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Copyright of Estudios de Derecho is the property of Estudios de Derecho and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Crónica Tributaria is the property of Instituto de Estudios Fiscales, Ministerio de Hacienda y Funcion Publica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

France has been the main adversary of Hollywood's dominance of the moving image. Using France as an example, the aim of this article is to demonstrate that Hollywood's dominant position in exports is a direct consequence of collusion and monopolistic trade practices among the eight Hollywood corporations in combination with unconditional diplomatic backing. The corporate offices in Manhattan exercised monopolistic power and control over film distribution and exhibition in the U.S. as well as abroad. Their mass production of films aimed at maximizing profits, thereby obstructing innovation in Europe. Primary sources in the U.S. National Archives from the period 1945–1971 demonstrate that Hollywood's trade association, the Motion Picture Association (MPAA), obtained massive diplomatic support from the U.S. Department of State to fend off opposition to Hollywood exports, especially French policies of cultural protectionism, which gained support in trade discussions in the GATT, the OECD, and the EEC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Direito Internacional is the property of Revista de Direito Internacional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Pharmaceutical Company and Pharmaceutical production plays a significant role in the economic development of a country. It is even more important for developing country like India which needs to generate employment, achieve higher rate of growth, poverty elevation programs, improve the standard of living of its people and stabilize the price level of healthcare. Role of World Trade Organisation (WTO) is very important for regulation. The WTO was established in 1995 and when compared with the GATT is much wider in scope, with a stronger institutional basis and with treaty status. The main aim of this paper is to analyze the Indian pharmaceutical production performance, pre and post implementation of WTO policies. It is clear that the implementation of WTO policies, Compound Annual Growth Rate (CAGR) of India’s pharmaceutical production has minute effect on it. The topic is of essence as in based on doctrinal study where by different set of data has been gathered from the primary and secondary sources. The research Article is an outcome of research which the research scholar is under taking in pursuance and for conferment of Ph.d Degree. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Canada's dairy farmers have spent the last 40 years fighting to preserve their supply management system despite increases in the desire to liberalize trade through the expansion of regional free trade agreements and the targeting of agriculture in recent rounds of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). How has Canada's supply management system resisted trade liberalization thus far? Moreover, what strategies have Canadian dairy farmers used to lobby the government to preserve this system? The answer to these questions lay within the intersection of culture and economics. Canadian dairy farmers have been successful in framing Canadian dairy as a distinctly Canadian cultural commodity, and therefore framing supply management as the economic tool needed to defend this cultural commodity. In exploring this topic, this article will touch on Canada's history of preserving cultural institutions, as well as the historical importance of Canada's supply management system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: Although trabeculectomy, and to a less extent glaucoma drainage devices are currently the gold standard in glaucoma surgery, there is a rising interest in addressing the more physiological pathway of aqueous outflow through surgeries that target Schlemm's canal (SC). These surgeries have the advantage of a lower risk of hypotony and bleb-related complications commonly associated with conventional glaucoma surgery.In this article we review new developments and the different techniques of circumferential angle surgery in adult and pediatric glaucoma, as well as procedures which target the canal circumferentially without incising it, such as canaloplasty and Visco360. Methods: A comprehensive literature search of various electronic databases was performed. Results: Angle surgery, namely goniotomy and trabeculotomy, have been well established as standard procedures in pediatric glaucoma, yet their results in the management of adult glaucoma have not been as promising. In recent years, ab-interno trabeculectomy using Trabectome and Kahook dual blade have yielded variable results in adult glaucoma. As growing evidence suggests that bigger extent incisions into SC result in increased lowering of intraocular pressure than conventional 120 to 180-degree incisions, several procedures have been developed to create a circumferential incision into SC. Circumferential SC incision using sutures, microcatheters, TRAB360 or the rigid probe trabeculotome, through an ab-interno or ab-externo approach, have yielded promising results in both adult and pediatric glaucoma by reducing the resistance to aqueous outflow through the inner wall of SC over 360 degrees of the angle. Conclusions: Various techniques of circumferential Schlemm's canal surgery is effective in management of different adult and pediatric glaucomas. Further long-term comparative studies would be useful in evaluating safety and efficacy of these procedures [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The impact of international trade law on domestic policy and regulatory actors and institutions is examined here via the concept of 'discourse communities'. The General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) is understood both as a legal framework and as a socialising forum which fostered the 'shared conceptual and normative sensibilities' of actors functioning within it not only as states' representatives, but also as trade