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El siguiente trabajo indaga sobre las diferentes modalidades que expresa el capitalismo-colonial en la región y como se re-articula el poder colonial a través de ciertos discursos, políticas y estrategias en el sistema educativo, reproduciendo modalidades de subjetivación coloniales y respondiendo a una mirada del mundo, la sostenida por la geopolítica del conocimiento. Una aproximación a los aportes sobre la colonialidad del poder y la colonialidad del saber de Aníbal Quijano, la Educación Liberadora de Paulo Freire, las Pedagogías Criticas y la Psicología Latinoamericana, re-significadas y re-pensadas a la luz de los diversos movimientos populares, indígenas, feministas, campesinos, entre otros, nos permiten avanzar en el diseño de pedagogías criticas, populares e interculturales desde el sur global.

Linked to extractive practices, territorial dispossession can be traced back to the colonisation of Abya Yala. From a decolonial commitment, this article complicates notions of dispossession and extractivism as merely emerging from war in Colombia and focuses on their presence in Campesinas territories. Based on the conceptualisations of the coloniality of power and coloniality of gender, I narrate how territorial dispossession and extractivism are felt in women’s ‘body-lands’ through foreign tourism/conservation development and new export crops in two rural veredas in the Colombian Andes and in the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta where I conducted participatory visual projects in 2016. From a relational understanding of place, I also demonstrate the ways that the rural population is resisting and negotiating within these processes. Ultimately, I make a call for feminist scholars to politically commit to the dismantling of the coloniality of gender, and to the resistances to territorial dispossession and extractivism (epistemic and economic) that rural women are leading in place in the Global South.

Este artigo analisa a interseccionalidade entre gênero, raça e classe no encarceramento de mulheres no contexto da Cadeia Pública de Pato Branco/PR. O estudo tem como base teórica o feminismo decolonial, que propõe a análise da colonialidade do poder e do ser; e o feminismo negro, que preconiza a categoria de interseccionalidade. Desse modo, a pesquisa sobre encarceramento permite considerar questões mais amplas que perpassam fatores de exclusão na sociedade moderna e que se refletem no controle sobre os corpos dentro das prisões, especialmente, os corpos das mulheres. O estudo foi construído através do método de história de vida, por meio de entrevistas semiestruturadas com mulheres presas. Observamos que o ato de encarcerar, quando realizado com mulheres, além de assumir o controle sobre o corpo tido como insubordinado – visando torná-lo dócil, submisso e obediente –, acaba por reforçar a sociedade patriarcal e suas formas de controle sobre as mulheres.

Bilingual education as a whole has been gentrifying, as more privileged students replace Transnational Language Learners (TLLs) in bilingual education spaces and policies (Valdez et al. in Educ Policy 30(6):849–883, 2016. https://doi.org/10.1177/0895904814556750 ). We argue this is an extension of coloniality (Mignolo in Local histories/global designs: coloniality, subaltern knowledges, and border thinking, Princeton University Press, Princeton, 2000/2012): as two-way bilingual education (TWBE) policies are enacted, they are shaped by globalizing, neoliberal, and monoglossic discourses that have a history of dispossessing and erasing minoritized peoples and languages. Taking a critical constructivist grounded theory approach, this study brings together three unique data sets from the US Midwest, Southeast, and Texas to question: How does gentrification manifest in TWBE across policy scales and contexts? And how are stakeholders responding to or resisting gentrification and its underlying coloniality? Regardless of the varying state policy and local contexts, each TWBE program in our study experienced gentrification. Specifically, TLLs and their Spanish language(s) were replaced or diminished as TWBE policy enactment intersected with district and state policies, particularly those shaping enrollment, transportation, course scheduling, and teacher and student recruitment. While the analysis focuses on gentrification processes through policy enactment, we also detail spaces of consciousness where stakeholders recognized and resisted them and conclude with a discussion on how coloniality is both manifested and can be challenged in language policy enactment.

Theoretically, community participation decolonises research ethics in settings where a ‘coloniality of power’ persists. We used ethnographic methods to document our experiences of ‘ethics in practice’, and interrogate the (de)colonising outcomes, of community participation in voluntary informed assent and consent (VIAC) procedures with 16–17-year-old Black South African youth and parents. Community participation decolonised by: (1) disrupting and problematising the power dynamics of written VIAC procedures and (2) minimally shifting power to youth and parents. However, community participation sometimes reinforced existing power hierarchies. In postcolonial qualitative research settings, community participation has potential to, but will not necessarily, decolonise ethics in practice.

This article explores theoretical responses to the living structures of dominance and subordination within modern postcolonial societies, highlighting racialised international students’ experiences...

The readymade garments workers in Bangladesh are the most important persons in the economy of Bangladesh. Without their contribution, we have not got the status of a middle-income country. There is a distinct similarity between the garment’s workers and slavery in terms of the long work hours, wage gap, and curbing human rights. This research is focused on the relation between power and labor in the garment factory. So, this paper is based on the theory of ‘Coloniality of Power’ by Anibal Quijano (2000). It is investigating how the labourers have become modern ‘slaves’, how they are being treated, and how their flesh and blood are used to bear the practice of colonialism. This paper concludes with some recommendations for stopping this practice.

Within the last decade, the notion of a housing crisis emerged as a key issue on national political agendas across nation-states. The overall decline in homeownership is even sharper along racial l...

