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To authenticate to the full-text of this article, please visit this link: http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2427.2009.00838.x Byline: LIETTE GILBERT (1) Abstract: Abstract Small town governments in North America have, in recent years, posed the most aggressive challenge to national immigration policy and multiculturalism. Immigration-related municipal ordinances were introduced by local officials to defend the rights of local residents from the adverse effects of (unauthorized) immigration. Municipal measures proposed to control im/migrants not only present a constitutional challenge to the federal pre-emption in matters of immigration law (which ineptitude they purport to redress), they expand on what Didier Bigo called a 'governmentality of unease', where migration is increasingly rationalized as a security problem. Municipal measures are re-bordering the inclusion/exclusion of (unauthorized) migrants by expanding the territorial and political rationality of immigration control from the border to the interior, and by imposing and dispersing new mechanisms of control into the everyday spaces and practices of im/migrants regarded as 'illegal' and undesirable. This article examines two immigration-related municipal measures (Hazleton, PA and Herouxville, QC) which impose a logic of immigration control and identity protection through deterrence and incapacitation strategies, and thus erode civil rights of im/migrants. Resume Certaines petites municipalites nord-americaines ont recemment bouscule les politiques d'immigration nationales et le multiculturalisme. Les autorites locales en question ont fait voter des arretes municipaux lies a l'immigration afin de defendre les droits de leurs concitoyens contre les perceptions nefastes de l'immigration (irreguliere). Tout en representant un defi constitutionnel a l'egard de la preemption federale en matiere de legislation sur l'immigration (dont l'inadequation est censee etre corrigee), les propositions municipales de controler les (im)migrants prolongent ce que Didier Bigo a appele une 'gouvernementalite du malaise' qui voit de plus en plus la migration comme un probleme de securite. Les mesures municipales redessinent les limites de l'inclusion-exclusion des migrants (irreguliers) en amenant, de la frontiere jusqu'a l'interieur, la logique territoriale et politique propre au controle de l'immigration, tout en imposant et en diffusant de nouveaux mecanismes de controle dans les pratiques et espaces quotidiens des (im)migrants juges 'illegaux' et indesirables. L'article etudie deux mesures municipales liees a l'immigration (a Hazleton en Pennsylvanie et a Herouxville au Quebec), lesquelles dictent une logique de controle de l'immigration et de protection identitaire au travers de strategies de dissuasion et de creation d'incapacites; ce faisant, ces dispositions amoindrissent les droits civils des (im)migrants. Author Affiliation: (1)Faculty of Environmental Studies, York University, Toronto, Canada Article note: Liette Gilbert (gilbertL@yorku.ca), Faculty of Environmental Studies, York University, 4700 Keele Street, Toronto, Ontario M3J 1P3, Canada.

'Pluralism' has for decades had a fairly straightforward meaning for American political scientists. It has denoted a political system in which polity and society are clearly demarcated; in which society [...]

`Sport promotes integration': this idea seems to be commonly accepted both in France and in the UK, even though the authorities in each country see the issue of `ethnic minorities' very differently. This article draws on research based on interviews with the main actors of `socio-sports' policies in the cities of Lyon and Birmingham and on analysis of consultation procedures and official documents, to show that sport provides a set of symbolic markers that helps the authorities, professionals and `ethnic minorities' to get their bearings in an uncertain multicultural situation. Although `ethnic minorities' try to control the direction of sports policies in pursuit of their own objectives, their strategies tend to be `routinized' around markers legitimized by the authorities in response to the success of certain sporting practices. Sports policies, therefore, promote `security' of identity for these `minorities' by `mapping' their environment using the values and principles of sport.

In this article, I set out to explain cross-national variations between styles of ethnic minority incorporation in the conventional political systems of British and French cities. To this aim, I draw inspiration from, and refine, institutionalist approaches to minority participation. I focus on a comparison of two cases, Birmingham (England) and Lille (France). I construct a parsimonious explanatory framework focused on three institutional factors: central-local relations in each country and local party politics and styles of local government in each city. I argue that these elements combine in different ways in each country to produce different local political environments for the politics of ethnic minorities, thereby shaping patterns of participation and conditioning their success, or absence thereof, in the electoral process of cities. Because of local specificities, my two cases are not entirely representative of other cities, but they provide an illustration of the political processes at work in most cities. In Birmingham, minorities participate successfully in Labour party politics, while in Lille, they are submitted to persistent political exclusion at the hands of a powerful Socialist party machine.

