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Since the early 2000s, short sea shipping (SSS) is often associated with significant social and environmental benefits. To encourage a modal shift, several nations around the world have developed public SSS policies. However, the policies' effectiveness are increasingly being questioned in the public arena. Therefore, the current article's primary objective is to assess one of these SSS public initiatives' legitimacy. In particular, we analyzed Quebec's PREGTI initiative, which is designed to both reduce greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions and promote local SSS development. Our findings are based on a triangulated analysis of official PREGTI documents and semi-structured interviews with local marine-sector specialists (N = 36). The data analyses inspired the development of an integrative framework that includes four components that could explain the lack of SSS program credibility and interest. Our framework identified critical issues for consideration in SSS program development, including: 1) the institutional framework's relevance; 2) its implementation challenges; 3) the program's predictability; and 4) the credibility of government authorities. Ultimately, the present article provides a better understanding of the significant discrepancies between public SSS programs development and the needs of local maritime sector stakeholders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explains the findings of the MC3 Project (Meeting the Climate Change Challenge). This project brought together over 100 researchers, practitioners, civil-society leaders, and policy-makers, led by researchers from Royal Roads University, Simon Fraser University, and the University of British Columbia, with 12 major research partners from the public and private sectors, including the Union of British Columbia municipalities. Researchers conducted a detailed evaluation of 11 leading, yet different, municipalities across the province to identify the leading innovators and innovations on climate action. The case studies revealed the following key drivers of innovation, in order of prominence: the legislative and policy framework, supported by provincially led incentives and tools, access to partnership funding and intermediary support, and framing the issue as critically important. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The climate change policy design of the Lee Myung-bak administration was the outcome of interest group politics around the greenhouse gas and energy target management scheme, carbon taxes, and the emission-trading scheme. Using qualitative methods, this research examines powerful stakeholders and their interests at play in Korea’s climate change policymaking processes. It also links the political economy of climate change policy to the legacy of the ‘developmental state’ and examines environmental developmentalism in the design of the three climate change policies. The Lee administration strongly promoted environmental developmentalism, which created a new growth engine in an environmental field, while bolstering manufacturing businesses and excluding the views of environmental non-governmental organisations from the target-management and the emission-trading schemes. The Lee administration also sought to facilitate pro-business measures such as low taxes, which led it to reject a carbon tax. Therefore, environmental developmentalism was central to the politics of the Lee administration’s climate change policy design. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Climate change has proved to be one of the greatest threats to human survival on Earth. Its mitigation requires that the greatest Greenhouse Gases (GHG) emitters adopt low carbon development, reducing emissions substantially. Brazil is among them. Although deforestation is still the main source of Brazilian emissions, since 1990 emissions from energy systems and industrial processes have increased and their shares in total Brazilian emissions have been consistently larger. It is the objective of the article to analyse Brazilian energy-climate policy and politics from 1990 to 2014 in order to clarify Brazilian progress towards low carbon development and Brazilian positions in the international climate change regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Comparative policy studies face a number of methodological challenges where conceptualization of the object of comparison-policy output-is the most fundamental. On the basis of three common approaches of the study of policy output, we reconsider this widely applied concept and propose a refined measure as a function of both density (number of policy instruments) and intensity (content of policy instruments). We theoretically derive six policy-intensity measures (objectives, scope, integration, budget, implementation, and monitoring), which are used for weighting national policy instruments on an Index of Climate Policy Activity. The article presents an empirical application of this measurement approach. Focusing on national climate policy instruments in the energy production sector in Austria, Germany, and the United Kingdom, we investigate changes in the countries' policy portfolios from 1998 to 2010. The article demonstrates that our Index of Climate Policy Activity provides a reliable and valid measurement for national policy output that can be applied for comparative analyses of policy output. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The failure of the United Nations negotiations on climate change in Copenhagen presents governments with an opportunity to consider new approaches to implementing climate change policy. Developed nations like Canada and Australia continue to fall short of their commitments to Kyoto targets and predict that their greenhouse gas emissions will continue to rise. The planning and development of metropolitan areas continues to promote high levels of consumption and increased dependence on fossil fuel-based energy. City governments in Vancouver and Melbourne have strong commitments to both mitigation and adaptation policy action against the impact of global warming. Both argue they are constrained in their efforts by federal institutional arrangements and require improved cooperation from other levels of government. This article uses the conceptual framework developed by the OECD to support greater levels of cooperation between governments in multilevel systems when implementing climate change policies. The article examines the contextual factors inherent in the institutional arrangements and uses the experiences of Vancouver and Melbourne to explore the factors that encourage or discourage cooperation in climate change policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scientific evidence suggests that to have a 75 per cent chance of limiting warming in 2100 to 2°C above the pre-industrial level, the cumulative emissions of CO2 over the period 2010-50 should be capped at 657.1 Gt. The objective of this article is to examine the distribution of such an emission budget by applying different ethical perspectives. In particular, the article first analyses the paths for sharing the emission budget, that is, the major families of distributive patterns that vindicate a number of elementary principles and criteria of distribution. Subsequently, it presents and discusses the shares of the emission budget attributed to states, regions and