This article examines the dynamics of constructing current migration from the so-called Global South in ‘risk’, ‘crisis’ and ‘fear’ terms that translate into xenophobic, racialised and gendered processes of ‘othering’ people who are displaced. This is done within the framework of a ‘coloniality of power’ (Quijano 2000b) perspective, understood as the ‘colonial power matrix’ (Grosfoguel 2011). This is how the location from which the current racialised and gendered politics of fear is being constructed. The notion of racialised security leads to racialised masculinity of the ‘Other’, while stigmatising migrant men. These colonial narratives that have created ‘knowledge’ about other masculinities have been invoked and re-articulated within the current racialised processes of securitisation of migration. They have supported construction of the sexual assault of ‘our’ women as the public security concern. Consequently, racially marked rape becomes an important part of State security, linked to national territory and border control.

Current conceptualisations of citizenship in South Africa are embedded in the egalitarian discourse of the Constitution, lauded for its recognition of historically marginalised groups, including sexually and gender diverse people. Within the paradox of progressive legal advancements and the legacy of colonialism and apartheid, we use a decolonial feminist lens to critically engage with the notion of citizenship for black lesbian women in contemporary South Africa. We adopt a social-psychological perspective of citizenship as an active practice, embedded within the dynamic intersections of historical, structural and discursive patterns of power-knowledge relations in everyday life. We draw from five focus group discussions that were part of a study that explored the intersections of identity, power and violence in the lives of black lesbian women in South Africa. Focusing on the enactments of citizenship in public spaces, we contend that black lesbian women’s lived experiences of citizenship point to the enduring manifestations of the coloniality of power, in which the centrality of race underpins the intersections of class, gender and sexuality. We conclude by arguing that current conceptualisations of full citizenship in contemporary South Africa require a reframing that recognises the coloniality of power and the heterogeneity of marginalised and invisibilised subjectivities.

La teoría de la colonialidad del poder formulada originalmente por Aníbal Quijano, a principios de los anos noventa, y ampliada posteriormente por la red latinoamericana de intelectuales-activistas ligados a lo que se ha denominado "Proyecto Modernidad / Colonialidad / Descolonialidad", es una de las propuestas epistémicas más debatidas en el escenario intelectual contemporáneo en América Latina. Especialmente en la región andina, esta propuesta ha sido -y es actualmente- central en el proceso de emergencia de nuevas perspectivas críticas e ideas radicales, no sólo en el campo académico, sino fundamentalmente junto al accionar epistémico y político de los diferentes movimientos sociales. En este trabajo realizamos una revisión de los núcleos fundamentales de esta teoría, centrándonos en las elaboraciones del propio Aníbal Quijano. Introducimos los principales componentes conceptuales de la colonialidad del poder, para luego inscribir la potencialidad explicativa que contienen estos elementos teóricos en la comprensión de la estructuración de las sociedades y los Estados-nación en América Latina.

As experiências de internacionalização e mobilidade estudantil têm vindo a aumentar, ainda que de forma muito assimétrica entre países. Portugal tem acolhido estudantes de diferentes procedências geográficas, sendo particularmente expressiva a presença de brasileiras/os no ensino superior. No que diz respeito às estudantes, este estudo revela que as relações sociais e académicas não são atravessadas apenas por estereótipos de género. Numa análise crítica mais ampla e profunda, conceitos teóricos pós-coloniais/descoloniais (como colonialidade de poder) e a metodologia interseccional permitem perceber condições de subalternidade na interação complexa das identidades étnico-raciais, de género e de nacionalidade., Experiences in internationalization and student mobility have been increasing, albeit in a very asymmetric way between countries. Portugal has welcomed students from different geographical origins, with the presence of Brazilians in higher education being particularly expressive. In regard to female students, this study reveals that social and academic relationships are not permeated only by gender stereotypes. In a broader and deeper critical analysis, postcolonial/decolonial theoretical concepts (such as coloniality of power) and intersectional methodology allow us to perceive subalternity conditions in the complex interaction of ethnic-racial, gender and national identities., Les expériences d’internationalisation et de mobilité des étudiants se sont multipliées, bien que de manière très asymétrique entre les pays. Le Portugal a accueilli des étudiants d’origines géographiques différentes, et la présence de brésiliens dans l’enseignement supérieur est particulièrement expressive. Notre étude montre que les relations sociales et académiques, en particulier en ce qui concerne les étudiantes, ne sont pas seulement traversées par des stéréotypes de genre. Dans une analyse critique plus large et plus approfondie, les concepts théoriques postcoloniales/décoloniales (tel que la colonialité du pouvoir) et la méthodologie intersectionnelle nous ont permis de percevoir conditions de subalternité dans l’interaction complexe des identités ethniques-raciales, de genre et de nationalité., Trabalho financiado pelo CIEd – Centro de Investigação em Educação, Instituto de Educação, Universidade do Minho, projetos UIDB/01661/2020 e UIDP//01661/2020, através de fundos nacionais da FCT/MCTES-PT.