experts; experts who performed roles within GATT as well as roles in domestic policy-making bodies and regulatory institutions. In examining the way in which these actors reviewed the work of Australia's Tariff Board in light of GATT obligations, the analysis points to their role in the dissemination of GATT's constitutive ideas; about trade, economic thinking and what constitutes expertise and authoritative knowledge about trade, economies and economics. Using the Tariff Board as a case study, the article traces the way in which Australian trade experts' engagement with the 'discourse community' of GATT in its early years worked to devalue the knowledge and expertise of those who were perceived to be outside of this community, delegitimising in the process alternative understandings of trade and economy that did not support GATT's central project of global trade liberalisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate change is an essential topic in the contemporary spotlight, and several countries have made efforts to handle it through their international commitments such as the Paris Agreement, which sets an actual baseline that has to be respected to avoid irreparable damage. Carbon taxes came into the picture as plausible tools in the fight against climate change aiming at reducing the production of greenhouse emissions. However, it is necessary to examine such measures under the light of the law of the World Trade Organization to avoid trade concerns or claims by any Member of said organization. Colombia has issued a carbon tax that charges the sale and importation of certain fossil fuels; yet, we believe that the level of protection could be superior by levying the manufacturing industry. Thus, the drafters of such measure must tread carefully on the implications that it may have on the competitive position of foreign products that could be under the scope of the tax to avoid a violation of the notions of discrimination or the imposition of unnecessary restrictions protected through the National Treatment principle enshrined in the gatt. On the other hand, the World Trade Organization allows the justification of an inconsistent measure through the general exceptions enshrined in gatt Article XX. This provision will cover these measures provided that they are not applied as a means of an unjustifiable or arbitrary discrimination or a disguised restriction on international trade. In this research, it will be ascertained how would extended carbon taxes be compatible with the cited rules. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ciência & Trópico (03042685) is the property of Fundacao Joaquim Nabuco and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Cuba sought economic independence from the U.S. and its reliance on sugar exports after its 1959 revolution, but subsequently developed new dependency relationships. In the meantime, Cuba remained inside the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), despite conducting most of its trade outside it. This paper explores the political economy of Cuba’s participation in the GATT and later the World Trade Organization (WTO). Documents show that Cuba sought to use its participation to gain new markets and influence in the developing world. While Cuba has gained little economically from its participation, in recent years it has diversified its exports and trade partners, and its trade interests now align more closely with WTO rules. Economic reforms will be necessary in order for Cuba to benefit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores tax policy effects and revenue implications of joining the World Trade Organization (WTO) and its predecessor, the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). It documents that countries joining GATT/WTO after 1990 have implemented tariff-cum-tax reforms, lowering tariff rates and raising consumption tax rates, in particular through reform or introduction of a value added tax (VAT). Employing a panel of 97 developing and transitional countries, 31 of which joined GATT/WTO between 1990 and 2011, using robust difference-in-difference specifications as well as the synthetic control method, we find a statistically and economically significant decline in revenues from import duties. This finding supports concerns about revenue losses, but also corroborates the efficacy of the late Uruguay GATT and the WTO trade regimes in promoting free trade among new members. Regarding consumption taxes, we find robust evidence that revenue substitution was successful, since revenue losses from import duties were more than compensated for by enhanced revenues from consumption taxes. With regard to the timing of the revenue effects, our results show that revenue losses in import duties mostly take place at the time of membership or later. Changes in consumption taxation, however, exhibit pre-membership effects, as revenues are increased, and VAT is adopted, often a few years ahead of losses in import duties. No such effects are found before the start of the accession negotiations, indicating that consumption tax reforms are initiated once a country is on the road to GATT/WTO membership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the formation of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) in 1948, to the ending of the ill-fated Trans Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPP) in 2017, United States' leaders of both political parties have encouraged international trade. This paper examines four policy changes since GATT that may provide future solutions: Japan's Voluntary Export Restraints in 1981, the creation of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) in 1994, China's entrance into the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001, and the termination of the TPP in 2017. Despite a repeated negative trade balance, the percentage of trade in the GDP has been very meaningful to the U. S. economy. In an inspection of trade winners and losers, certain industries have done very well. The overall tradable sector has declined, while the non-tradable sector has seen very significant growth. One problem is that tradable industries pay workers more than their service counterparts, but face an unfulfilled need for trained workers. Multinational firms (MFN's) have prospered. Small firms, employing semi-skilled workers and supplying those MFN's have disappeared. Also as the United States wrestles with immigration, the semi-skilled jobs that the new entrants to the U.S. could have expected historically are gone. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Commerce had become a “reason of state” in the eighteenth century. With the publication of Smith’s Wealth of Nations, the idea that free international trade was economically beneficial however gradually gained prominence. The long nineteenth century indeed saw timid – bilateral – attempts to implement the new politico-economic philosophy. Yet the First World War and the Great Depression destroyed almost all trade liberalisation already achieved, and the neo-mercantilist policies of the 1920s and 1930s seemed to turn the wheels of commerce backwards. Nonetheless: after the Second World War the belief that a peaceful world order could only be founded on a stable international economic order emerged strengthened; and a number of institutional attempts to liberalise – and harness – the world economy were immediately made, culminating in the creation of the 1947 General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia y Politica: Ideas, Procesos y Movimientos Sociales is the property of Departamento De Historia del Pensamiento y de los Moviemientos Sociales y Politicos (Madrid) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines the question of whether the WTO enjoys a monopoly over the set tlement of trade disputes by examining th e historical context of the Dispute Settlement Understanding of the WTO, including early dispute resolution under the GATT and the goal behind the transformation leading to the WTO of curbing potential unilateralism within the trade regime. It argues that this culminated in the intention to create a centralized rule-based system for th e set tlement of disputes, rather than an intention to create a monopoly for the WTO. The article examines potential threats to the so-called monopoly, in particular with the proliferation of Regional Trade Agreements (RTAS) and th e development of Mutually Agreed Solutions (MAS). It also addresses relevant case law to demonstrate that the WTO does not and was not intended to enjoy a monopoly over trade disputes. Rather, the WTO pursues the objective of strengthening the multilateral trading system rather than encouraging unilateral trade action, which would not appear to be undermined by resort to the dispute settlement mechanisms of relevant RTAS or other dispute set tlement mechanisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article undertakes an innovative analysis of the theoretical and practical bases of world trade law by employing the interactional international law theory developed by Jutta Brunnée and Stephen Toope, and the jurisprudence of Lon L. Fuller. There are two main reasons for choosing an interactional approach. Firstly, through the constructivist notion of shared understandings, it offers a suitable framework for identifying the social foundations of world trade in terms of economic and legal inputs into the system. Secondly, Fuller's contributions are acutely relevant to world trade law because of the economics foundation of his morality of law thesis, and his insightful reflections on fidelity to law, legality, and adjudication. Fuller's jurisprudence pays close attention to the limits of adjudicating institutional rules that apply to the allocation of economic resources. This makes it useful for discussing the procedural challenges facing the World Trade Organization compliance regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the role of the degree of legal controversy with respect to a panel ruling in determining the countries' tendency to block/appeal a panel report. It shows that, under both the GATT and WTO regimes, there is an asymmetric advantage between the plaintiff and the defendant. The plaintiff's potential benefit of blocking/appealing an adverse panel ruling is smaller than the that of the defendant, but it bears the same cost structure as the latter. This disadvantage to the plaintiff is diminished under the WTO procedure compared to the GATT, though it is not completely eliminated. The study also shows that the level of legal controversy over panel rulings increases, in general, proportionate to the increase in the frequency at which panel reports are blocked under the GATT regime. However, the tendency to appeal a panel report under the new WTO procedure is, basically, higher than the tendency to block a panel report under the GATT, when such reviews in appeal were not available. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The empirical literature on the effect of the GATT/WTO on trade provides ambiguous results. This paper sheds new light on this issue by re-examining the ex post (partial) effect of GATT/WTO membership on trade using multiple econometric specifications of the gravity equation and analysing several potential asymmetries of the GATT/WTO system. Our results show an uneven but pervasive evidence that membership in GATT/WTO have had an economically significant effect on members' bilateral trade. Moreover, we find that the GATT/WTO effect operates through both trade margins but mainly through the intensive margin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's accession in the World Trade Organization was one of the hotly debated topics in international trade arena. Ironically, after years of incense that the West was trying to keep China out of the trade body hence it was a long battle for China to get access in this multilateral trade regime. Many worried before the accession that China's trade will face tremendous competition from the west, the agricultural and infant industries will face a vulnerable condition and that China as a nation will become knotted in a global capitalist network that will erode the country's sovereignty. By contrast, the optimists' view was that China's entry will promote the rule of law in the country, reduce the state interference