Search

A diverse range of Sikh organizations have shaped the direction of Anglo-Sikh education, including the Guru Nanak Sikh Multi Academy Trust (GNSMAT), Nishkam Schools Trust (NST), Khalsa Academies Trust (KAT) and Sevak Schools Trust (SST). The new Sikh Free Schools have also been heavily influenced by the discourse of British Multiculturalism, which is discernible in their aims, approach to education, Sikh values and attainment. This article will bring to light the political and social conditions which made Sikh Faith Schools a reality in England and their impact on the educational landscape of Britain today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2018, academies accounted for 72% of all English secondary schools, compared to 6% in 2009. English academy schooling conforms to marketizing trends in international education reform, but Conservative politicians have also attempted to promote particular moral values. This article analyses the tensions between neoliberalism and neoconservatism and applies this analysis to a concrete debate taking place within the Conservative Party in the 2000s and 2010s. It uses arguments made by an illustrative group of Conservative politicians to explore and analyse the tension between these two reform trends. The aim of this article is twofold. Firstly, it will present the key arguments which were marshalled by a selection of thinkers affiliated with the Conservative Party in favour of educational reform. It will do this by analysing Conservative articulations of the failure of state education; the role of the consumer and the relationship between democracy and the market. Secondly, it will explore the degree to which marketizing and traditionalist impulses in education reform should be considered complimentary or contradictory. I will conclude by arguing that the parent-consumer functions as a vanishing mediator between neoliberal and neoconservative ideological positions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While there is much (party) politicking about the social and educational backgrounds of Members of Parliament, especially presently around the composition of Boris Johnson's Cabinet, it may be observed that the educational backgrounds of Conservative and Labour education secretaries over the decades have not been wildly different. This article examines their elite biographical peculiarities, and how these combine in other education ministers and their networks of advisors to constitute a distinct 'policy community' in the pursuit of an agenda in educational reform, presently being that of academies and free schools. It is proposed that while diversity in this context may not always be found in their secondary or higher education, this does not limit, as is sometimes posited, either their capacity for compassion in social deprivation, or their understanding of diverse educational structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines parental choice preferences following the introduction of the Free Schools policy in England. It reports on two phases of data collection: first, the analysis of factors that Free School and non-Free School parents reported as important in informing their choices; and, second, findings from semi-structured interviews with parents of children attending a Free School. The findings show that Free School parents' choices were mostly influenced by similar factors to those of parents elsewhere. There were, however, some notable exceptions, particularly in relation to school size, ethos and curriculum. The analyses also highlight how the lack of information available led parents to use proxies to assess potential academic quality and school suitability for their child. The tensions that exist for parents in exercising choice within this new context and the implications for school intakes and diversity within the system are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The opening of new state schools by non-state actors has intensified debates about social selection and inequality in quasi-markets. This article examines the case of England, where the government allows anyone to apply to open a new 'free school', arguing this will improve social equity. Using data from the National Pupil Database for all 325 free schools established between 2011/12 and 2015/16, we analyse whether the students attending free schools are representative of their local neighbourhoods. We develop the first analysis of whether the specifics of who opens and provides a free school impacts on who attends the school. We also analyse whether opening a free school has an impact on neighbouring schools. We find that free schools are located in areas with above-average deprivation but admit intakes that are more affluent than the average for the neighbourhoods from which they recruit. This is particularly the case for primary free schools, which also recruit students with above-average prior attainment. There is no evidence that free schools become more representative as they admit additional year groups. Significantly, we find that all categories of free school providers have opened schools whose populations are more affluent than their neighbourhoods, with the exception of academy chains. We also find that the opening of a free school leads to a concentrated loss of pupils at the closest school, except in cities, but we do not identify an impact on the student composition of neighbouring schools. Discussing the reasons for this, we conclude that free schools are socially selective and reproduce socio-economic inequalities.