This paper presents the intersectionality of religion, race, and gender during the COVID-19 pandemic from a South African perspective. Though COVID-19 has affected every area in South Africa, the intersectionality of religion, race, gender class has begun to be interrogated by scholars, NGOs, and faith-based organizations. The interpretative phenomenological analysis study was conducted at a South African rural-based hospital, which is comprised of black personnel who serve only black people from impoverished villages. The data were collected from 11 nurses who had suffered from COVID-19. Following Pietkiewicz and Smith's (2014:7) steps of thematic data analysis, results indicated that nurses who suffered from COVID-19 had faced the dilemma of administering Western medicine or traditional African medicine. In other words, the universality of western medicine as effective and scientific created an epistemological dilemma for those that viewed traditional African medicine as an alternative to western medicine. As such, this was also necessitated by the view that Western medicinal treatments were not as effective in comparison to traditional African medicine. This view indicates the effectiveness of perception. Succinctly put, the social and epistemic locationof the participants functioned as an epistemological discourse in engaging the notion of the ‘supremacy’ of Western medicine and the choice of administering both Western and traditional medicinal treatments. The choice of opting to administer both medicinal treatments was also necessitated by the scarce resources and access to hospital facilities. At the same time, the notion that traditional administration of medicines to treat COVID-19 was also viewed as an act of heathenism, based on religious belief. The intersectionality of religion and class became evident as illustrated in the findings that surrendering one's life to God through prayer was important and central for those infected and affected by COVID-19 instead of administering traditional African medicines. While there appears to be no objection to administering Western medicines, suggesting the convergence of both epistemologies as superior to the traditional epistemologies. Applying a decolonial analysis, the paper seeks to argue that there is a need to decolonise religion (western Christianity) in order to deconstruct the notion of traditional epistemologies as heathenism. This is in order to the delink so as to advance the notion of pluriversality and broader-thinking.

RESUMO Este artigo discute teoricamente intersecções entre noções de raça e língua em sociedades racializadas devido ao violento processo de colonização europeia nas Américas, como o Brasil. Essa racialização subalterniza corpos em detrimento de outros considerados universais e não racializados: homem, branco, europeu, heterossexual. Contudo, considero aqui que todos os corpos são racializados, pois este é um marcador de diferença que gera desigualdades sociais. Partindo da perspectiva decolonial (MIGNOLO, 2003; LUGONES, 2014), que destaca a importância de considerar a diferença colonial como espaço físico e imaginário onde emerge e atua a colonialidade do poder, a exposição será sobre os conceitos de ideologias linguísticas (BAUMAN; BRIGGS, 2000; BLOMMAERT; VERSCHUEREN, 1998; KROSKRITY, 2004; IRVINE, 1989), e como tais ideologias são mobilizadas para justificar hierarquias raciais impostas na sociedade (PINTO, 2014; 2018; ROSA; FLORES, 2017; ROSA, 2019; NASCIMENTO, 2019), atendendo a um projeto de nação colonial hegemônico, advindo da modernidade, centrado na tríade: uma nação, um povo, uma língua. Tal projeto moderno colonial nega a existência de outras cosmologias e ontologias, como um mecanismo de controle dos corpos. Finalmente, apresento estudos que partem do pensamento liminar, no sentido atribuído por Mignolo (2003), indicando saídas contra-hegemônicas e processos de contra colonização, conforme hooks (2008); Bispo dos Santos (2015) e outras/os que partem desse lugar historicamente subalternizado para desestabilizar a tradição colonial acadêmica. Assim, farei uma reflexão sobre a importância da produção do conhecimento gerado por acadêmicas/os indígenas e quilombolas visando à retomada de suas histórias, lutando contra desigualdades que têm sido justificadas pela história única (ADICHIE, 2019). ABSTRACT This paper makes a theoretical discussion about the intersections between notions of race and language in racialized societies because of the violent process of european colonization in the Americas, such as Brazil. This racialization subordinates bodies to the detriment of others considered universal and not racialized: white man, european, heterosexual. However, I consider here that all bodies are racialized, as this is a mark of difference that generates social inequalities. Starting from the decolonial perspective (MIGNOLO, 2003; LUGONES, 2014), which highlights the importance of considering the colonial difference as a physical and imaginary space where the coloniality of power emerges and operates, the exhibition will focus on the concepts of linguistic ideologies (BAUMAN; BRIGGS, 2000; BLOMMAERT; VERSCHUEREN, 1998; KROSKRITY, 2004; IRVINE, 1989) and how such ideologies are mobilized to justify racial hierarchies imposed on society (PINTO, 2014; 2018; ROSA; FLORES, 2017; ROSA, 2019; NASCIMENTO, 2019), serving a hegemonic colonial nation project, arising from modernity, centered on the triad: one nation, one people, one language. Such a modern colonial project denies the existence of other cosmologies and ontologies, as a mechanism for controlling bodies. Finally, I present studies that start from border thinking, in the Mignolo (2003) sense, indicating counter-hegemonic solutions and processes of counter colonization, according to hooks (2008); Bispo dos Santos (2015) and others who leave this historically subordinate place to destabilize the academic colonial tradition. Thereby, I will think about the importance of knowledge production generated by academic indigenous and quilombolas aiming at the resumption of their stories, fighting against inequalities that have been justified by the single story (ADICHIE, 2019).

Since 1990, Central American women began to migrate in great numbers through Mexico to the United States. While finance capitalist (neoliberal) globalization and liberal multiculturalism were expanding to incorporate remote regions of our contemporary world, the United States increased much more its power of attraction, always mediated by one of the most desirable promises and hopes of livable and dignified lives, the imaginary of the American Dream. Even though many postmodern discourses flamed the rhetoric of multicultural diversity vis-a-vis the traditional antisystemic discourses, Central American domestic factors fed by daily ingrained violence – economic exploitation, political domination, racial and ethnic discrimination, and gender inequality – justified the immense risks involved in the journey of migration through Mexico. All that suffering and pain –confronted and sustained from the long memory of oppression and subordination and the hopes of a better future in a space free of violence – just to be able to enjoy the lesser crumbs. However, with the turn to the right in Latin American as well as the Republicans’ comeback with Donald Trump in power, the conservative ideological folds and the greedy rapacity of naked capitalist accumulation made more visible the classic mechanisms of coloniality of power inside the empire over the most vulnerable subjects – undocumented migrant women and children, elders, LGBT, handicapped and activists –providing new configurations in the struggle for a dignified life. The systemic violence executed and performed on fragile bodies transformed the horizon of freedom, empowerment, and better life sustained by the American dream imaginary into undignified survival and shameful endurance, which now feed new politics of resistance and organization. The chapter has been elaborated from an interdisciplinary/cultural studies approach. It interweaves gender violence and affect theory, and it is based on a mixed corpus of personal and other colleague’s ethnographic research, statistics from the Pew Research Center, anthropological and sociological texts, investigative journalism, and several Farmer Associations’ and EEOC’´s work related to specific law cases.