over the citizen and accelerate China's trade into new level and thus China's entry will benefit not only China but also the global community. Though there were difficulties to reform the trade policies and legal system to make it conformity with WTO standards but China got the chance to reinforce the directions in which China's economy and polity have been moving in recent years. By examining China's accession history in WTO, particularly since it signed the Havana Charter, this Article finds its experience in the GATT and aneagerness to participate the multilateral trading system and a objective to change its trade policy and legal system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A turning points analysis is used to capture the negotiating dynamics that occur within the structure of the GATT and the WTO. Ministerial/Council-level operations and Committee-level operations are distinguished. Within WTO Doha Development Agenda negotiations (2001-present), we isolate Ministerial/Council-level data and within GATT, we isolate Committee-level data by examining Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights negotiations conducted during the GATT Uruguay round (1985-1994) and at the WTO Doha Ministerial (2001). A detailed chronology of each case is compiled, followed by the identification of precipitants, departures and consequences, which are the three parts of a turning points analysis. We conclude that the precipitants that led to negotiation turning points in the Ministerial/Council environment are exclusively internal and generally procedural. The precipitants creating turning points within the Committee environment are generally internal and substantive. These conclusions have implications for our understanding of international environments and their impact on negotiation process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Harbor Maintenance Tax is a fundamentally flawed maintenance funding mechanism for the critical US port system. Three alternatives were analyzed. User fee rates were estimated for either a national or regional tonnage based fee. Our results indicate that maintenance cost recovering regional fees could vary widely from about 10 cents per tonne to nearly 80 cents per tonne. A national rate would be about 30 cents per tonne. The large regional differences and affects on bulk shippers are likely to make implementing and maintaining cost recovering tonnage based fees infeasible. Two other mechanisms are considered. One possibility is to abolish the HMT without a replacement mechanism. The obvious strength of this approach is its simplicity, the weaknesses is that it is not budget neutral. Another possibility is to increase the federal diesel tax rate. One strength of the approach is the reasonable rate increase required to recover port maintenance costs (estimated between 0.278 and 0.315 cents per liter). An additional strength is that relatively inefficient fuel users will either make the largest share of the additional payments or the freight will shift modes to one that is more efficient. One weakness is that the rate has been unchanged since 1997, this points to the political difficulty involved in passing such a rate increase. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the high times of the globalization and liberalization of the economies worldwide has been seen as a result of the multilateral trade relations and the advent of the World Trade Organisation. The signing of the GATT and membership of the multilateral institutions such as World Bank and International Monetary Fund has brought the international trade at an open business platform wherein anybody can do business in any country without any hassle. All this is possible due to the emergence of the national policies towards the international adaptable policy regime. This policy coherence which has enabled the economies to design the policy framework acceptable to the international business economies and units, has contributed to the growth of the multilateral trade and developmental activities. The paper studies the emergence and role of policy coherence in the national policies as adaptable to the international trade policy framework and regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why has Brazil traditionally adopted a defensive position in multilateral negotiations on trade in services? Three explanatory factors are typically used for understanding the domestic determinants of economic diplomacy: interests, institutions, and ideas. In this study, I assess the role of these variables in determining the Brazilian stance in the negotiations on trade in services in the Uruguay Round. I use archival evidence and interviews in a case study designed to recover the country's negotiating position throughout the round of negotiations, identify the preferences of relevant government and private actors, and reveal the mechanisms and loci of government-business interaction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the position of the Eastern Bloc countries in the economic globalisation which spread in the last third of the twentieth century. The main emphasis is on the German Democratic Republic (East Germany). Therefore two significant dimensions of economic globalisation have been selected: trade and capital-market transactions. The first part of this paper provides an outline of globalisation processes and their causes during the 1970s and 1980s. The second part deals with the role of Eastern bloc countries in globalisation trends, including an examination of the motivations and intentions behind their foreign-trade operations. This becomes the basis to explore the attitude of Eastern bloc countries to the institutions of globalisation (the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade [GATT], the International Monetary Fund [IMF] and the World Bank). As it turns out, it seems questionable whether the Eastern bloc countries had ever been able actively to determine the conditions of globalisation. They probably only had an influence as their very existence presented a line of demarcation to the global world: because of their own policies and because of the defence reactions of the West. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