The opening of new state schools by non-state actors has intensified debates about social selection and inequality in quasi-markets. This article examines the case of England, where the government allows anyone to apply to open a new 'free school', arguing this will improve social equity. Using data from the National Pupil Database for all 325 free schools established between 2011/12 and 2015/16, we analyse whether the students attending free schools are representative of their local neighbourhoods. We develop the first analysis of whether the specifics of who opens and provides a free school impacts on who attends the school. We also analyse whether opening a free school has an impact on neighbouring schools. We find that free schools are located in areas with above-average deprivation but admit intakes that are more affluent than the average for the neighbourhoods from which they recruit. This is particularly the case for primary free schools, which also recruit students with above-average prior attainment. There is no evidence that free schools become more representative as they admit additional year groups. Significantly, we find that all categories of free school providers have opened schools whose populations are more affluent than their neighbourhoods, with the exception of academy chains. We also find that the opening of a free school leads to a concentrated loss of pupils at the closest school, except in cities, but we do not identify an impact on the student composition of neighbouring schools. Discussing the reasons for this, we conclude that free schools are socially selective and reproduce socio-economic inequalities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The reform of the school system, which has been conducted by the Coalition and Conservative governments since 2010, has largely been austerity-driven. In spite of the governments' pledge to protect their budgets, schools have been severely hit by spending cuts. The reform programme has itself been integral to the fiscal consolidation plans by promoting a more cost-effective system of state schooling. This article discusses the relationship between austerity and reform, and looks at the consequences for the concept of public service. Some specific aspects of the new institutional framework are examined, especially the creation of an independent state sector made up of academies and free schools, which has entrenched the involvement of private sector firms in education. The overhaul of the school system, which started nearly thirty years ago, has now reached a new decisive stage. However, considering the complex relationship between multiple actors and the opposing forces at work, one cannot say with any certainty that it will cause the demise of public service state education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the pattern of placement of students with significant special educational needs at Statement and School Action Plus levels in English secondary schools, comparing sponsored and converter academies, maintained schools and the newly created free schools, studio schools and university technical colleges for 2013 and 2014. The analysis shows a clear pattern of differences: converter academies (which are governed by their own governing body) had significantly lower proportions of students with significant special educational needs overall than maintained (those remaining under local authority management) and sponsored academies (those considered to be weak/failing schools forced to become academies with outside sponsors that oversee the schools). There was a similar pattern of findings for most areas of special educational needs, except visual impairment and autistic spectrum disorder. The pattern of placement of students with Statements in the newly created free schools also showed that some free schools have unusually high proportions of students with special educational needs. These findings are discussed in terms of the increasing stratification of English secondary schools and the potential of small secondary schools to be more inclusive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Academies (and free schools) in England and independent grant-aided schools,fristående skolor(orfriskolor), in Sweden have been the subject of much academic debate, but there is a paucity of comparative research relating to policy development or outcomes. This paper adopts a comparative perspective, outlining the historical context, then comparing the policy goals and development of the two programmes from their inception. It is argued that the policy goals of the two programmes are underpinned by similar ideologies, but the policy outcomes have differed in terms of the extent and type of ‘privatisation’. Two broad themes related to equality of opportunity are then explored: access to schools, and school composition and segregation. It is argued that the extent to which differential school access and segregation can be attributed to the introduction of independent schools in Sweden and academies in England, is far from clear; it would be wrong to assume that there is a single, simple explanation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In England, Free Schools were announced as a dramatic way in which government policy has changed such that it is now possible for groups of parents, organisations or charities to start their own schools. They are seen as an attempt to stimulate to ‘supply side’ of the quasi-market of schools, but they are not the first such initiatives. In the long period of Conservative Government from 1979 to 1987, there were two specific attempts to encourage new schools through City Technology Colleges and sponsored grant-maintained schools. Both of these initiatives stalled at just 15 schools, but it is argued that their significance was far greater than their numerical strength would indicate and that they can be seen as for-runners of the Academies and Free Schools. All of these schools can be seen as examples of increased privatisation and selection, and they thus exhibit their own embedded forms of social (in)justice. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper presents the results of an analysis of the admissions criteria used by the first two waves of secondary Free Schools in England. The type of criteria and their ranked order is explored and their potential impact on the school composition is considered. The findings demonstrate the diversity of criteria being used by this new type of school and give some insight in to how Free Schools appear to be prioritising access. As Free Schools operate outside Local Authority control with regards to admissions procedures they are able to choose their own feeder schools, set their own catchment areas, prioritise particular postcode districts, guarantee places for children of the school’s founders or opt to use banding systems. Whilst the admissions policies of the majority of secondary Free Schools appear to be adhering to the 2012 Admissions Code legislation, this study highlights the influence that such criteria may have in creating intakes which are less balanced in terms of socioeconomic status, ethnicity or religious affiliation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The legal basis of free schools, provided for in the Academies Act 2010, allows the Secretary of State for Education ‘to enter into Academy arrangements with any person’. A range of debate has ensued over who will govern free schools. This article develops an analysis of the individuals and organizations that have had free school proposals accepted by government. The article progresses, first, by locating free schools in the existing policy trajectories towards privatization and self-governing schools. Second, it draws on a mapping exercise and interviews with a sample of 58 free school proposers, sponsors and suppliers to explore the processes through which free schools are established. The main categories of free school proposers are identified as: local civil society groups; sponsoring organizations; existing educational institutions. Third, the article considers the wider implications for school governance. It is argued free school policy allows governance to become an additional and direct lever through which those with the capacity to do so are able to mould state education in their own interests. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Educational systems around the world are experimenting with new forms of schooling. One example is the emergence of independent state-funded schools (ISFSs). In the USA these have taken the form of Charter Schools. In Sweden chains of Free Schools have been established and in England Academies and most recently Free Schools have been placed at the centre of government reforms. This article offers clarity of definition relating to ISFSs and chains of ISFSs and charts some of the features of these recent developments, highlighting a shift in emphasis of improvement efforts from individual schools to collaborative chains and federations. In conclusion this article argues that ISFSs are supporting a shift from Individualised school improvement to a collaborative form of Federal improvement, but within the current arrangements they are unlikely to be able to support broader systemic improvement efforts unless attention is paid to both structural and cultural change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the context of fierce global economic competition, school diversification and specialist schools have been seen by governments as cornerstones of education policy to engineer school improvement in both England and Singapore for more than a decade. In both systems, the policy has manifested in different school types, school names and sometimes buildings – in England, specialist status schools, academies and most recently free schools; and in Singapore, specialist schools and niche schools. Diversification is promoted by each school emphasising distinctiveness in its curriculum – often with implications for its funding and degree of autonomy – which differentiate it from others. There is normally the intention to scale-up curricular innovations school-wide. The paper addresses three aims in respect to both countries: first, it profiles the evolution of specialist schools' policies in both states in relation to school improvement and secondly, social justice; thirdly, it undertakes a comparative policy analysis in order to draw conclusions as to how the relationship between central government and schools has re-configured in both countries – arguing that the policy in England is radical, that in Singapore, conservative. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]