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Across the four UK jurisdictions, there are distinct disparities in exclusion rates of school students. Northern Ireland, alongside Scotland and Wales, has demonstrated over time, lower rates of permanent exclusions and temporary exclusions compared with England. This paper examines these disparities from the perspectives of representatives from various system-level educational bodies and third sector organisations representing children and families who experienced the exclusion process. The paper will also present policy and legal frameworks associated with exclusion in Northern Ireland. We interviewed 9 stakeholders, associated with practices of school exclusion in Northern Ireland, from a range of system-level education bodies and advocacy groups. Findings include positive strategies perceived to keep exclusion levels low, types of obstacles or resistance to anti-exclusion policy, participants' perspectives on unofficial exclusion practice, and perspectives on official exclusion data. What emerges from interviews is a series of tensions between implementing a child-centred approach and diminishing support services and resources. We conclude that those working within the Northern Ireland education system, are committed to an inclusive approach. However, the development and implementation of effective supporting frameworks take time and consultation, and there is evidence of tension between the perceptions of those working at a system-level and those working in schools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws on UK data from an international, comparative project involving eight countries. The study examined how social workers' conceptions and definitions of family impact on the way they engage with complex families, and how social policies that frame social work context impact on the way social workers engage with families. Focus groups were held in which social workers from four service areas (child welfare, addictions, mental health and migration) were asked to discuss a case vignette. Several factors were embedded in the vignette to represent a realistic situation a social worker may come across in their day-to-day work. Social workers clearly identified the complexity of the family's situation in terms of the range of issues identified and candidate 'causes'. However, typical first responses were institutional, looking for triggers that would signify certainty about their, or other agencies' involvement. This resulted in a complicated story, through which the family was disaggregated into individual problem-service categories. This paper argues that understanding these processes and their consequences is critical for exploring the ways in which we might develop alternative, supportive professional responses with families with complex needs. It also demonstrates how organisational systems manifest themselves in everyday reasoning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Concordats were established to formalize working practices between the UK government and the administrations established in Edinburgh, Cardiff and Belfast after the devolution settlement of 1999. After an initial period of academic scrutiny the concordats have been largely forgotten in the academic literature on post-devolution intergovernmental relations (IGR) as relations between the UK and the devolved administrations settled into a relatively non-contentious pattern, perhaps the result of Labour's dominance across the UK. More recently, that non-contentious pattern has started to fray at the edges. This paper examines a set of decisions leading up to the release of the Lockerbie bomber by the Scottish Executive on 20 August 2009. It argues that IGR, for the most part, did not function effectively because of a lack of willingness on the part of the UK government to work to the letter and the spirit of the concordats. While the concordats are intended to be binding ‘in honour only’ this paper argues that until the UK government affords the Scottish Executive parity of esteem, relations between London and Edinburgh will continue to suffer from moments of turbulence. The paper concludes by calling for a formalization of the system of IGR in post-devolution UK. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the concept of migrant integration is a contested one, national, sub-national and local governments over the past forty to fifty years have professed support for integration in various forms. However, practical measures have been rare, with broad race-relations policies from the 1960s being the primary means of ‘inclusion’. Under New Labour, refugees were identified as a migrant population with particular challenges and they have been the only migrant group subject to specific integration programmes. Nevertheless, policy and rhetoric about asylum seekers and refugees more generally have tended to operate against integration and have made it increasingly difficult for refugees to rebuild their lives. This paper examines refugee integration from the perspectives of the refugees themselves, using both qualitative and quantitative methods. It also looks at the governance of integration in Scotland and highlights Scottish distinctiveness vis-à-vis the UK. The article suggests that the consequences of broader UK Government policy around asylum and refugee issues negates any positive support in the form of refugee integration programmes and actively inhibits integration. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The growing policy focus since the 1970s in Scotland, the UK and internationally on ‘community’, community development and community ownership and enterprise has facilitated a certain growth of the community sector and therefore of concern for related discussions of theory and practice. This paper positions this turn to community within the shifting global political economic context, in particular the rolling out of the neoliberal state internationally from the 1980s and a related urban crisis management of structural inequality (Brenner and Theodore, 2002). By focusing on the emergence of community anchor organisations – understood in the UK context as multi-purpose, local community-led organisations – within Scottish and UK policy-making since the 2000s, the central dilemma for critical community sector theory and practice of sustaining a local egalitarian vision and practice (Pearce, 2003) given this neoliberal context is explored. A Scottish urban community anchor provides an illustration of this challenge for theory and practice and of how it can be re-considered through discussions of ‘progressive mutualism’ (Pearce, 2009) and ‘resilience, re-working and resistance’ (Cumbers, 2010; Katz, 2004). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aim: The aim of this study was to uncover perspectives on the COVID‐19 pandemic and the responses implemented by the UK and Scottish Governments to help control the spread of infection. Such understanding could help to inform future responses to pandemics at individual, community and national levels. Method: Q methodology was used to elicit perspectives from people in England and Scotland with different experiences of the pandemic including public health officials, key workers, those on furlough, those who were unvaccinated or vaccinated to different levels, those who were 'shielding' because they were at higher risk and people with different scientific expertise. Participants rank‐ordered phrases about different aspects of COVID‐19 according to their viewpoint. Factor analysis was then conducted in conjunction with interview material from the same respondents. Results: A four‐factor solution was statistically supported and was interpretable alongside the qualitative accounts of participants loading on these factors. These four perspectives are titled Dangerous and Unaccountable Leadership, Fear and Anger at Policy and Public responses, Governing Through a Crisis and Injustices Exposed. Conclusion: The four perspectives demonstrate plurality and nuance in views on COVID‐19 and the associated policies and restrictions, going beyond a binary narrative that has been apparent in popular and social media. The four perspectives include some areas of common ground, as well as disagreement. We argue that understanding the detail of different perspectives might be used to build cohesion around policy initiatives in future. Patient or Public Contribution: The development of the statement set, which is rank‐ordered by participants in a Q study, and factor interpretations were informed by views of the general public. The statement set was initially developed using existing publicly available material based on members of the general public experiencing the pandemic first hand. It was then piloted with members of the public experiencing different challenges as a result of COVID‐19 and the subsequent lockdown and updated based on feedback. Finally, interpretations of the identified factors were presented publicly and edited according to their feedback. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper gives a historical overview of the development of the U.K. marine energy sector from its academic beginnings in the early 1970s. It includes discussion on government support policies and where the sector might develop up to and beyond the end of this decade. The paper also presents two very different projects: the European Marine Energy Centre in Orkney, U.K., and the forthcoming All Waters Current and Wave Test Facility in Edinburgh, U.K., as examples of capital investment in the sector. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The ‘Curriculum for Excellence’ (CfE) guidelines and associated learning experiences and outcomes have been developed following a national debate on the purposes of education in Scotland. The recent development shifts physical education's (PE) role in Scottish education, changing from contributing to the ‘Expressive Arts’ area of the curriculum, to one central to the newly created curriculum area of ‘Health and wellbeing’ in the CfE. This paper provides an analysis of the broader policy context at national and global levels examining the policy developments for PE in Scotland situating them within a globalised discourse emphasising concerns about ill-health and obesity within society. Drawing on the work of Bowe et al., the paper examines the context of production and the context of influence that has contributed to the recent development of ‘Health and wellbeing’ within the CfE. It is argued that the role for PE and the focus on schools promoting daily physical activity within the CfE masks the complexity of addressing the issues of health and well-being. In conclusion it is highlighted that in the interpretation and implementation of policy there will be further issues for PE and as yet unknown consequences for the context of practice and pupils' experiences of PE in Scotland. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Debates surrounding the ostensibly ‘transformative’ potential of personalisation for social work services, and service users, have variously illustrated the risks and opportunities this presents, although the implications for criminal justice social work services have received comparatively limited attention. By extending the concept of ‘service user’ to include not only offenders, but wider stakeholders (victims and communities), this paper considers the practical application of theories of personalisation and co-production by reviewing proposed and extant strategies for maximising stakeholder involvement in criminal justice services. It is argued that, in progressing beyond the more individualistic interpretations of this somewhat controversial reform agenda—in prioritising not only the individual, their rights, strengths and subjective identities, but locating the individual in situ, in the concrete realities and textures of their lives and communities—the strength of the personalisation agenda rests in its potential to develop and strengthen the collective organisation of service users, service providers and communities in a co-productive endeavour. It is argued that both this reading and the principles underpinning it resonate more widely with the empirical and theoretical literature on just and effective penal practices and, in so doing, this paper exposes the complexities that lie behind the apparent simplicity of this argument. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In recent decades, UK public-sector housing has increasingly been problematised, with government solutions focusing on modernising the sector by transferring ownership of the housing from the public to the voluntary sector through stock transfer. This promises to transform the organisation of social housing by devolving control from local government to housing organisations located within, and governed by, the communities in which they are based. The Scottish Executive's national housing policy of community ownership is the epitome of this governmental rationale par excellence. Drawing upon empirical research on the 2003 Glasgow housing stock transfer, this paper argues that, whilst community ownership is underpinned by governmental rationales that seek to establish community as the new territory of social housing governance, the realisation of these political ambitions has been marred by emergent central-local conflict. Paradoxically, the fragmentation of social housing through the break-up of municipal provision, co-exists with continued political centralisation within the state apparatus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose - The paper aims to show that active labour market policies in Scotland over a nine-year period have failed to meet key policy objectives. Design/methodology/approach - The paper uses the UK national online manpower information system (NOMIS) to conduct a detailed statistical analysis of the spatial differentials in exits from and entry to unemployment across 72 Parliamentary constituencies. The analysis is conducted by reference to the concepts of convergence, NAIRU and hysterisis. Findings - The findings suggest a presence of hysterisis and absence of spatial convergence such that some areas in Scotland have become worse off in terms of the risk of unemployment and despite active labour market intervention. Research limitations/implications - Future research needs to be undertaken at the micro-spatial level to confirm these findings and to focus on the weaknesses in the design of active labour market policies. Practical implications- Active labour market policies in Scotland do not work in terms of reducing the risk of unemployment. Policy needs to focus on creating demand for labour rather than an almost exclusive reliance on "promoting" the supply-side. Originality/value - The key contribution of this paper is that it is the first to provide a detailed analysis of the Government's own data on unemployment distribution - it should be of value to both academicians and policy makers in terms of both analytical approach and policy design. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background and aims Regulation of electronic cigarettes has moved to the top of the addiction policy agenda, as demonstrated by the recent focus across the United Kingdom on introducing age-of-sale restrictions. However, the views of those affected by such regulation remain largely unexplored. This paper presents the first detailed qualitative exploration of adolescents' perceptions of existing, and opinions about potential e-cigarette regulation. Methods Sixteen focus groups, including a total of 83 teenagers between the ages of 14 and 17 years, were conducted in deprived, mixed and affluent urban areas in Scotland and England between November 2014 and February 2015. Transcripts were imported into Nivivo 10, coded thematically and analysed. Results Participants critically considered existing evidence and competing interests in regulatory debates and demonstrated sophisticated understanding of the advantages and disadvantages of regulation. They overwhelmingly supported strong e-cigarette regulation and endorsed restrictions on sales to minors, marketing and e-cigarette use in public places. Concern about potential health harms of e-cigarette use and marketing increasing the acceptability of vaping and smoking led these adolescents to support regulation. Conclusions In focus group discussions, a sample of UK adolescents exposed to particular communications about e-cigarettes supported strict regulation of e-cigarettes, including banning sales to minors and use in indoor public areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: This paper evaluates the tensions that result from routinely applying SEA to all policies, plans and programmes within Scotland. The European Union SEA Directive, effective in many EU member states from 2004, introduced a requirement for environmental assessment of certain plans and programmes. Scotland, a devolved nation within the EU member state of the United Kingdom, aimed to be a ‘world leader in SEA’ by legislating for SEA to be undertaken of all public sector plans, programmes and strategies, with the word ‘strategies’ being equated with ‘policies’. This paper presents detailed data regarding Scottish SEA activity between 2004 and 2007, including responses to consultations on SEA reports. This empirical research found that, reflecting a general difficulty in determining where and when SEA should be applied, engagement with the SEA process was not as widespread as intended (including the pre-screening and screening stages). Eight tensions evident from Scotland''s application of SEA are identified, and their broader relevance is examined. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The post-devolution settlement in 1999 created the environment for major national policy and legislative reform across all dimensions of Scottish life. This paper seeks to understand better the place of child and family-oriented social work in post-devolution Scotland. Scottish social work policy in general and children's services policy in particular are analysed to consider where policy makers appear to locate social work resources. An alternative reading of these post-devolution policies suggests that a policy ‘effect’ is being produced that appears to lock social work out of early intervention and prevention. Ambiguities and hidden elements reveal an identity for social work in policy that primarily aligns it with control functions where balancing care and control and the use of involuntary measures is to the fore—the ‘hard cases’. This analysis points to the importance of social work taking a critical distance to policy formation and what it may mean for its identity and contribution to meeting the needs of the most vulnerable children growing up in Scotland today. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In common with the rest of the UK, child care and protection practice in Scotland has undergone unprecedented change over the last ten years, including a wide-ranging three-year Child Protection Reform Programme. In 2006, The University of Dundee's Centre for Child Care and Protection and Barnardo's Scotland Research and Development team were commissioned by the then Scottish Executive to undertake a process review of the Child Protection Reform Programme (Daniel et al., ). Drawing on findings from the process review, this article considers the impact of the Child Protection Reform Programme. The process review concluded that, in the view of the respondents, the Child Protection Reform Programme made a substantive contribution towards the improvement and delivery of child protection services in Scotland, particularly in terms of raising awareness and increased multi-agency working. It was beyond the scope of the review to measure outcomes for children as a result of the reforms. Since the completion of the Child Protection Reform Programme, national policy emphasis has broadened from 'child protection' towards integrated support for children under the Getting it Right for Every Child reforms of children's services. The paper concludes with a discussion around where 'child protection' now fits within this context of universal support for children and argues that there is a need to ensure that the valuable work which was done to improve child protection services in Scotland under the Child Protection Reform Programme is not lost. Copyright © 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The topic of how planning authorities consider and improve design quality through design review is complex—there is no absolute definition of good design, and the process involves a range of different stakeholders, often with differing or competing interests. As design has become a more prominent aspect of UK planning policy, the City of Edinburgh Council has pioneered various initiatives to improve the quality of new development. This paper, based on surveys of those who both operate and use the system, concludes that design review by planning authorities can make a valuable contribution, but that the skills and expertise of the reviewers, the consistency of the advice and leadership from senior managers and politicians are critical factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: There is a demonstrable link between parking availability, price and mode choice, and parking policy has been shown to be a powerful demand management tool. Parking however is clearly an area of policy conflict since using it to manage demand may reduce revenue generation, or (be perceived to) damage the local economy. In terms of on-street and off-street parking there are a wide range of users who often have conflicting opinions, which have to be taken into account in its management, invariably leading to parking policies and measures that do not maximise the demand management potential of parking. This paper presents a range of public and business opinion data, from the case study of Edinburgh, Scotland, UK, collected as part of the consultation for its parking strategy in 2005–2006. The strategy covers a wider geographical area than simply the city centre, and whilst this paper makes reference to this wider area it primarily deals with the city centre since that is where the majority of the parking strategy issues are to be found. After setting the policy and political context, the paper goes on to present these data. It then shows how the city''s parking policies were changed in response to the consultation. These policy changes are compared with parking policies that would solely manage travel demand, to demonstrate how the political process leads to compromise in the formulation of parking policies and measures. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Traditionally, education in Scotland has been viewed as a national service that is locally administered. This research casts new light on that relationship between the Scottish Executive and local authorities by drawing on evidence from an evaluation of the implementation of the additional support staff element of the Teachers' Agreement which determined not only teachers' pay structure but also established the professional conditions under which they would work. The paper identifies how local authorities and schools spent the grant aid on staff and equipment, how many additional support staff were appointed, and what impact they were reported to be having on teaching and learning. Information was gathered from a postal survey of all 32 Scottish local authorities and a random sample of 267 schools, and also from interviews held in six case study schools. The findings show that: all the grant aid could not be accounted for, the target number of support staff was not achieved, and their deployment and impact varied across local authorities and schools. By way of conclusion it poses the question: 'Was the money well spent?' [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2001, the United Kingdom government ratified the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages, recognising Scottish Gaelic, Welsh and Irish under Part III of the Charter, but Scots, in Scotland and Ulster, only under Part II. It may be that this distinction is representative of the dialectalised nature of this language in relation to its near relative, Standard English. Nevertheless, this paper demonstrates that implementation of language policy on Scots at all levels of government – European, United Kingdom, Scotland and local – has been half-hearted, ill thought-out and buried in a swathe of other ‘cultural’ issues. Whilst it would be impossible to prove actual animus against the language by governmental actors, it is likely that prevailing sociolinguistic attitudes towards the vernacular’s status have encouraged the ineffectual nature of policy towards Scots. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• The Finnish Baby Box provides parents of newborns with a wide range of infant clothing and other basics. • The cardboard box in which the infant can sleep was emphasized by the media and commercial companies outside Finland. • The box preventing SIDS was advanced by private companies and the media. • This was less the case in Wales and Scotland, a result of their being governed by authorities with a "left" orientation. For over 80 years the Finnish state has provided expectant mothers with a cardboard box containing an extensive collection of clothing, bathing products for the baby, nappies, bedding and a small mattress. Numerous jurisdictions have implemented it in some form. We investigated through a critical case study methodology whether its translation into the liberal welfare states of Canada, UK, and USA experienced message distortion (the box as a means of preventing SIDS), commercialization, watering down of content; and separation from the complex of Finnish welfare state policies that support families with children. We find that only Scotland and Wales recognized the decommodification and equity roles played by the baby box. This study identified numerous barriers to building progressive public policy in Canada, UK, and USA: the structures and processes of the liberal welfare state, commercial interests that skew public policymaking and media logic that limits news reporting to the concrete and simple, eschewing complex analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Spending time in natural (green/blue) environments offers multiple benefits to individuals. • Disparities exist between population groups in frequency of visits to natural environments. • Analysis of the gender gap amongst subgroups highlights further (intersectional) inequalities. • Key population subgroups for green health policies and programmes to target are identified. Spending time outdoors in natural environments is associated with an array of benefits to individuals' health and wellbeing, as well as being implicated in the development of connections to the natural world, attachment to place, and environmental stewardship behaviours. Disparities between population subgroups in relation to frequency of nature contact may, however, shape the extent to which natural environments deliver benefits to marginalised population subgroups. In this paper we examine disparities in contact with nature amongst the adult population of Scotland, UK using cross-sectional data from the Scottish Household Survey (N = 19,441). The analysis proceeds to explore whether the observed 'gender gap' between men and women in nature contact persists across the intersections of population subgroups and geographies. The findings point to inequalities in contact with nature which should be considered in public policy agendas to promote use of natural environments across urban and rural areas. The findings also highlight the value of adopting intersectional perspectives in the consideration of environmental justice issues surrounding access to natural environments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social care provision across high-income countries has been transformed over the last ten years by personalisation – a policy agenda to give people with eligible support needs more choice and control over their support. Yet the ideological underpinnings of this transformation remain highly mutable, particularly in the context of reduced welfare provision that has unfolded in many nations advancing personalisation. How the policy has manifested itself has led to an expectation for people to self-build a life as individual consumers within a care market. This article draws on a study exploring how people with learning disabilities in England and Scotland are responding to the everyday realities of personalisation as it is enacted where they live and show the relationality inherent in their practices. We propose that the personalisation agenda as it currently stands (as an individualising movement involving an increasing responsibilisation of individuals and their families) ignores the inherently relational nature of care and support. We propose that social care policy needs to recognise the relational ways in which people build their lives and to advocate a redistribution of responsibility to reduce inequalities in the allocation of care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides a comparative review of the interpretation and implementation of clinical governance frameworks within the four home countries of the UK - England, Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales. Clinical governance has become one of most significant and important concepts in modern health care. The article considers the policy background and the many definitions of clinical governance, but specifically compares the various strategic and operational approaches to delivery of clinical governance in different parts of the UK. It is suggested that these variations in approach, by each of the four UK countries, can lead to confusion for healthcare professionals in trying to understand, implement and monitor elements of clinical governance in practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Devolution comes in the wake of a decade of substantial reform in the civil service. The establishment of the Scottish Parliament and the Welsh Assembly is likely to have significant implications for the civil service in Scotland, Wales, and perhaps also at the centre. However, on the evidence of the official publications and debates generated by the policy process to date, this issue has been given consideration only belatedly and in rather limited form. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on several parliamentary papers that address issues of poverty and inequality in Great Britain. The paper "Ending Child Poverty: Making It Happen" has identified the four building blocks of the elimination of child poverty, which include employment and financial support. Based on the document "Achieving Our Potential. A Framework to Tackle Poverty and Income Inequality in Scotland," the Scottish government will urge Great Britain's government to transfer the responsibility for taxation and benefits to Scotland.

As working lives extend and there is better recognition of early-onset dementias, employers need to consider dementia as a workplace concern. With suitable support, people living with dementia can continue employment – although, this is not appropriate for all. The requirement for employers to support employees living with dementia has human rights and legal foundations. This article considers whether employers consider dementia as a workplace concern; and the policies and/or practices available to support employees living with dementia. Thus, it develops understanding of whether employers are meeting their human rights/legislative obligations. A sequential mixed-methods approach was employed, with data collection undertaken in Scotland (United Kingdom). An online survey was sent to employers across Scotland, with 331 participating. Thirty employer interviews were conducted, with the survey results informing the interview approach. The survey and interview data were analyzed separately and then combined and presented thematically. The themes identified were (1) Dementia as a workplace concern, (2) Support for employees living with dementia and (3) Employer policy development and awareness raising. The findings demonstrate dementia awareness, but this knowledge is not applied to employment situations. There was little evidence suggesting that the rights of employees living with dementia are consistently upheld. This research sends out strong messages about the rights and legal position of person living with dementia which cannot be ignored. The continuing potential of employees living with dementia and their legal rights are not consistently recognized. This highlights the need for robust training interventions for employers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article draws on findings from the first cross-national study of school exclusions in the four jurisdictions of the UK. It sketches factors associated with the past research with reductions in exclusions. It then reports interview data gathered in England in 2018 from five specialist officers working in two Local Authorities and a senior officer working for a national voluntary organisation. The officers describe good practice but also national, local and school level developments contributing to a deteriorating situation. These developments include unhelpful government guidance and regulations; school accountability frameworks affecting curriculum and leading to the neglect of Special Educational Needs; loss of Local Authority powers and funding resulting in reductions in support services. Data gathered for this study in other UK jurisdictions suggests that in Scotland and Northern Ireland, and to a lesser extent in Wales, a practice that avoids school exclusions has persisted more than in England. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contains a doctrinal analysis of the law and policy encouragement towards a low carbon energy transition in the Scotland. To do this, the present article is primarily focused on electricity sector of the Scotland and its commitment towards a low carbon transition in this sector in coming years. This article analyzes the existing significant laws and policies in Scotland that encourage towards a low carbon transition. However, it also evaluates international obligation upon the Scotland and the UK, as well, towards this transition. Subsequently, it assesses the UK's legal framework in this regard. However, Scotland is firmly committed to achieve its targets towards a low carbon transition in the power sector although it needs more incentive and tight observation of the government to smoothen the process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between Holyrood and Westminster is an evolving one where there is some evidence of policy divergence. Underpinning policy approaches are different views of social citizenship, with the Holyrood approach maintaining elements of the post-1945 welfare settlement. The place of refugees and asylum seekers within these differing approaches is currently underexplored. This article looks at the Scottish and UK Governments’ views of social rights and how they apply to asylum seekers and refugees. It suggests that despite refugee ‘policy’ being at least partly reserved, the Scottish Government has been able to take a different approach from that of Westminster, an approach underpinned by these differing welfare outlooks. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The referendum vote for Remain in Scotland and Northern Ireland and the small majority for Leave in Wales immediately attracted much attention to the position of the devolved governments on Brexit negotiations and to the impact of Brexit on their jurisdictions. As the core of devolved powers relate to social policy, identifying the impact of leaving the EU on aspects of social policy is highly significant. This article examines the impact of EU programmes, funding, directives and regulations as delivered in recent years, noting the nature of the participation of the devolved administrations in EU decision making. The post-referendum concerns of the devolved governments and their approaches to Brexit and Brexit negotiations are explained. Also discussed are the likely major changes as well as possible changes that will take place in the operation of devolution after Brexit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aims: To explore how policy actors attempted to deliberately frame public debate around alcohol minimum unit pricing (MUP) in the UK by comparing and contrasting their constructions of the policy in public (newspapers), semi-public (evidence submissions) and private (interviews). Methods: Content analysis was conducted on articles published in ten national newspapers between 1 January 2005 and 30 June 2012. Newsprint data were contrasted with alcohol policy documents, evidence submissions to the Scottish Parliament's Health and Sport Committee and 36 confidential interviews with policy stakeholders (academics, advocates, industry representatives, politicians and civil servants). Findings: A range of policy actors exerted influence both directly (through Parliamentary institutions and political representatives) and indirectly through the mass media. Policy actors were acutely aware of mass media's importance in shaping public opinion and used it tactically to influence policy. They often framed messages in subtly different ways, depending on target audiences. In general, newspapers presented the policy debate in a 'balanced' way, but this arguably over-represented hostile perspective and suggested greater disagreement around the evidence base than is the case. Conclusions: The roles of policy actors vary between public and policy spheres, and how messages are communicated in policy debates depends on perceived strategic advantage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers the trajectory and effectiveness of policy, procedures and practice in the UK since the early 1990s in responding to young people who display problematic and harmful sexual behaviours. It draws on data from three publications in which research, policy and practice in the last 20 years have been reviewed. Key themes raised by Masson and Hackett are revisited including: denial and minimisation; terminology and categorisation; similarities with other young offenders; the child protection and youth justice systems; and assessment and interventions. The authors find that there is improvement in recognition of, and practice in response to, this group of young people, but good practice standards are inconsistently applied. With devolution of political powers, Scotland and Northern Ireland are now embarking on a more strategic response than England. The absence of a public debate and prioritising of primary prevention of child sexual abuse is noted. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article is written in response to a recent report on a review of teacher education in Scotland undertaken by Graham Donaldson (2011). In particular it questions the recommendation that engaging teachers in professional enquiry and research-informed teaching is the way forward for developing the professional capabilities required of "21st Century teachers". The report reflects an increasing emphasis in the literature on school effectiveness and improvement of the need to further teachers' professional learning and a pedagogic pressure for them to adopt constructivist approaches to teaching that are based on research evidence about how children and young people learn best. Practitioner research is seen by policy makers as an important strategy for achieving these objectives. This article, based on a series of empirical studies, sets out to identify some of the issues revealed by the attempt to use practitioner research as a vehicle for affecting classroom practice within the context of a policy initiative to support the development of accomplished teaching. It argues that, if such a strategy is to be effective, it is important to conceive of it in systemic terms and to confront the challenges involved in developing the sets of networked relations that will be essential if such a strategy is to prove worthwhile. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the British government's subsidizing policy in the 18th century and how these subsidy bounties impacted the Scottish herring industry. The author explains that Scottish economist Adam Smith argued against the bounty system in his published work "An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations." He claims that the subsidies were beneficial to the British economy, discusses why investment capital was important to the Scottish fishing industry, and explores how Great Britain and Scotland negotiated the provisions of the Anglo-Scottish Treaty of Union.

This article explores the furore surrounding the proposed creation of a ‘Team GB’ football team for the London 2012 Olympics, contextualizing it historically within the post-war crisis of Britishness. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Retail impact assessment (RIA) is a common methodology employed by local authorities in the UK to determine the impacts of new shopping centre developments on existing town and city centres. In the UK, initial approaches utilised retail modelling techniques such as retail gravity models, the most notable example being the Haydock study in 1964. There was widespread opposition to increasing quantification in planning and the use of mathematical models in the late 1960s and early 1970s, as model assumptions were increasingly questioned and different agencies brought different model results to the enquiries. In the 1980s the Department of the Environment advised against the use of mathematical models in impact studies. However, RIA has continued since the 1980s using alternative but still largely quantitative approaches. The aim of this article is to begin the research task of critically evaluating this standard RIA approach (widely used by retail consultants for planning enquiries) against traditional mathematical modelling procedures. Using the new Silverburn retail centre in Glasgow, UK, we shall explore the potential impact of the new centre based on these alternative methodologies and draw some conclusions on the relative strengths and weaknesses of each. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Devolution has increased the divergence in law and policy, and this has impacted on the social work services as part of the welfare state. It has led to debate about the changing nature of social citizenship within the UK. Many adults who come to the attention of social work services already have conditional citizenship by virtue of poverty, environment, illness and disability. This article demonstrates how this can be further compounded by the welfare agencies themselves by comparing the mental health law frameworks for Scotland and England. It argues that differences in participation ultimately led to the different civil and social rights being enshrined in law. However, law is just one ingredient that defines citizenship; the political ethos and the public service culture are two other key ingredients. This article will demonstrate that these have also been significant in creating divergence. Finally, the article will explore whether this social citizenship model for mental health has a wider relevance for all people who use social work services. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The UK Labour government has consistently argued that boosting the supply of skilled, qualified labour is 'the key' to national economic success and social justice, a position recently endorsed by the Leitch Review of Skills. However, while the argument that skills have an important role to play is widely accepted, Leitch's assertion that 'skills are the most important lever' remains contentious. Political devolution means that while the UK government retains control over skills policy in England, this is not the case in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland where education and training is a matter for their respective parliaments and assemblies. Indeed, there are interesting differences of approach emerging in terms of how the 'skills problem' is understood and the forms of policy interventions that are needed. While English policy-makers have embraced the Leitch agenda and are focused narrowly on boosting skills supply and matching overseas levels of qualification stocks, their Scottish counterparts are stressing the need for skills to be utilised effectively at work and are seeking to integrate skills policy within a wider business improvement, innovation and economic development agenda. This article examines these contrasting approaches, together with the main challenges they confront. It argues that there is an opportunity for Scotland to lead the way in developing a more integrative approach to skills policy that addresses key issues of skill demand and usage. However, translating this new policy position into practical policy interventions will require a process of policy learning. In the longer term, there is the potential for Scotland's approach to challenge the assumptions upon which English policy is based. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent Mental Health Acts provide evidence of diverging UK1 and Scottish government policy styles. The UK legislative process lasted almost ten years following attempts by ministers to impose decisions and an unprecedented level of sustained opposition from interest groups. In contrast, the consultation process in Scotland was consensual, producing high levels of stakeholder 'ownership'. This article considers two narratives on the generalisability of this experience. The first suggests that it confirms a 'majoritarian' British policy style, based on the centralisation of power afforded by a first-past-the-post electoral system (Lijphart, 1999). Diverging styles are likely because widespread hopes for consensus politics in the devolved territories have been underpinned by proportional representation. The second suggests that most policy-making is consensual, based on the diffusion of power across policy sectors and the 'logic of consultation' between governments and interest groups (Jordan and Richardson, 1982). The legislative process deviated temporarily from the 'normal' British policy style which is more apparent when we consider mental health policy as a whole. Overall, the evidence points to more than one picture of British styles; it suggests that broad conclusions on 'majoritarian' systems must be qualified by detailed empirical investigation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This presidential address argues that there is a pressing need in the UK to build educational research capacity at system level and to do so collaboratively. It advances three main arguments for doing so. These are (i) the increasing concentration of research resources; (ii) the dangers of increasing separation of research and initial teacher education; and (iii) the complexity of the links between research, policy and practice. Drawing on evidence about research quality and on demographic trends of academic staff in education departments, it illustrates one approach to collaborative capacity building in Scotland, the Applied Educational Research Scheme. It concludes by drawing attention to the nascent Strategic Forum for Research in Education as an important forum for monitoring the health of educational research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the results of a number of studies conducted in the area surrounding the Sellafield, Burghfield, and Aldermaston nuclear power stations in Great Britain which indicate an increased incidence of childhood leukaemia. The British Radiation Protection Board's conclusion that the increases in childhood leukaemia in these areas are not the result of radiation exposure are noted. Germany's "Childhood Cancer in the Vicinity of Nuclear Power Plants" (KiKK) study also finds an increased risk of leukaemia in children who live in close proximity to nuclear power stations.

The devolution of legislative and executive powers to the different parts of the United Kingdom has meant that, because of the asymmetric arrangements made, there has been an increase in policy divergence from one part to another. Some of this has been intended, some unintended. With reference, in particular, to Scotland and Wales this article focuses on the asymmetric consequences of devolution which derive specifically from the jurisdictional or ‘legal system’ differences across the United Kingdom. These affect the conditions under which law-making powers may be devolved, the ‘management’ of devolution and the rights enjoyed by citizens. It is argued that the devolution of ‘legal system’ competence carries with it problems quite different from those associated with the devolution of other powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines policy divergence and convergence from the perspective of territorial politics. It considers the significance and consequences of policy divergence, and the manner in which public policies are used to serve territorial objectives in multi-level states. It argues that the practice of assuming policy ownership, and the contest for policy control, have more significance for territorial politics than does the divergence or convergence of public policy. Its focus is on Scotland and the UK, but it draws upon the experiences of Quebec and Canada to gain insight into the territorial politics of policy development in a multi-level and multi-national state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The UK and Scottish governments policy commitments to renewable energy, driven by recognition of the impacts of global warming and climate change, have led to increasing interest in all aspects of renewable energy. This article is concerned with how the Scottish Executive is able to reconcile new hydro-electric developments as a source of renewable energy with the local impacts of those developments. The outcome of a recent application for consent to construct a hydro-electric scheme at Shieldaig and Slattadale in Wester Ross provides an illustration of the issues involved. The local environmental impacts of hydroelectric development are considerable and the application of environmental impact assessment to the approval procedure for new schemes means that a much broader range of environmental impacts is now considered than ever before. The decision shows the importance of compliance with European Community environmental law, and is particularly interesting for its application of the precautionary principle to prevent impacts on protected species. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The results of five provenance trials of silver birch (Betula pendula Roth.) in Scotland are described. These comprise: (1) two trials laid out in the 1970s and 1980s comparing improved Finnish stock with unimproved Scottish material, and (2) three recently established provenance trails of Scottish seed sources for which 1-2 year results are available. Use of planting stock of Scandinavian origin is not advisable in Scotland, or probably elsewhere in the UK, as it has poor survival and grows slowly (i.e. volume growth at years 16-22 is only 7-26per cent of the Scottish controls). It is particularly prone to climatic damage due to late spring frosts. Recently established trials ofseed sources from Scotland and Northern England showed significant variation among Scottish populations in growth and dates of flushing and senescence. Variation in 1-year height growth between the fastest and slowest growing provenances was about 30 per cent. Some geographic patterns of variation in early height growth and flushing were apparent among different seed sources at year 1, but equally there was considerable variation among sources which could not be simply attributed to location. A preliminary study of isozyme variation suggests that: populations are unlikely to have passed through severe population bottlenecks; that there is no consistent evidence for inbreeding within the populations; extensive gene exchange occurs between populations by pollen and/or seed flow; and there is no evidence for more than one postglacial origin for the nine populations tested. There is a need for more information on provenance performance among indigenous populations of birch in order to give useful guidance to nurseries, foresters and policy makers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]