groupings of states according to the paths investigated and it draws some reflections on the implications of such shares for the ethics of mitigation. Finally, it advances some lessons for international climate policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Germany has reduced its emissions of greenhouse gases more than almost any other industrialized democracy and is exceeding its ambitious Kyoto commitment. Hence, it is commonly portrayed as a climate-policy success story, but the situation is actually much more complex. Generalizing Germany's per-capita emissions to all countries or its emissions reductions to all industrialized democracies would still very likely produce more than a two-degree rise in global temperature. Moreover, analyzing the German country-case into eleven subcases shows that it is a mixture of relative successes and failures. This analysis leads to three main conclusions. First, high relative performance and high environmental damage can coexist. Second, we should see national cases in a differentiated way and not only in terms of their aggregate performances. Third, researchers on climate policies should more often begin with outcomes, work backward to policies, and be prepared for some surprises. Ironically, the most effective government interventions may not be explicit climate policies, such as the economic transformation of eastern Germany. Moreover, the lack of policy-making in certain areas may undercut progress made elsewhere, including unregulated increases in car travel, road freight, and electricity consumption. Research on climate and environmental policies should focus on somewhat different areas of government intervention and ask different questions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Norwegian climate policy has been marked by several shifts with regard to adopted targets and measures to reduce emissions of greenhouse gases. Three knowledge-based discourses – respectively a tax discourse, a quota discourse and a technology discourse – have been influential throughout. By tracing the development of Norwegian climate policy from 1989 until 2008, it is shown, however, that while significant in early phases of policymaking, the discourses lose influence in the phase when policy solutions are designed and implemented. Those ideas and ambitions that characterise the ruling discourses in Norwegian climate policy are not necessarily materialised in actual policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A vast economics literature embraces taxation of the carbon content of fossil fuels as the superior policy approach for reducing greenhouse gas emissions. However, experience around the world suggests that carbon taxes face exceedingly difficult political hurdles. Federal experience in the United States and in Canada confirms this pattern. This article reviews sub-federal policy development among American states and Canadian provinces, a great many of which have pursued climate policy development. With one major exception, explicit carbon taxation appears to remain a political nonstarter. At the same time, states and provinces have been placing indirect carbon prices on fossil fuel use through a wide range of policies. These tend to strategically alter labeling, avoiding the terms of 'tax' and 'carbon' in imposing costs. The article offers a framework for considering such strategies and examines common design features, including direct linkage between cost imposition and fund usage to build political support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Developing economy greenhouse gas emissions are growing rapidly relative to developed economy emissions (Boden et al. ) and developing economies as a group have greater emissions than developed economies. These developments are expected to continue (U.S. Energy Information Administration ), which has led some to question the effectiveness of emissions mitigation in developed economies without a commitment to extensive mitigation action from developing economies. One often heard argument against proposed U.S. legislation to limit carbon emissions to mitigate climate change is that, without participation from large developing economies like China and India, stabilizing temperature at 2 degrees Celsius above preindustrial (United Nations ), or even reducing global emissions levels, would be impossible (Driessen ; RPC Energy Facts ) or prohibitively expensive (Clarke et al. ). Here we show that significantly delayed action by rapidly developing countries is not a reason to forgo mitigation efforts in developed economies. This letter examines the effect of a scenario with no explicit international climate policy and two policy scenarios, full global action and a developing economy delay, on the probability of exceeding various global average temperature changes by 2100. This letter demonstrates that even when developing economies delay any mitigation efforts until 2050 the effect of action by developed economies will appreciably reduce the probability of more extreme levels of temperature change. This paper concludes that early carbon mitigation efforts by developed economies will considerably affect the distribution over future climate change, whether or not developing countries begin mitigation efforts in the near term. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the growing phenomenon of climate change litigation in the USA and Canada. It explores the expanding context in which this litigation is occurring and highlights key successes and failures of these actions. In the absence of a comprehensive federal framework in both countries, the article shows how litigation is being used by claimants to attempt to require government action in reducing greenhouse gas emissions and to force private entities to do the same and to pay damages. Whether a piecemeal approach to climate change engendered through litigation can provide a solution to this global issue remains to be seen. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This Article challenges the prevailing view that state action on climate change is misconceived because it cannot meaningfully impact greenhouse gas emissions. We argue that inducing technological change provides an independent ground for state programs; one can think globally and still, act locally. Technological innovation is essential to successful climate policy and subject to a distinct market failure—technology spillovers that undermine investment incentives. State action can significantly enhance technological change, as promoting innovation is less dependent on large-scale government action and its inherent uncertainties favor the diversity sustained by multiple state programs. These observations suggest a two-tiered strategy: primary federal responsibility for reducing greenhouse gas emissions while state policies focus on promoting technological change. This Article concludes by proposing measures designed to support this complementary federal-state framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides information on the role of the state in a federal program against climate change. It mentions that the federal monopoly on regulatory authority could make an institutional inertia. Policymakers should consider multiple factors in meeting AB 32's environmental justice provisions as part of greenhouse gas reduction strategy. A case study on the environmental provision on climate change legislation in California is also offered.

