less animal protein), seasonal consumption, and packaging reduction, among other measures, can mitigate the climate impact of school meals. The food policies implemented in Ames have allowed mitigating the GHG emissions of local school canteens by 13.4%. Under realistic conditions, this reduction could rise to 40.6% should the agroecological transformation of the food system continue to advance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Australia is a well-known climate laggard with a history of political conflict over climate policy and the dubious distinction of being the only country to repeal a national emissions trading scheme (ETS). This article examines the puzzle of why four subnational governments in Australia's federation succeeded in enacting durable framework climate legislation based on a model that came to be widely regarded as 'best-practice'. We show that in 2007 South Australia was the first jurisdiction in the world to enact framework climate legislation with a 2050 emissions reduction target and an independent expert advisory committee to provide guidance on the implementation of interim targets. We show that this local legislative innovation set off a process of political learning, policy transfer and a virtuous political competition among like-minded Labour and Labour-Green governments at the subnational level. We call this 'convergent evolution' insofar as the legislative innovation and diffusion over the period 2007–2015 was similar to, but occurred independently of, the UK Climate Change Act 2008 and the diffusion of this model elsewhere in Europe. Common to all cases was a strong commitment by the premier and/or the relevant minister to pursue a decarbonisation strategy via targets, and reliance on sources of advice for legislative reform that were professionally and/or politically committed to climate action rather than from vested industry groups. More generally, we argue that framework climate legislation carries lower political risks than an ETS because it does not draw attention to the upfront costs of action. The diffusion of subnational climate change legislation, accompanied by renewable energy promotion, has helped to limit the impacts of Australian national climate policy failure while also providing a springboard for renewed climate legislative momentum at the national level. Key Policy Insights Similar innovations in climate policy and legislation can occur independently in different regions in response to similar global pressures. Framework climate legislation based on long-term and progressive interim targets carries lower political risks than an ETS because it does not draw as much attention to the upfront costs of action. Innovation in subnational framework climate legislation in a federation can generate a virtuous competition in target setting and renewable energy promotion in states that are not heavily dependent on fossil fuels or close to retiring fossil fuel assets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sweden's 2017 Climate Act is part of a climate policy framework aiming for net zero domestic greenhouse gas emissions by 2045. The framework was based on a proposal from the All Party Committee on Environmental Objectives (the Committee), in which members from all participating parliamentary parties agreed unanimously. This was despite a contested climate debate running in parallel, notwithstanding strong criticism from business confederations and trade unions. Aiming to draw lessons of value for climate policy-making, this study explores the main factors that influenced the work and outcomes of the Committee, based on a series of in-depth interviews and document review. The research design is linked to policy process theories. The interviews mainly concern underlying motives, the role of knowledge, the influence of impact assessments, and international influence. It is shown that a continuous and comprehensive learning process in the Committee was instrumental for achieving consensus, including addressing concerns among some members regarding policy costs and constitutionality. The Committee was also influenced by policy developments elsewhere, referred to as policy diffusion, notably from the U.K. Climate Change Act and the UNFCCC COP 21 policy process. Over time, a cross-party consensus among Committee members emerged and led to the invention of an original policy proposal. The consensus was instrumental for generating support for the proposal in an otherwise conflictual political landscape. As a result, a governmental bill based on the proposal was eventually enacted into law, renewing Sweden's climate policy with a climate change act coupled to ambitious climate objectives. Key policy insights Joint learning on factually complex and normatively contested climate issues requires time and comprehensive processes but can lead to policy inventions and ambitious outcomes. Policy diffusion between countries may be important for raising ambitions and shaping innovative, new elements of national climate policy. Framework climate change acts and specific climate laws can be mutually supportive, i.e. frameworks foster more ambitious sectoral laws and the more precise sectoral laws, the easier it is to agree on stricter overall ambitions. Adoption of more stringent climate policies may require precise dismantling of arguments working against action, in particular on policy costs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While national governments pledged to reduce their greenhouse gas emissions under the Paris Agreement, delivering on these aims will require significant changes in the activities of major sources of emissions such as companies. To drive such changes, companies will need to consider carbon emissions as a cost of production and many companies have begun doing so through internal carbon pricing. By employing data from the Carbon Disclosure Project, we evaluate how national carbon pricing policies influence firm-level internal carbon pricing and corporate emission targets. We find that firm-level internal carbon prices are significantly higher in countries explicitly pricing carbon through tax and/or cap-and-trade programs. These findings shed light on how companies are factoring climate change in their decision-making and on the drivers that can contribute to the generalization of climate pricing in the economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paramount importance of the whole issue of global warming is reflected throughout all public and private structures, either local, state or international. In terms of action, public