1. Introduction This article grapples with the interconnected and intertwined issues of coloniality of power, knowledge and being as constitutive elements of global coloniality as a power structure which makes it difficult for Africans to create their own futures. The central arguments are articulated in five sections. The first section sets the scene on how global coloniality tried to disable African agency, how Africans were deliberately colonised mentally so as to make them reproduce coloniality as they tried to make history, and how Africans have been portrayed as 'bystanders' in the making of history. All this has direct and indirect implications on present day African struggles to create African futures. The second section unpacks and explains what Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri (2000) posed as the 'political constitution of the present' and what Noam Chomsky (2011) rendered as 'how the world works'. An analysis of both the constitution and workings of modern global power is an important intellectual task because global coloniality has direct implications on African initiatives aimed at creating African futures. The concept of coloniality of power is deployed in section two to assist in critical examination of the construction, constitution, architecture, configuration and workings/practices of the current asymmetrical global power structures. The third section focuses on the pertinent issues of what Claude Ake (1979) described as knowledge for equilibrium that sustains the present status quo through colonisation of African imaginations of the future. The concept of coloniality of knowledge is mobilised and utilised to systematically interrogate epistemicides that enabled the dominance of imperial/colonial reason and explaining how these processes culminated in colonisation of African minds and destabilisation of African imaginations of the future. The fourth section deals with the fundamental issue of racialisation of notions of being that make it hard for Africans to realise their full potential as active subjects capable of shaping their futures. The concept of coloniality of being is used to reveal the complex processes of subjection and subjectivity that play a role as Africans try to create African futures. The last section is the conclusion and it underscores the need to intensify the 'incomplete' struggles for decolonisation of the modern world system and deimperialisation of the current global orders so as to open the way for African people to create their futures unencumbered by global coloniality and its resilient racism ideologies. 2. The present as the future The African Union's (AU) Agenda 2063 envisions an African future of pan-African unity, integration, prosperity, and peace. This vision is placed in the hands of African people as drivers and dynamic forces operating within the global arena. Pan-Africanism is identified as the overarching ideological framework for unity, self-reliance, integration, and solidarity (African Union 2013). This future will not be a game of chance. It will be a product of present day struggles ranged against coloniality of power, coloniality of knowledge and coloniality of being as constitutive elements of global coloniality. Thus thinking deeper about the possibility of Africans creating their own futures, taking charge of their own destiny, and mapping their own autonomous development trajectory reminds one of Karl Marx's arguments about people making history but under circumstances they have not chosen. This is the situation within which Africans are struggling to create African futures. They are doing so within the context of global coloniality. This means that for the AU to realise its Agenda 2063 it has to struggle ceaselessly against global coloniality. Only after defeating global coloniality can the AU then lead Africans in creating African futures. This is important precisely because, in a historical sense, the modern world system and its shifting global orders is largely a creation of Europeans and North Americans. …

This chapter presents Colombian rural women’s subversive voices through dialogues with leaders of seventeen social movements and organisations across the country. These testimonies are foregrounded in the context of an important historical moment in the nation’s history—the government’s signature and implementation of the peace agreement with the FARC-EP in 2016. I also relate Cabnal’s territorio cuerpo-tierra with the testimonies of women leaders of rural social movements and other organisations. These testimonies condemn violences that are epistemic, systemic, militarised and transcending into all ambits of life. They denounce how the coloniality of power operates in place, and in the territories. At the same time, social leaders propose alternatives for a better life enacting food sovereignty and constructing feminisms from below. The chapter ends with the narration of women’s anxieties, tensions and hopes in the lead up to the post-accord period in Colombia in 2016.

Los ensayos críticos de Andrea Barrica y Ariel Petruccelli en torno a la colonialidad del poder, Aníbal Quijano y mi propio trabajo, me llevaron a reflexionar en torno precisamente a estos tres puntos bisagras. Las memorias y reflexiones en torno a la colonialidad del poder que anuncia el título, motivadas por puntos específicos señalados por Barrica y Petrucelli, son un momento de una pregunta constante que me hago a mi mismo y a mis estudiantes de grado. También cuando en talleres o conversatorios la deriva conversacional me lleva a este punto. La pregunta es: ¿Por qué hacemos los que hacemos? En cuanto a lo personal, ¿por qué hago lo que hago? La respuesta aquí gira en torno al momento en que el concepto de “colonialidad” entró en mi vida. No en mi profesión o en la disciplina, sino en mi vida y me condujo a entender dónde resulté ubicado en el patrón colonial de poder. De aquí que, a mis estudiantes de grado, después de presentarles el primer día el patrón colonial de poder les invito a reflexionar, primero, dónde ha sido ubicados (por género y preferencias sexuales, clase social y etnicidad racializada, lengua, nacionalidad, religión), etc. Y segundo, que presten atención donde perciben la colonialidad en sus vidas diarias y si la colonialidad les toca de alguna manera, si la sienten una vez que son conscientes de ella. Estas memorias y reflexiones giran en torno a estos asuntos.