The article evaluates the cooperative federalism models. It mentions that the Warner-Lieberman bill is the most important federal legislation because it provides only a limited role for the states. Among the cooperative federalism models are the decentralized approaches taken by the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative, the Emissions Trading Systems of the European Union, and the Clean Air Act.

The Netherlands has ratified The Kyoto protocol and agreed to reduce its emissions of greenhouse gases. Since 1990 the goals were made less ambitious several times, but still the last goal for 2000 was not met. Economic growth surely has been one of the main culprits. The main reason economic growth results in higher CO2 emissions, is the fact that it causes higher energy consumption. So far policy measures to reduce CO2 emissions, including many energy efficiency and energy reduction measures, did not succeed in beating the effects of economic growth. The Netherlands did not manage to decouple economic growth and environmental pressure (measured here as CO2 emissions). Absolute decoupling will require an economy that has a fuel mix with a large proportion of renewables, and a much higher energy efficiency level, and probably some major technological breakthroughs. It is not very likely that current policy measures will lead to the Kyoto goals. Therefore, it is concluded that emission trading and levies would offer good, and efficient options for further reductions of CO2 equivalents. It might, however, make it difficult for The Netherlands to realise 50% of its reduction domestically, as CO2 reduction abroad will most likely be at least five times cheaper. The Ministry of VROM will have to invent new policy measures to meet the Kyoto goals. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The objective of this paper is first to provide empirical evidence of what can be seen as a rather remarkable change in EU’s position on the use of greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions trading (ET) in climate policy, from the role of a sceptic in the run-up to Kyoto towards more of a frontrunner. The paper argues that there is a synergistic and multilevel mix of explanatory factors for this “U-turn”, including developments at the international, EU, Member State, sub-national, and even down to the personal level. Second, the paper explores and discusses the philosophy behind the Commission’s proposal for a directive on GHG ET. Third, the paper examines the prospects for ‘success’ of a scheme for EU-wide ET using a multifaceted set of metrics. In brief, we argue that output success—the chances for having a directive adopted—hinges on the resolution of two key issues. First, whether the preliminary phase is to be mandatory or voluntary, and second, incompatibilities with domestic ET schemes. Outcome success—steering and cost-effectiveness—will in turn depend on factors like the coverage of the scheme and inclusion of project-based credits, while more long-term political implications hinges on the successful adoption and operation of the scheme.“The Proposal on emissions trading represents a major innovation for environmental policy in Europe. We are de facto creating a big new market, and we are determined to use market forces to achieve our climate objectives in the most cost-conscious way […]. The emissions trading system will be an important cornerstone in our strategy to reduce emissions in the most cost-effective way”.Environment Commissioner Margot Wallstro¨m. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Official figures submitted in 2002 showing the trends of GH gases during the period 1990–2000 indicate that Spain is a long way from in attaining its commitments with the international and national programmes on climate change. Both structural and cultural factors are used to explain the evolution in climate politics and the growth of its emissions with particular emphasis given to the lack of public participation in this respect. It is also argued that Spain will have either to buy emission reductions abroad or/and find new ways to reduce GH in a more decentralised manner in tune with its current Autonomous Communities’ (ACs) political organisation. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Presents an analysis of the administration of U.S. President George W. Bush's Global Climate Change Initiative, a proposal which addresses U.S. climate change policy. Question of whether voluntary program swill be sufficient to combat climate changes; Discussion of the greenhouse intensity target and what it means for future emission levels in the U.S.; Voluntary efforts, including the creation of the Energy Star label by the Department of Energy and the Environmental Protection Agency to assist in identifying energy-efficient products.

The article offers the author's insights on the role of assessing the contribution of a community to global greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions in climate change mitigation. The authors say that international organizations have developed protocol for measuring community-scale emissions. They state that communities consume and import materials and goods that are made elsewhere. They cite the significance of measuring emissions for the relevance and usability of GHG inventory. They add that local governments have focused on emissions that are related to in-boundary energy use.

The authors opine on China's role in controlling greenhouse gas emissions to address global climate change. Though the authors acknowledge that China appears to be willing to impose a ceiling on greenhouse gas emissions, they believe that the country owes more to the effort considering its national contribution of greenhouse gases to the atmosphere. Instead of achieving a reduction in its energy intensity, China is said to have had an increase in same between 2005 and 2009.

Discusses the efforts of President Bill Clinton in bridging the gap between two audiences for his climate change policy to reduce greenhouse gas emissions to 1990 levels by 2008 as of October 30, 1997. Two key elements to the sketchy domestic policy proposed by the president; The concessions that the United States seeks,including agreement by three countries to participate in joint implementation.

Looks at Britain's Labour government's attempt to take the high ground in the climate change debate when it confirmed a pre-election promise to cut United Kingdom greenhouse-gas emissions to 80 percent of 1990 levels by 2010. The praise by John Prescott, secretary of state for superministry combining environment, transport and the regions, of his predecessor's attempts to raise the profile of environmental issues.