This article explores the relationship between French cultural nationalism and multiculturalism. The author argues that the French republican stance against multiculturalism is based upon a commitment to the privatization of cultural identity, and the defence of French national identity is in reaction against globalization, however, French republicans have undermined their own agenda by inadvertently promoting global cultural diversity.

Comparative studies of mass political culture based on surveys, such as the World Values Survey (WVS), typically leap to using aggregate-level statistics for the entire population. No previous analyses of the WVS have examined the value differences associated with a common source of cleavage: ethnicity. The authors test for ethnic differences on 10 democratic values in 16 WVS countries from 1990 to 1993. Ethnic differences within countries on these indicators are often far larger than the aggregate differences between countries. Of 259 paired comparisons between the majority and the minority groups within the 16 countries on the 10 indicators, by chance alone the authors should have found about 13 statistically significant differences; instead, they found 134. Thus, the differences in support for democratic values between ethnic groups within countries are far from just a random phenomenon.

Issues discussed concern the effect of cultural diversity and pluralism on democracy and the practice of politics. Topics addressed include autonomy, constitutional liberalism, and power-sharing and compromise in contemporary society.

Issues discussed concern the political aspects of multiculturalism and diversity in Malaysian society, focusing on the impact of colonial rule and independence on national identity. Topics addressed include ethnic relations between Malay, Indian, and Chinese groups, constitutional politics, and the influence of socioeconomics on communal conflict.

Issues discussed concern the conflict between national citizenship and individual political identity in Canada. Topics addressed include the historical foundations of Canadian government, multiculturalism and the independence movement in Quebec, and the relationship between unity and diversity in a federal state.

42 See Larry Rother, 'The Cold War of Cuba and the Miami Exiles Heats Up,' New York Times, 26 January 1992; James J. Guy, 'Cuba: A Regional Power Without a [...]

How do electoral systems influence citizens' perceptions of government responsiveness? It is well known that although majoritarian electoral systems emphasize the directness and clarity of the connection between voters and policy makers, proportional representation systems facilitate the representation of all factions in society. Although there have been a few studies of the direct influence of electoral systems on popular attitudes about the political system, the results have not been consistent. The author finds, however, that election systems also affect perceptions of government responsiveness, but the relationship is highly contingent on the degree of ethnic diversity in a society. Using Afrobarometer survey data collected from 15 sub-Saharan African countries, along with contextual variables, this multilevel analysis finds that at lower levels of ethnic diversity, majoritarian electoral systems are much better at boosting citizens' external efficacy, whereas at higher levels of ethnic diversity, proportional representation systems are more likely to elevate efficacy. The findings have important implications for constitutional design and democratic consolidation.

Even when Republican Tom Davis first won the Virginia congressional district centered on affluent Fairfax County during the GOP's 1994 landslide, the area wasn't a lily-white, Leave It to Beaver [...]

Details of public opinion survey conducted to determine impact of cultural and ethnic diversity on national unity in Ukraine, are presented.

A number of authors have recently suggested that cities are becoming increasingly important as sites for the negotiation of ethnic diversity. While multiculturalism has been declared 'dead' in many countries, cities are now experimenting with new ways to accommodate ethnic diversity. This article reports on research conducted in Amsterdam. In this city, a 'minority policy' has been replaced by a qualitatively different 'diversity policy'. Even though the diversity policy meets many of the criticisms that have been made against multiculturalism, the new policy also generates its own forms of exclusion. It is concluded that the stress on intercultural interaction and an emphasis on high-quality policies and projects can in practice produce results that run counter to the intentions of policymakers as well as critical theorists. Ironically, these two features of the diversity policy tend to depoliticize societal problems and frustrate political mobilization of some marginalized groups.

Within a multi-cultural society we should all be learning the language of a racially diverse UK, writes Franklin Riley When asked to write this article I agonised over what path [...]

Patriotism and nationalism appear to have become more important at a time when the nation state has become less important and globalization is under way. Multiculturalism is also gaining momentum although real cultural differences between ethnic groups are being eroded. The work of Maurizio Viroli examines these issues in a European context, though the debate as a whole has tended to focus on the US. Martha Nussbaum has also made an important contribution in stimulating a debate on this topic.