This chapter examines the notion of coloniality within anti-colonial discourse. It explores the convergences and divergences with other ways of theorizing impact of colonialism and coloniality. It examines ways that scholars and practitioners can engage in anti-colonial praxis. Coloniality of power and knowledge is examined through the work of Anibal Quijano—a Latin American scholar. The chapter concludes by exploring how coloniality gains power and connections to the day-to-day realities of education and schooling.

The colonial legacy has shaped the cultural, racial, and social class aspects of schooling. This legacy has had a significant impact on the school system of colonized countries, like the United States, where minority students continue to be subjected to the coloniality of power (2000). To be exact, this form of western power continues to influence schools through various reconfigured forms of educational oppression, which includes subjecting Black and other students of color to inexperienced and poorly trained racially and culturally to work with Black students and other students of color, who often find them insensitive and prejudice (Dei 2009). Finally, the effects of the coloniality of power on schooling also entails indoctrinating these students to ideologically value European culture, languages, history, and religion over theirs (Dei 2009, 2016; Orelus et al. 2014).

This article proposes theoretical dimensions to examine the intersection of disability and immigration. These dimensions bring together knowledge from critical disability studies and postcolonial t...

This article draws on the author’s personal experiences of engaging in ethically driven research and development in the Caribbean and Central America. Specifically, it explores how issues of transnational identity and belonging are constantly being renegotiated within the colonial matrix, and the position the author was accorded by the actors involved. These complex and nuanced processes led the author to reposition herself in relation to the various discourses shaping the encounters, with positive and negative results. It provides insights on how coloniality of power shapes such processes, creating conditions that bring about tensions and struggles.

“Internalized colonization, unearthed: Student activism for social change” uncovers the historical documentation of identities for Mesoamerican-descent peoples in the United States, under the coloniality of power and its intersections with student agency and adult support. MEChA, a student-led organization provided the community for participants to discover their strength in a critical consciousness while nurturing a collective ancestral identity. Together, they forged a path of self-discovery and collective action toward el vivir comunitario, or a healthier neighborhood.

Considering the public debate about expansion of domestic workers’ rights in Brazil, this chapter brings to the centre of the discussion the role of domestic workers’ political organizing. Based on interviews with domestic workers, this chapter seeks to understand the reasons behind the social inequality that has historically characterized this professional occupation. It is argued that the coloniality of power and the intersectionality among gender, class, and race are structural and dynamic factors capable of explaining this phenomenon. Furthermore, it is argued that domestic workers throughout history have articulated a social movement in dialogue with black, feminist, and unionized labour movements, as well as other social actors, and that this has allowed them to present a decolonial project. This dialogue and cooperation with such movements are termed emancipatory intersectionality. This chapter concludes by noting that in every legal step forward for this professional class, the organized political movement of domestic workers has been present.

En este artículo me basaré en un marco teórico que analiza la racialización y la colonialidad del poder a través de la intersección entre la raza, el género, el sexo y la clase. Analizando el discurso y la experiencia de las mujeres y los hombres afrodescendientes de clase media de Bogotá, identificaré estereotipos y mecanismos del racismo sexualizado y sexismo racializado. Se trata de analizar la relación entre “ser un hombre o una mujer Negro-Afrocolombiano” y ser “vista(o) como ‘negra(o)’”, mostrando a las personas afrodescendientes en la primera instancia como agentes, y no como víctimas, que contribuyen tanto a la transformación como a la reproducción de la racialización. This article seeks to identify the different stereotypes and mechanisms of the process of racialization, sexualized racism and racialized sexism. At the same time, through the analysis of interviews of Afro-Colombian middle-class men and women in Bogota, I analyze the relation between “being a black woman” and “being perceived as a ‘black woman’” and “being a black man” and “being perceived as a ‘black man’” through challenging racial, gendered and classed boundaries, considering their intersections and showing ‘black’ persons primarily as agents, and not only as victims, that can contribute to both the transformation and the reproduction of racialization processes. Neste artigo me basearei em um marco teórico que analisa a racialização e a colonialidade do poder por meio da intersecção entre a raça, o gênero, o sexo e a classe. Ao analisar o discurso e a experiência das mulheres e homens afrodescendentes de classe média em Bogotá, identificarei estereótipos e mecanismos do racismo sexualizado e do sexismo racializado. Trata-se de analisar a relação entre ser “um homem ou uma mulher negro-afro-colombiano” e ser “visto(a) como negro(a)”, mostrando às pessoas afrodescendentes na primeira instância como agentes, e não como vítimas, que contribuem tanto para a transformação quanto para a reprodução da racialização.

This article highlights two relationships in regards to neoliberalism and second language. First, it examines the connection between English and neoliberalism. It focuses on the idea of English as a global language and the linguistic instrumentalism (Kubota, 2011; Wee, 2003) of English as a necessary tool for economic viability in the globalized market. Second, it explores this relationship by tracing English in the contemporary neoliberal context to the history of English as an element of overseas colonial rule. It employs Peruvian sociologist Anibal Quijano’s notion of coloniality of power (2000) to illustrate that the colonial context of neoliberal global English serves not merely as a historical legacy but as an enduring structure of oppressive power that continues to establish hierarchical difference through linguistic othering. This article highlights the historical context of colonial English instruction to demonstrate how English imposition served as the foundation for the neoliberal privileging of English as a global language. Specifically, it presents the cases of American colonial English instruction in Puerto Rico and the Philippines as a developmental link to the current neoliberal status of global English. It illuminates how American colonial administrations established English instruction in a manner that mystified its imposed nature and the context of conquest. This article thus depicts both how English is bound with neoliberalism and how claims of global English’s neutrality belie the historic colonial inequalities, which created the conditions for its existence. It concludes with an examination of the coloniality of global English and the enduring colonial structures of hierarchical difference established through English.