authorities have the major responsibility to generate and implement public policies, of a legislative, economic and administrative nature. The identification of appropriate instruments implies on the part of public authorities, including administrative ones, a culture / institutional competence in addressing climate issues. In this respect, there are major gaps between the states involved in solving the "climate dossier" and an objective assessment can be based on criteria for the national regulatory framework on climate and the involvement of citizens in its development and consultation in adopting related administrative decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given the limitations of existing China's climate governance studies, this research calls for more critical engagement with the broader contexts, clearer governance dimensions, and driving factors behind the evolution of climate policy within China. Drawing upon existing work, a policy-dimensioned framework is developed to study the evolution of Chinese governance and policy on climate change. A case study of the evolution of China's national climate policy since 1978 is undertaken against this framework. The findings elaborate how China has applied various national policy tools since the 1990s to address climate change. Particular modes and forms build on, rather than completely replace, previous ones. A wide range of contextual and agential factors are related to this evolution. Experimentation has been a sustained theme for decades, while state political figures can be profoundly influential in policy development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Motivation: Should the process of forcibly evicting people from customary land be classified as a "disaster"? Some international organizations and governments are integrating processes on forced eviction of urban residents into policies that are primarily designed to manage displacements due to climate change and disasters—such as Vanuatu's 2018 National Policy on Climate Change and Disaster‐Induced Displacement. Purpose: This article contextualizes the classification of evictions as "disasters." We argue that evictions are not disasters and should not be so classified. We make these arguments from an empirical position, based on community response to the declaration of eviction as disaster, and also from the perspective of international law. Approach and Methods: Our data come from the following sources: Communities: We use a storytelling method to interview around 100 women and men. The policy: We review the language of the Vanuatu policy in the context of international guidance on displacement generally and on forced eviction specifically. Public records: We use court records and newspaper reporting to understand claims of government, land claimants and survivors. Policy‐makers: A limited number of unofficial conversations with policy‐makers inform this work. Findings: Urban forced evictions should not be treated as "disasters" in policy on forced displacement. Our interviewees identify the equation of eviction and "disaster" as one that removes the agency of the government to protect their human rights. The evidence presented here suggests that the Government of Vanuatu does not have sufficient powers to intervene in some forced evictions from customary land. This raises critical questions about whether the government will be able to fulfil the promises made in the policy and in its obligations under international law relating to displacement. Policy Implications: Classifying forced evictions together with land conflicts, infrastructure and development as potential "crises," and so "disastrous," as the Vanuatu policy does, creates a new set of challenges that must now be managed as the policy is operationalized. This includes serious consideration of how countries that take this path will fulfil their obligations to protect against, avoid and minimize displacement, in the context of customary land, and meet other international policy standards, in order to ensure no one is left worse off nor denied the benefit of development opportunity. This is a timely issue for peer countries. Right now, other Pacific countries, like the Solomon Islands, are looking to Vanuatu's example to develop internal displacement policies of their own. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent research and real-world processes suggest that effective climate change mitigation policies are not feasible without at least a certain degree of public support. Hence, we investigate the link between existing domestic energy policies and individual policy instrument preferences in 21 European countries. We assume a policy feedback perspective and, thus, start from the idea that the current domestic energy context influences what future policies are possible and preferred by citizens. High political trust and strong climate change attitudes are expected to strengthen this relationship. Our results do not lend support to a general link between existing policies and future policy preferences. However, we find evidence of a positive policy feedback in individuals with strong climate change attitudes and/or high levels of political trust, which, depending on each country's current energy policy, either hinders or facilitates the energy transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is general agreement among economists and climate policy practitioners that carbon pricing should play a central role among all policies used to tackle climate change effectively. However, in most jurisdictions that have adopted carbon pricing mechanisms, the prevailing price levels remain too low to accelerate decarbonization and drive down emissions. This deficiency can be attributed to numerous political economy constraints, but most pressingly, to the negative distributional effects of the policies combined with the drain they impose on firms' competitiveness. These factors negatively influence the public acceptability of these policies and, thus, the feasibility of introducing ambitious carbon pricing. Recent innovations in the literature suggest that using the revenue from carbon pricing for specific social purposes may ease this political impasse. This study analyzes which revenue recycling strategies are effective, in various political economy environments, to support stringent carbon pricing. Employing the method of fuzzy-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis, this research draws findings from a cross-case comparison of thirty national-level policies. The salient conclusion is that hybrid use of