La Organización Mundial del Comercio (OMC) y la Ronda de Doha han decidido dejar en manos de la OIT las cuestiones laborales. Sin embargo, como muestra este artículo, los países más activos en la conclusión de acuerdos comerciales preferenciales incluyen disposiciones sobre trabajo, más o menos exigentes, cuyo presunto carácter proteccionista no ha podido demostrarse. Estas cláusulas responden a objetivos diversos y a veces contradictorios, recurren poco a las sanciones y exigen en general medidas orientadas a la mejora de la legislación y las prácticas y a la promoción del trabajo decente. El autor ofrece varias sugerencias al respecto. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Direito Internacional is the property of Revista de Direito Internacional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Direito Internacional is the property of Revista de Direito Internacional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Résumé. Alors même que l'Organisation mondiale du commerce (OMC) et le Cycle de développement de Doha laissent à l'OIT le soin de traiter les questions relatives au travail, cet article montre que les pays les plus actifs dans la conclusion d'accords de préférence commerciale incluent des dispositions sociales plus ou moins contraignantes. Les sanctions sont peu utilisées et le caractère protectionniste des «clauses sociales» n'est pas avéré. Ces clauses répondent à des objectifs divers et parfois contradictoires qui appellent différentes mesures qui s'orientent vers la promotion du renforcement des pratiques et la promotion du travail décent. L'auteur émet un certain nombre de suggestions à cet égard. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Doha multilateral round of trade negotiations sponsored by the WTO has been dragging on for over a decade, with no end in sight. In this short paper we assess empirically what determines the duration of trade negotiations, focusing on the span between the start of trade talks and their conclusion. We use data from 88 regional trade agreements between 1988 and 2009, and a semi-parametric Cox proportional hazards model. Four factors are robust determinants of the length of RTA negotiations. Negotiations are more protracted when there are more countries at the negotiation table, and when the countries are not from the same region. Negotiations between more open and richer countries also finish more quickly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent empirical studies have estimated the trade flow effect of membership in the World Trade Organization (WTO) and its predecessor, the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). One important, although largely untested, conclusion from this literature is that the GATT/WTO works well if we ignore trade in agriculture - one of the institutions seemingly apparent failures. This article investigates this conclusion using a large panel of agricultural and non-agricultural trade flows. The results are impressive: the multilateral institution has delivered significant positive effects on members agricultural trade despite its sensitive nature and the reluctance of members to undertake serious reform. These findings are robust to various slices of the data and recent advances in the specification and estimation of the gravity equation to account for sample selection issues and the extensive margin of trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: The WTO leaves discretion over environmental policies to its members, but requests that a fundamental non-discrimination principle is respected: National Treatment (NT). The provision seeks to prevent protectionist use of domestic policy instruments, requesting that when an imported product is sufficiently similar to a domestic product, they are treated identically. WTO adjudicators will often face severe informational problems in environmental disputes. Important for the practical implementation of NT is therefore the allocation of the burden of proof (BoP). This paper highlights basic implications of the BoP for the occurrence of judicial errors, for the environment and for welfare, using a setting where NT serves its intended role of supporting negotiated tariff liberalization. The paper suggests that NT may indeed constrain environmental policies, but that this may be desirable from an efficiency point of view. Also, BoP rules that benefit the environment may not benefit global welfare, and conversely. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Though developed countries have contributed the lion's share of greenhouse gases to date, developing countries are rapidly catching up - and seem unlikely to adopt meaningful GHG controls in the near term. This prospect concerns major developed countries, since their own GHG controls could cause carbon-intensive production to migrate to unregulated countries, a phenomenon called 'carbon leakage.' This article surveys progress in international negotiations to date. It argues that, given the slow pace of efforts to create a global GHG control framework, carbon tariffs and other border measures are likely to be invoked as an alternative means of preventing carbon leakage. The article illustrates the legal and economic pitfalls of border adjustments and urges major emitting countries to suspend the imposition of border measures for a limited time while negotiating a 'Code of Good Practice' to guide their trade-related climate measures going forward. The Code that we describe would constrain the scope of border measures and sharply limit their negative consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the role of several international agreements and organizations on intellectual property rights (IPR) in agriculture. IPR in agriculture is important for ensuring food security around the world. International agreements and organizations playing significant role in IPR are the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), the Trade Related Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) Agreement, the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the Convention on Biodiversity (CBD).