One highly significant yet under-investigated source of variation within the Latinx Education scholarship are Indigenous immigrants from Latin America. This study investigates how Maya and other Indigenous recent immigrant youth from Guatemala and Mexico, respectively, understand indigeneity. Using a Critical Latinx Indigeneities analytic, along with literature on the coloniality of power and settler-colonialism, I base my findings on a year-long qualitative study of eight self-identifying indigenous youth from Guatemala and Mexico and highlight two emergent themes: youth’s understanding of (a) asymmetries of power based on division of labor, and (b) language hierarchies. I propose that race is a key component that contributes to the reproduction of divisions of labor and the subaltern positioning of Indigenous languages. Findings from this study provide linguistic, economic, and historical contexts of Maya and other Indigenous immigrants’ lived experiences to educators and other stakeholders in public schools working with immigrant Latinx populations.

Review(s) of: Global coloniality of power in Guatemala: Racism, genocide, citizenship, by Mart nez- Salazar, Egla (2014). Lanham, MA: Lexington Books. 258 pp. IS BN: 978- 0- 7391- 4123- 6.

Despite women’s increasing participation in the labour market and attempts to transform the traditional gendered division of work, domestic and care work is still perceived as women’s terrain. This work continues to be invisible in terms of the organisation of production or productive value and domestic and care work continues to be unpaid or low paid. Taking domestic and care work as an expression of the feminisation of labour, this article will attempt to complicate this analysis by first exploring a queer critique of feminisation, and second, by situating feminisation within the context of the coloniality of power. Drawing on research conducted in Austria, Germany, Spain and the UK on the organisation of domestic work in private households, the article will conclude with some observations on the interconnectedness of feminisation, heteronormativity and the coloniality of power in the analysis of the expansion of precarity in the EU zone.

This article explores ideas of citizenship in Latin America, arguing that this very western idea plays a key role in configuring and embedding the Occidental project in empirical reality and in academic theorizing. Drawing inspiration from ‘coloniality of power’ scholarship, it explores the way in which citizenship is conventionally configured and goes on to demonstrate the role of citizenship in the task of epistemological colonization in the case of Argentina. I discuss processes of coloniality/modernity, including the Conquest of the Desert, and assimilation initiatives during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, including the more recent phase of multiculturalism. I conclude by outlining a strategy for decolonial citizenship and advocate a shift in emphasis from (liberal) rights to dignity, and from (Occidental) universality to diversality.

The aim of this article is to participate in the debate on the ‘epistemic decolonial turn’ that is popularised in Latin America, and has found succour in some African universities despite the fact that its origin is in Western Europe. The article does not intend to be exhaustive of all the orphic dimensions to this debate; rather, we intent to raise questions on the suitability and timing of the introduction of this debate in Africa and Latin America because we think that this debate could very well be another form of intellectual structural adjustment programme being imposed, time without end on Africa and Latin America by western and North American intellectuals. We are aware that we are implicated in furthering the debate by our very participation in it. However, the article intents to reveal the aporetic narratives within the debate as conducted in Africa and Latin America. The article uses the works of Tsitsi Dangarembga's She No Longer Weeps (1987) and Federico Garcia Lorca's Dona Rosita the Spinist...

ResumenEn este artículo se propone una revisión del nuevo orden letrado latinoamericano dentro del contexto del nuevo orden neoliberal y la ya perenne “crisis de las humanidades.” Se da cuenta de los resultados inesperados producidos por esta coyuntura: circuitos independientes de edición, nueva gestión editorial transatlántica, el creciente entorno de estudios culturales. Se revisan los paradigmas de gran influencia y ambición que dialogan con épocas previas y legados teóricos en busca de nuevos horizontes, particularmente la colonialidad del poder y la deconstrucción. Al retomar el panorama del nuevo orden de “lo latinoamericano” se observa la relación entre el mercado y las nuevas apuestas de la intelectualidad latinoamericana, trazándose así la expansión de discursos paralelos en el campo latinoamericanista.AbstractThe following essay takes a close look at the new Latin American literary order within the context of neoliberalism and the now permanent “humanities crisis”. It engages some its outcomes: independent publishing networks, transatlantic editorial frameworks, and the broadening scope of cultural studies. More specifically, it analyses two influential and ambitious paradigms in dialogue in search for new horizons: the coloniality of power and deconstruction. Lastly it attempts to show how this new turn within “Latin Americanism” responds to the growing relationship between markets and the production of critical discourses in the Latin American field.

This paper addresses issues regarding the definition of sexual violence in the context of Canada’s development discourse in the Third World vis-à-vis the domestic experiences of Indigenous women. Despite the fact that sexual violence is often defined as rape or unwanted sexual contact, the author argues that Indigenous female victims of sexual violence are strongly influenced by other systems of oppression. Systems like the coloniality of power, a term coined by Anibal Quijano, the coloniality of gender, a term best explored in the works of Maria Lugones, capitalism, heteropatriarchy and racism, among others, should be considered when discussing women of colour’s experiences of sexual violence. Hence, the notion of sexual violence purely as rape further marginalizes women of colour, including Indigenous women. Through the notion of intersectionality (Crenshaw 1991), this article aims to produce change towards redefining sexual violence in a way that better reflects the experiences of women of colour, while challenging systemic oppression. KEYWORDS: Sexual violence, Indigenous women, Development, Policy, Intersectionality, Coloniality

This article joins a growing chorus of voices aiming to decolonize International Relations (IR). It argues that the location of Latin America is ideally placed to bring a significant critique of IR because of its intimate relationship to one of the conventional IR's key protagonists: the USA. The analysis involves thinking about the USA from a historical and theoretical position in Latin America, exploring the always intimate relationship between the two. It draws its inspiration particularly from Latin American theorization of the “coloniality of power” and explores two decolonial strategies: thinking about the emergence of a globally powerful USA through coloniality theorizing and examining the political possibilities of “border thinking” and “diversality” within the “colonial difference” for a decolonial IR. The article seeks to open a field of discussion which positions Latin America as a site for critical thinking and action, and a heartland of decolonial struggle.