carbon revenue that combines various compensatory schemes and spending on climate projects is the most effective strategy to enhance stringency, while a lack of compensation renders the introduction of ambitious carbon pricing implausible, even in some highly developed countries. • Revenue recycling is crucial factor in stringent carbon pricing policy. • The most effective political strategy is a hybrid use of revenues. • Compensation is critical to implementing higher carbon prices, in most countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nuclear exit has been on the German policy agenda for more than three decades. After the Chernobyl accident in 1986, a majority of the public and relevant stakeholders opposed nuclear power and strove for renewable energy alternatives. At the same time, climate change policy gained the attention of German policy makers, and they approved ambitious targets for the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions. In 2000, the federal government and the operators of nuclear power plants reached a phase-out agreement, and since 2002, the purpose of the Atomic Energy Act has been not the promotion but the phasing-out of commercial nuclear electricity generation. After the federal elections in 2009, the conservative–liberal coalition government implemented a slow-down of the phase-out. But that reversal provoked strong negative public reaction, and in response to the nuclear disaster in Japan, the German cabinet and the Bundestag agreed in the summer of 2011 to a gradual phase-out of nuclear power that will shut down the industry by 2022. They also agreed to accelerate the transformation of Germany’s energy portfolio. This transformation, or Energiewende, will include three key methods of replacing the electricity once produced by nuclear reactors: It will expand renewable energy production and provide the infrastructure needed for that expansion; it will significantly improve the country’s energy-efficiency efforts; and for a transition period, it will also encourage the construction of new and more efficient coal- and gas-fired power plants. Already, the Energiewende has observably decoupled energy supply from economic growth, with Germany’s energy supply and carbon-dioxide emissions dropping from 1990 to 2011 as its gross domestic product rose significantly. It is this evolving Energiewende, rather than the nuclear phase-out, that will require and, perhaps, inspire continuing reforms of social, economic, technological, and cultural policy in Germany. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Governments worldwide are increasingly concerned about ensuring a balance between economic and environmental well being. Global economies, particularly developing ones, emphasize the importance of achieving escofriendly growth to maintain the levels of the ecological footprint while achieving higher economic growth. The ecological footprint is a comprehensive indicator of environmental degradation. It is used to assess the state of the environment because it reflects the impact of all human activities on nature. This study contributes to the literature by offering a novel analytical approach for solving complex interactions of ecological footprint antecedents, advancing the theoretical reasoning behind how government policy combines to explain the ecological footprint from some G7 countries (France, Italy, Japan, United Kingdom, and Germany) from 1996 to 2020. To establish a composite score of environmental footprint, we used complexity theory as well as fuzzy set qualitative comparative analysis (fsQCA) and necessary condition analysis (NCA). Our analysis revealed that low expenditures on environmental protection and waste management, low taxes on transport, and high energy use are sufficient conditions to be included in the causal configurations for a high ecological footprint. Additionally, the sufficient solution, which has the highest coverage score that produces a low ecological footprint relies on high expenditure on environmental protection and high taxes on transportation. In this framework, Japan, Italy, and France have more effective government policies in terms of reducing the ecological footprint. • Fuzzy set qualitative comparative analysis (fsQCA) is applied in this study. • High expenditures on environmental protection favor a low ecological footprint. • Environmental quality benefits from high taxes on transport. • Japan, Italy, and France rely on more effective climate change policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background/Context: Seeking to avoid litigation or a legal threat, many postsecondary institutions are responding to a legal and policy environment that seeks to end the consideration of race in education policies by adopting race-neutral policies and practices in admissions, even when not explicitly required to do so by law. Yet, such responses may introduce new barriers and challenges for administrators seeking to promote inclusive campus environments and support students of color, not only within admissions but in other areas of campus life after students enroll. Understanding the consequences of these institutional responses is critical for those addressing the potential limitations a race-neutral approach puts on diversity-related policies and practices. Purpose/Objective: In this study, we examine how key players charged with implementing diversity-related policies and practices understand legal developments around affirmative action and the institutional responses to these developments, in particular, how they influence their efforts to support racial and ethnic diversity. To explore the wide-ranging influence of the current race-neutral policy climate, we focus our study on a public flagship university that has opted to employ race-neutral admissions policies and practices as a matter of institutional policy--not by law. Participants: Informed by a bottom-up policy implementation framework, we examine the influence of the legal environment from the perspective of administrators who are tasked with carrying out the institution's mission as it relates to diversity. We particularly target administrators who are engaged in outreach and recruitment efforts and who help support students after they enroll. Research Design: In this qualitative study, we draw from document analysis and semistructured interviews of 13 administrators charged with implementing diversity policy at a public flagship institution to investigate how this legal and policy climate has shaped racial diversity work in areas outside admissions. Findings: Our