In a recent notable paper, Rose (2004a) finds no evidence that membership in the GATT/WTO increases trade. However, to evaluate accurately the role of the trade organization on trade promotion, only trade in commodities and sectors that are actually under the influence of that organization should be taken into account. Therefore, in this study, we exclude agriculture, textile and oil trade from consideration, as they are not dealt with under GATT/WTO rules; as a result, the benefit of the GATT/WTO's promotional efforts is pronounced, increasing trade by approximately 30% for member countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Due to the spectacular increase in their number, preferential trade agreements which occupy a prominent place in international trade relations became an indispensable part of the world trade system. The main feature of the RTAs is in the granting of preferences between parties, without broadening its application to third countries. For this reason, as an exception to the Most Favoured Nation principle, the RTAS are considered as a threat to the multilateral trading system under the GATT. However, a broader reflection to the place of RTAs in the WTO system shows that these agreements, far from constituting an obstacle to global trade liberalization, fulfill a crucial function of strengthening the multilateral trade system. For this reason more than questioning the compatibility of RTAs with the multilateral logic, one should consider a more harmonious multilateral trading system with economic regionalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article concerns the Brazilian trade policy during the governments of José Sarney (1985-1990), Fernando Collor de Mello (1990-1992) and Itamar Franco (1992-1994), studying how, throughout this period, Brazil stopped trying to derogate the GATT principles of progressive liberalization and nondiscrimination and began to incorporate them in the elaboration of the trade policy under the responsibility of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the government's ministries of economy. I seek to explain the convergence of policies between those distinct State bureaucracies through the gradual occupation of the decisory instances by groups with convergent conceptions of the foreign trade functionality on the promotion of economic development, which contributed to the evolution of the Brazilian stance at GATT Uruguay Round and to the reform of the imports regime. To support this hypothesis, I have tried to verify the relationship between the evolution of the economic thought of groups responsible for the formulation of the commercial policy and the redefinition of policies in this area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan endowed a very poor industrial base at the time of independence in 1947. It was considered to emphasize more on import substitution policies to develop a strong economy. The new era of trade liberalization started in 1989. Government took number of steps towards free economy, and gradually introduced comprehensive macroeconomic and structural reforms in the country. Since 1999, Pakistan embarked on export led growth strategy which is being managed through successive trade regimes. This study was conducted in 2008 which covered the research work already undertaken related by impact of liberalization on agriculture. A total of fourteen studies were included in the review. These studies covered broad concept of globalization, free trade and its implications for the agriculture sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Medunarodni Problemi is the property of Institute of International Politics & Economics and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

60 years of GATT A good occasion to review its major contribution in the expansion of international trade, in economic development. The study is structured in three directions: GATT - O.M.C. and trade liberalization; GATT - O.M.C. and economic development; GATT - O.M.C. and regional economic groupings. The final part is dedicated to the problems of new international economic governance in a knowledge based society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuadernos de Negocios Internacionales e Integración is the property of Universidad Catolica del Uruguay Damaso Antonio Larranaga and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article argues that a major aim of the Uruguay Round of GATT was to strengthen its dispute settlement procedures and such efforts resulted in bringing about significant improvements in the WTO dispute settlement system. It upholds the right of initiating a panel process by a complaining government and thus prevents blocking at that stage. It also establishes strict timetables for processing disputes and makes all decisions binding unless the DSB votes unanimously to overrule them. If the defendants fail to comply, the WTO can authorize the complainant to impose retaliatory trade sanctions. However, the system is not without weaknesses as the recommendations of the DSB are not implemented promptly and it is still reliant in important respects on the consent and initiative of the parties to the dispute. Although provisions on dispute settlement are generally seen as positive by the developing countries, including Pakistan, many face the challenge of finding the financial, as well as human, resources to participate in the WTO's dispute settlement proceedings. Securing compliance