In the light of the bicentenary of independence celebrated in several Latin American countries in recent years, I focus on continuities, shifts and cracks in Latin American coloniality in this paper. Analysing several images of Latin America I discuss ambivalences and paradoxes implicit in white and heteronormative representations of Latin America. How are global socio-economic and geopolitical power relations pervaded by desire and shape sexual imaginaries of latinidad? In which ways do constructions of genders, sexualities and ethnicities overlap and shape national cultural policies and transnational cultural economies of the Americas and beyond? The example of Carmen Miranda will serve to substantiate the thesis that straight and queer images often privilege white perceptions of latinidad; yet, these are challenged by local cultural expressions.

This paper examines a production of Calderon's El alcalde de Zalamea, performed in Zalamea by residents of Zalamea, as a specific exercise in presentism that connects the cultural situation of the peasantry in sixteenth-century Spain with that of its rural areas today. In this analysis I bring to bear the notion of 'coloniality of power' upon rural cultural practices. While the Counter-Reformation's quasi-mythical image of the peasant as Cristiano viejo was exploited and imposed at the cost of eliminating local rural culture, the historic image of the Zalamea is exploited today for the sake of picturesque exoticism and nostalgia. Yet, I examine how, even from a subaltern position, these local productions redefine Zalamea as a historic De Certeaunian 'space' scripted by local quotidian practices rather than as a fixed place invented by Calderon. In addition to the geographic position of Zalamea as a marginal topos, away from the national and the urban centres, another aspect designates its productions as subculture: their situation in the borderlands between high culture and everyday life. The people of Zalamea have reappropriated the Calderonian text and turned it into a site of empowerment and subaltern knowledge. Besides valuing their productions as specific cultural expressions, I also propose them as a model for community productions of historical plays and as a contribution to the construction of a geographic politics of identity.

Catherine Walsh es profesora principal y directora del doctorado en Estudios Culturales Latinoamericanos de la Universidad Andina Simon Bolivar, Sede Ecuador, donde tambien dirige el Taller Intercultural y la Catedra de Estudios de la Diaspora Afro-Andina. Entre sus publicaciones mas recientes se encuentran: Pensamiento critico y matriz (de)colonial (Quito, UASB/Abya Yala, 2005); "Interculturality and the Coloniality of Power. An 'Other' Thinking and Positioning from the Colonial Difference," (en Coloniality of Power, Transmodernity, and Border Thinking, R. Grosfoguel, J.D. Saldivar, and N.Maldonado-Torres, eds.). Duke University Press, en prensa); "Shifting the Geopolitics of Critical Knowledge: Decolonial Thought and Cultural Studies 'Others'", Cultural Studies, 2007, en prensa; "Afro Andean Thought and Diasporic Ancestrality" (en Shifting the Geography of Reason: Gender, Science and Religion, Marina Banchetti and Clevis Headley (eds.) London: Cambridge Scholars Press, en prensa); y "The (Re)Articulation of Political Subjectivities and Colonial Difference in Ecuador: Reflections on Capitalism and the Geopolitics of Knowledge," Nepantla 3.1, 2002.

Ramos develops the notion of disruptive capital in relation to concepts of coloniality of power and living labor to analyze Gil Gilbert’s novel in its historical and economic contexts, while placing such discussions in dialogue with Latin American literary studies and world literature. Ramos argues that a reading of this novel from a decolonial perspective underscores the disruption of capital (i.e. the uneasy interrelation between crops, land, workers, and commerce) as Ecuador seeks to take part in the unstable world economic system of the interwar years. Finally, this discussion of the novel enables a hypothesis of how literary systems such as the Andean and World Literature might be complicated and nuanced.

Verdesio discusses the shortcomings of a central category in the theoretical repertoire of the decolonial option: “coloniality of power.” By focusing on Uruguay as a case study, a country where the colonial legacies typical of settler colonialism are still alive, Verdesio shows the limited explanatory power of categories like coloniality of power, that were born out of the study of other forms of colonialism. The negative, sometimes passionate reactions the reemergence of the Charrua Indians has elicited from a significant number of social actors (politicians, academics, and the general public) are discussed as a symptomatic phenomenon that may help one understand the deep roots and currency of present-day colonial legacies.

The construction and performance of gender and gender relations has been paramount to the process of Decolonization. Gender has permeated the discourses and enactments of colonization and is an inseparable part of the casting of subjectivity through the coloniality of power. The notions of femininity and masculinity are themselves colonial constructs that have pressed more complex notions of gender, sexuality, and desire into a binary. The treatment of gender in three approaches to decolonization (Nelly Richard's cultural theory, Mujeres Creando's lesbian street performance, indigenous movement's written and audiovisual discourse) help to discern how gender and the coloniality of power are articulated and in how far these efforts at decolonization unwork colonial legacies. Richard challenges the geopolitics of knowledge. As she claims the specificity of Latin American heterogeneity as a place from which to theorize she also guards against essentialist notions of gender. The conflicts underlying gender het...