findings illustrate how a colorblind approach in policy-making takes hold through seemingly innocuous practices and responses that are called race neutral. These practices, which start in admissions, spill over into other areas of university policy, and shift the nature of diversity-work. Conclusions: Findings point to the importance of intentional efforts to implement diversity policy through a race- and racism-conscious lens, develop narratives that counter distorted narratives about racial discrimination, and address legal terms and definitions that do not reflect a realistic understanding of inequality or discrimination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: This paper investigates the landscape of state‐level adaptation planning in the United States. We answer three primary research questions: First, how are states planning for climate change? Second, who are states targeting for climate adaptation? Third, what tools are states using to motivate climate adaptation efforts? We develop and implement a coding scheme using Schneider and Ingram’s Social Construction Framework (SCF) to characterize variation in 2033 individual adaptation goals mentioned in all 14 American states with explicit adaptation plans. We use these data to understand the types of tools used to motivate different actors (governmental, private, nonprofit) to adapt to climate change. We find that the most frequent target of state adaptation planning is the state itself, which provides an opportunity to extend the SCF to a target group often not mentioned in public policy. Specifically, we find that states target themselves with mandates or tools designed to acquire information. Other stakeholders in adaptation are more likely to be the targets of capacity building tools. Private actors are the only population more likely to be targeted by incentives. The project expands the Social Construction Framework to include targets and tools of planning efforts. Practically, our article offers a methodology by which to compare the vastly heterogeneous efforts to adapt to climate change at the subnational level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Which organisations saw their positions on two contentious issues reflected in the Irish climate law of 2015, and what role did advocacy coalitions play in the policy process? These questions are answered drawing theoretically from the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) and by conducting a network analysis of survey data collected from the organisations involved in the national climate policy process. The study finds that several institutionally important or economically powerful organisations, particularly those involved in the agricultural sector, as well as the government parties saw their preferences reflected in the law. This resulted in legislation that excluded binding emission reductions targets, differentiating it from similar laws introduced in other European countries. Organisations in favour of stronger regulation formed a coalition to advocate for their positions, but they largely failed to get their way. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the role of the China as a leader in the global climate change mitigation following the withdrawal of U.S. President Donald Trump to withdraw from the Paris Climate Conference in 2017. Topics include the effects of China to position itself as the leader in fighting global warming, the evolution of its climate change policies and its emission reduction targets by 2030.

The article highlights California's tri-partite statutory structure aimed at the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions and global warming, linking air quality, transportation, and sustainable land use through regional and local planning. It examines laws to prevent global warming and greenhouse gas emissions by linking air quality, transportation, and sustainable land use1 through regional and local planning.

Great changes are underway in how climate and agricultural risks are managed in Vietnam. Uncertainties are emerging regarding the role of the state in managing these risks and what this implies for assumptions regarding hoped-for climate change transformations. Local government control is waning in relation to the expanding roles of the private sector and the growing autonomy of farmers themselves. This article presents cases that illustrate the ways that farmers, private investors, and local authorities are responding to climate risk within roles relating to the other risks involving markets, food security, and pressures on common property resources.ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the growing emphasis that's being given to coal investments in Tanzania and the country's policies when it comes to energy security, climate change, and clean energy. Topics include Tanzanian president Magufuli's efforts to control state-owned enterprises, the reasons why the ruling elites and state bureaucrats are promoting fossil-based energy investments and the political economy of energy transition in Tanzania.

Urban politics research has not kept pace—empirically or theoretically—with city governments’ engagement with climate change policy. Thousands of cities globally have made commitments to reduce their greenhouse gas emissions and are taking steps toward these goals. In the United States, research has examined the motivations for such actions and has described some of the implementation challenges cities are encountering, but we lack a theoretically informed understanding of how these actions intersect politically with existing interests, institutions, and fiscal realities in cities. This article identifies five political entry points that are specific to urban climate change policy and can provide a foundation for empirically and theoretically valuable research. The pursuit of such an interdisciplinary urban research agenda for climate change would enhance our understanding of when and how cities are successful in addressing climate change and would provide new answers to long-standing questions in urban politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the evolution of the climate change policy in China, the achievements of its emissions reduction policy and future policy recommendations as of 2017. Topics include the commitment of the government towards global emissions reductions, the National Climate Change Program which proposes to increase the proportion of non-fossil energy, the decline of the country's carbon intensity in 2015 and the control of greenhouse gas emissions from non-energy activities.