from a defaulting country, especially if it is a developed country, to the dispute settlement of the WTO also remains a major problem. The article concludes that in a general analysis, the dispute settlement system of WTO has been used by both developed and developing countries, despite having some procedural and functional weaknesses mainly due to the lack of a mechanism at the WTO to implement its decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work brings a historical analysis of the multilateral trading system, focusing on its importance to the building up of the international economic order, after the Second World War. From an evolutionary perspective, the international context in which the multilateral trading system was created is presented. Moreover, the interactions between world historical transformations and the development of the multilateral trading system. from GATT to WTO, are analyzed, both in political and economic points of view. Furthermore, the role played by the Brazilian economic diplomacy in building and transforming the multilateral trading system is analyzed. Some considerations are also made on the Doha Round of trade talks and its importance to the developing countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to evaluate the efficiency of the Special and Differential Treatment which has been developed for increasing the benefits of the multilateral trade system for the developing countries. In the first part of the paper, the Special and Differential Treatment within GATT and World Trade Organization were examined and the problems concerning them were determined. In the second part, new approaches to the Special and Differential Treatment were discussed. In the last part, current situation of the Special and Differential Treatment was defined; a general assessment was made on the new approaches to the Special and Differential Treatment which are considered to support the development processes of developing countries and be compatible with the development dynamics of World Trade Organization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The conflict between the European Community (EC) and the US on the terms of an agricultural accord stalled the Uruguay Round of GATT negotiations (1986-93) for nearly three years. This article examines the policy process that formed around the agricultural dossier in France, where the government has long championed co-operation and collaboration with professional farm syndicates. Recent analyses link this co- operation to the policy community model of decision-making. Through a detailed examination of the dynamics of the policy process during the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) talks' crucial years, this article argues that the French government's handling of the agricultural dossier contradicts the fundamental elements of this model. The analysis poses problems for both the current literature on French agriculture and the applicability of policy community theory more generally. The stage is set for a more broadly encompassing theoretical analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1997, Hong Kong will once again be a part of the People's Republic of China (PRC). In the past decade imports from China into the United States have risen from almost nothing to the point where China is now the leading supplier of imported textiles and apparel to the United States. As this change occurred, Hong Kong has played a major role in contracting and marketing for the Chinese textile and apparel producers, particularly those located in Guangdong (Canton) province. Together with the approaching phase-out of the Multifiber Arrangement (MFA), the integration of Hong Kong into China will make the latter an even stronger and more influential force in the U.S. market. This integration will probably pose a formidable challenge to the U.S. textile and apparel industries, but wilt also give opportunities. With Hong Kong providing the ideal springboard, China offers excellent opportunities for those U.S. textile and apparel manufacturers who can exhibit wisdom, patience, long term views and a willingness to learn the culture of the consumer market in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1980s the US government sought to encourage India to liberalize its trade regime in services and foreign investment. US officials sought to achieve their objective by naming India to the 1988 Trade Act's 'Super 301' list of target countries for mandatory market-opening negotiations under threat of retaliation while at the same time also pursuing Indian trade liberalization multilaterally under the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) Uruguay Round negotiations. The two policies were uncoordinated and incompatible, and ultimately the Super 301 cases against India were terminated when US officials realized that they risked damaging prospects of success under the Uruguay Round talks. As a case study the US-India case exposes weaknesses in the ability of state actor-based theories of hegemonic stability as well as domestic politics and institutions-based explanations alone to yield a full account of interest formation and policy formulation. An integrative theoretical approach taking account of the role of epistemic communities is required to provide the fullest explanation both of individual decision making and institutional and structural factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]