The coloniality of power is understood by Anibal Quijano as at the constituting crux of the global capitalist system of power. What is characteristic of global, Eurocentered, capitalist power is that it is organized around two axes that Quijano terms “the coloniality of power” and “modernity.” The coloniality of power introduces the basic and universal social classification of the population of the planet in terms of the idea of race, a replacing of relations of superiority and inferiority established through domination with naturalized understandings of inferiority and superiority. In this essay, Lugones introduces a systemic understanding of gender constituted by colonial/modernity in terms of multiple relations of power. This gender system has a light and a dark side that depict relations, and beings in relation as deeply different and thus as calling for very different patterns of violent abuse. Lugones argues that gender itself is a colonial introduction, a violent introduction consistently and contemporarily used to destroy peoples, cosmologies, and communities as the building ground of the “civilized” West.

This article analyzes the legal and sociological aspects of the social phenomenon of labor relations and gender and the legal phenomenon of inequality and discrimination in the contemporary labor market, through a critique about the lack of intersectionality in the concept of coloniality of power developed by the Peruvian sociologist Aníbal Quijano. First, the concept of coloniality of power is examined to demonstrate that this definition is not able to cover the complexity of identities and inequalities derived from modernity, since it uses hermetic and homogeneous categories, without applying the intersectionality required to unveil all subalternities. Successively, is analyzed the reflection of the lack of intersectionality in the concept of coloniality of power in labor relations and gender in the contemporary world, in order to demonstrate that the logic of categorical separation distorts individuals and social phenomena that exist at the intersection, who are victims of hidden and articulated subalternities. Finally, is elaborated a brief conclusion., O presente artigo analisa sob a vertente jurídico-sociológica a conexão entre o fenômeno social das relações de trabalho e gênero e o fenômeno jurídico constituído pela desigualdade e discriminação no mercado de trabalho contemporâneo, mediante uma crítica à ausência de interseccionalidade do conceito de colonialidade do poder elaborado pelo sociólogo peruano Aníbal Quijano. Primeiramente, é analisado o conceito de colonialidade do poder, para demonstrar que tal concepção não é capaz de apreender a complexidade das identidades e das desigualdades decorrentes da modernidade, vez que se utiliza de categorias herméticas e homogêneas, sem aplicar a interseccionalidade necessária para desocultar subalternidades sobrepostas. Posteriormente, é examinado o reflexo da ausência de interseccionalidade do conceito de colonialidade do poder nas relações de trabalho e gênero no mundo contemporâneo, no intuito de demonstrar que a lógica da separação categórica distorce os seres e fenômenos sociais que existem na interseção, que são vítimas de subalternidades ocultas e articuladas. Por fim, é elaborada uma breve conclusão sobre o tema.

Anticolonial theories analyze complex power relations between the colonizer and the colonized to promote the political project of decolonization. This chapter situates anticolonial feminist theories in relation to two schools of anticolonial thinking, postcolonial and decolonial theory, particularly the strand of decolonial theory developed by the modernity/coloniality school of thought of Latin America. It compares key theoretical arguments and political projects associated with intersectionality, postcolonial feminism, and the decolonial feminism that Maria Lugones has advanced with her notion of the coloniality of gender. The chapter explores the reception of Lugones work in Latin America and the critical insights that decolonial theory offers contemporary social justice projects.

By Egla Martinez Salazar (Lexington Books, Baltimore, Plymouth, 2012), xii + 258 pp., £44.95 (hbk), ISBN 978-0-7391-4122-9. This fascinating and evocative book, written in a clear and harmonious st...

In France, apart from activists and intellectuals acquainted with the Party of the Indigenous of the Republic1 (PIR — Parti des Indigenes de la Republique), not many people understand that a French party or movement embraces the task of an anti-racist struggle, points to the need of a decolonial strategy and presents itself as a liberation party.2 These principles may indeed be surprising. Mistakenly, some see this as a will to imitate movements that have struggled, or still struggle, against the colonial occupation of their territories. This, of course, would be nonsense. The condition of the ‘internally colonized’ and the mechanisms of their racial relegation are considerably different from the forms of oppression produced by territorial colonization. In order to avoid any misunderstanding, I will try to explain why talking about liberation and, more precisely, about decolonial liberation continues to make sense as long as the coloniality of power relations — surely, under new terms — persists as an organizing principle of French society, structuring different groups of the population according to a racial hierarchy.

We present an epistemological reflection of international cooperation between Brazil and East Timor, focusing on the education scenarios of the many institutions of teaching, mainly the actions of Brazilian teachers with respect to the education of East Timor’s teachers. We give importance to situating the reader about: the history of the country, to which we shall devote some thoughts; the process of globalization; the process of rapprochement and partnership with Brazil in the field of education, including scientific education. This scenario enabled us to perform analyses, based on both reflections on the coloniality of power and on the performance of the paternalistic subjects involved in the process. The analyses led to the rethinking of issues pertaining to the internationalization of the Brazilian University, including those related to programs for South-South cooperation.

The category of “Latino” collapses the differences among populations with diverse historical experiences of oppression. We establish in this article a distinction within the Latino Caribbean diaspora among “immigrants/’ “colonial immigrants,” and “colonial/racial subjects” of the U.S. empire. Using the notion of “coloniality of power” developed by Peruvian sociologist Anibal Quijano, we argue that the social position and racialization of several different populations in the U.S. today has its roots in the racial hierarchies produced by centuries of European colonial expansion and that this essentially colonial set of relationships continues. We use this notion of coloniality to reconceptualize three social processes: (1) the construction of Puerto Ricans as colonial racialized subjects in the Euro‐American imaginary; (2) the transformation of Dominicans into colonial immigrants in the New York Metropolitan Area, that is, the way Dominicans became “Puerto Ricanized” and (3) the disassociation of pre‐1980s ...