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Background: The relationship between migration and mental health is complex and involves factors at different levels, as the individual history of the migrant, the collective history of their home country, the host society's and their mutual past history. Even though the migratory scenario of France and Brazil has changed over the years, both countries currently host an important number of immigrants. Aim: The main objective of the present study was to describe and analyze the impacts of the migratory experience on mental health of migrants with different migration experiences and living in two countries: France and Brazil. Method: Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 13 participants, six in France and seven in Brazil. A thematic qualitative analysis of the data was performed using the ATLAS.TI software. Three themes were created based on the different times of the migration experience: before migration, during migration and after migration. All codes of these three bigger themes were organized in sub-themes for the samples in France and Brazil. Results: Participants in France described an important exposure to traumatic events before and during migration. In Brazil, the migration experiences were multiple, in some cases presenting a traumatic history, but in most cases migration was seen as an opportunity to have access to better life conditions. In both countries, participants reported a great level of psychological distress associated to post-migratory difficulties (e.g. unemployment, learning a new language, or facing a new cultural environment). Conclusions: Our results suggest that multidisciplinary interventions, with focus on skills development, such as language and work-related skills, and on access to basic needs may be essential for both voluntary and involuntary migrants. In addition to these interventions, some individuals may need specialized mental health intervention, focusing in past traumatic exposure and in the current acculturation process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a microhistorical perspective on interethnic violence. It focuses on a fait divers that took place in 1900 near Paris and was widely construed as a result of ethnic antagonism. Drawing from a multitude of archival records, the article critically assesses the retrospective accounts of that multi-participant fight, and resituates it in its social context. It argues that a variety of factors were at play, among which ethnicity was not dominant. This assessment emerges from a close analysis of the combatants' background and contingent rivalries, as well as an examination of structural causes such as hyper-masculinity and alcoholism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examine the production and contested reception of a YouTube comedic performance by France-based comedic duo, Ro et Cut, involving Portuguese migrants in France. Specifically, we analyze Vamos a Portugal, a video which depicts one Portuguese migrant family's preparation for their annual summer return trip from France to the Portuguese "homeland." We use Bakhtin's notion of chronotope, i.e., discursive formulations of space, time, and person mobilizable in interaction, to analyze how performers and commenters construct spatiotemporally situated images of Portuguese migrants, while simultaneously positioning themselves spatio-temporally in relation to these images. In particular, we compare how France-based Lusodescendant and nonmigrant Portuguese commenters construct and react to the video. Many Lusodescendant commenters embrace the video as evoking a nostalgic personal, familial, and Portuguese past, from the perspective of an urban French present. However, nonmigrant Portuguese viewers in Portugal reject the video as evoking an outmoded and illegitimate version of Portuguese culture, from the perspective of a contemporary Portuguese present. Our comparison of the chronotopes through which differently positioned commenters interpret the video illuminates the contested politics surrounding performances of Portuguese migrant and national culture in the diaspora in France versus in Portugal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the meaning of public space and impact of heritage-led urban redevelopment in a diverse neighbourhood in Montpellier, France. It traces the relocation of a North African market from a central city plaza in favour of French antiques, and the resulting contestation over what constitutes local heritage, who has the capacity to determine how public space is used, and the seeming erasure of migrant identities and memories from an important community site. The paper considers how urban areas are re-imagined through a change in the materiality of public space, and outlines the role of outdoor markets in defining the social function of such spaces. The paper examines the intertwining of physical erasure (urban redevelopment and the removal of a diverse food market) and cultural erasure (the loss of certain community memories), and how these processes speak to broader debates about French national identity, cultural heritage, and the meanings attached to public spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies circulations between Algeria and France from the 1950s to the 1980s to analyze the social dynamics characteristic of Algerians in France and to highlight their range of choices and trajectories. Bypassing the historiographically dominant focus on male guest workers, this article claims that most flows between Algeria and France involved women and children, as well as men who had settled in France a long time ago. Moreover, it shows a large emigration flow from France to Algeria: of business men, vacationers or people moving back to Algeria. This analysis relies on statistical data as well as migrants' testimonies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Researchers in many countries have identified racial differences in rates of civilian-police interactions such as identity checks or stop-and-frisk. Are frequent police identity checks associated with feelings of national identification and if so, in what ways? Using three dimensions of identity in a nationally representative French sample of immigrants and second-generation individuals, I find that experiencing frequent identity checks is associated with an increase in the likelihood of country of origin identification, a decrease in the likelihood of French identification, and a decrease in the likelihood of believing others see one as French. I also find that these relationships and their magnitude vary across immigrant generation and immigrant region of origin. These findings point to frequent police identity checks as an important mechanism through which street-level state practices impact immigrant integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analysing restricted access census data, this paper examines the long-term trends of immigrant segregation in France from 1968 to 2007. Similarly to other European countries, France experienced a rise in the proportion of immigrants in its population that was characterised by a new predominance of non-European immigration. Despite this, average segregation levels remained moderate. While the number of immigrant enclaves increased, particularly during the 2000s, the average concentration for most groups decreased because of a reduction of heavily concentrated census tracts, and census tracts with few immigrants. Contradicting frequent assertions, neither mono-ethnic census tracts nor ghettos exist in France. By contrast, many immigrants live in census tracts characterised by a low proportion of immigrants from their own group and from all origins. A long residential period in France is correlated with lower concentrations and proportion of immigrants in the census tract for most groups, though these effects are sometimes modest. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Since the late nineteenth century, France has been a destination for people outside its borders. In recent decades, most immigrants have come from outside of Europe, often from ex-colonies in Northern Africa, West Africa, and Indochina. The Parisian area has welcomed a disproportionate share of these immigrants and neighborhoods have been shaped and reshaped to reflect their presence. This paper examines three neighborhoods in Paris—Belleville, the Triangle de Choisy, and the Goutte d'Or—which are each composed of and shaped by separate ethnic populations. To a great extent, these neighborhoods are imprinted by commercial activity, often involving customers who come from well outside the neighborhood and networks that extend beyond the nation. They also show patterns of multiethnicity which allows for difference between groups to be maintained, even as the space shared between them is effectively negotiated. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The FACEEF, the largest federation of Spanish associations in France, has been committed, for about 20 years, to a series of project to promote the memory of Spanish immigration in France. The FACEEF reflects the complexity of Spanish migration to France, made of intertwined political and economic migration waves. In consequence, its members are bearer of heterogeneous memories. How do the FACEEF officials deal with this heterogeneity? How can they weave together more or less coherent narratives and representations into a shared collective memory? The study highlights the key role of the political refugees who arrived in the 1950s and 1960s, and this, even if they form a minority in number within the FACEEF. The favourable political context in Spain also plays a role. The FACEEF elaborates a hybrid narrative that brings together the political and economic experiences of migration. In doing so, it creates a new representation of the Spanish migration as political-economic phenomenon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Looking at the French approach to migration in four key political moments between 2014 and 2018, three main narratives can be seen as dominating the French debate on migration, namely the Westphalian, the humanitarian and the multilateral, each related to various justice claims. Surprisingly, a securitarian approach was not as dominant as expected. However, different justice claims were used to support various political interests, often in a clearly instrumental way. In France today, the politics of migration are still important for the country's foreign policy and are not just a domestic issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author discusses the work of economic historian Alfred Sauvy entitled "Évaluation des besoins de l'immigration franaiseç" which focuses on the needs of French immigration. He stated that Sauvy assumes the sharing of immigration's utilitarian attitude and mentions the contribution of farmers, construction workers and other foreign workers in the economic reconstruction of France.

Recent decades have seen a rapid increase in the share of non-European immigrants in public housing in Europe, which has led to concern regarding the rise of ghettos in large cities. Using French census data over three decades, we examine how this increase in public housing participation has affected segregation. While segregation levels have increased moderately, on average, the number of immigrant enclaves has grown. The growth of enclaves is being driven by the large increase in non-European immigrants in the census tracts where the largest housing projects are located, both in the housing projects and the surrounding nonpublic dwellings. As a result, contemporary differences in segregation levels across metropolitan areas are being shaped by the concentration of public housing within cities, in particular the share of non-European immigrants in large housing projects constructed before the 1980s. Nevertheless, the overall effect of public housing on segregation has been ambiguous. While large projects have increased segregation, the inflows of non-European immigrants into small projects have brought many immigrants into census tracts where they have previously been rare and, thus, diminished segregation levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers an analysis of the child’s ‘best interests’ principle, as enshrined in Article 3(1) of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, in French judicial review proceedings of removals of undocumented foreigners. The analysis finds that, amongst the various legal issues pertaining to this international protection, French administrative courts have most frequently prioritised the preservation of the family unit of the child of the expelled foreigner: thus, for the removal of the parent from French soil to be lawful, it should not entail, as a matter of principle, any geographical separation between either of the parents and the child. Nevertheless, it is argued, the legal implications of the ties that may connect the foreigner’s children themselves to France need further clarification. Lastly, progress can still be made on the procedural aspects of hearings, where the ‘best interests of the child’ principle is still not as effective as it should be. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Przegląd Europejski is the property of University of Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyses the historical evolution of the migration relations between France and Italy from the aftermath of the Second World War to the outbreak of the European Migrant Crisis. Adopting a long-term perspective, it shows that migration has been more a source of tension than convergence between the two countries. Despite an apparent complementarity of interests, between the mid-1940s and the early 1970s the governments in Paris and Rome disagreed over size and patterns of Italian migration to France. The governments in Paris and Rome continued to fight also after the end of Italian mass migration between the late 1960s and early 1970s. In the context of a rising anti-immigration mood, France began to accuse Italy of being a dangerous transit country for illegal migrants from southern Mediterranean states. On the other hand, against the background of the implementation of the Schengen system, Italy blamed France for passing the political and financial cost of border controls onto the peripheral members of the European Community/European Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article the "Muslim Question" of France in terms of Turkish immigrants, who are the subjects of a relatively recent migration movement compared to other immigrant groups in France, was examined. The findings that support the study are based on a qualitative research conducted in Paris between 2014 and 2015. In the first chapter of the study, the focal point was a critical interpretation of formation of the "Muslim Question". Whether this question is a fiction or based on solid facts was another subject tackled in this chapter. In the second chapter, by focusing on the migration process of the Turkish immigrants, the experiences of Turkish immigrants who are struggling to form a hybrid identity by acting within a social structure without ignoring the origin country codes. The basic argument of the article, however, is that the integration policies imposing themselves as the absolute truth should be put aside and at the same time a common culture should be created, also the Muslim origin immigrants should not ignore every criticism as for being "Islamophobia" and they should revise their attitudes in this regard. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Immigrant integration has been on the political agenda in France since at leastthe late 1980s, yet starting in the early 2000s this issue became bound up withconcerns about the oppression of minority women. This article examines theevolution of the issue over two decades, pinpointing when and why debatesover integration took on a gendered cast. The article's explanation centres on twofactors – the growing threat of the Front National coupled with the legitimationof gender-based claims in French politics. These claims were embraced byconservative politicians seeking to adopt a harder line toward immigration andled to the refashioning of core Republican concepts such as égalité and laïcité asbeing about gender equality. The use of similar themes by the Front National as ithas sought to move in from the political fringe reveals how gendered claims canbe deployed in an effort to keep anti-immigrant policies within the boundariesof liberal values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Inspired by Alain Robbe-Grillet’s novel La Jalousie (1957), the essay contends that Michael Haneke’s Caché (2005) takes its viewers inside a postcolonial white paranoia which is, arguably, the root cause of the exclusion, segregation and racist discrimination that many immigrants from the former colonies – and their children – are experiencing in contemporary France. It suggests that the entire film be read as the protagonist’s paranoid vision that imagines white privileges to be menaced by some non-white conspiracy. His obsession, which hinges on a fear of a reversal of the power inherent in ‘the gaze’, as brought out in the central ‘stalking plot’, informs the entire film’s narration and audiovisual make-up and explains, among other things, the serial repetitions and variations of certain settings and objects as the protagonist’s desperate attempt to create order in a threatening world. The construction of the film, however, also allows Haneke to critically comment upon his protagonist’s paranoia and demonstrate its ill-foundedness, for instance by pointing to a possible ‘banal conviviality’ (Paul Gilroy) between people of different ethnicities, cultures and religions. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article analyses network organizations founded by descendants of Turkish migrants in the Netherlands and France. By surveying members of two such organizations and interviewing several of their board members, we learn how these organizations function, their success in building and extending social networks, and their efficacy at improving labour market prospects for young second-generation professionals of Turkish descent. Our findings reveal a hybrid structure, whereby the organizations gear many of their activities towards mainstream society. In comparison to traditional immigrant organizations, their attitude is more open to other social groups, yet they still have a clear stronghold in the ethnic immigrant community. We conclude that ethnicity is not the main element in the successful second generation’s organizing process. Factors such as educational trajectories, professional ambitions, feelings of responsibility for other members and newly acquired socioeconomic status are the main reasons for this group to organize. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The ubiquity of resilience—the process of patterned adjustments adopted by a society or an individual in the face of endogenous or exogenous shocks—across the broad social sciences spectrum is undisputable. Yet, migration scholars have been relatively absent from this vibrant discussion. The present article suggests a theorisation of the link between migration, resilience and security by examining ways in which resilience precedes a socially constructed understanding of international migration as a security issue. The article explores how the surge in worldwide refugee numbers and associated mass migration phenomena were not only interpreted as a shock in post-Cold War France, but also instrumentalised by dominant discourses to underscore the necessity of adopting a particular pattern of adjustments to uphold the status quo against changes provoked by these migratory events. The social construction of refugee movements and mass migration as a significant disturbance requiring France to opt for a resilient strategy has led, ultimately, to the securitisation of migration. In a broader sense, the article presents a new lens through which to analyse situations and conditions in which resilience has led to and induced the securitisation of migration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Population (1634-2941) is the property of Institut National d'Etudes Demographiques and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Marriage migration and family reunification have become one of the few ways for migrants from former French colonies to gain legal entry to France. As a result, love, marriage, and kinship have become central to the politics of contemporary border control. Based on extensive research with Franco-Malagasy families in southwestern France, this article examines how couples negotiate the complexities of their binational relationships in the context of state-fostered xenophobia and suspicion. I suggest the analytic of a working mis/understanding to capture how these marriages operate. While at one level the working mis/understanding enables Malagasy women and French men to bridge their different notions of kinship, at another level it naturalizes a long-standing colonial relationship between France and Madagascar. I further consider how the sociocultural dynamics of the working mis/understanding illuminate how state regulations produce the commodification of intimate relations allegedly intrinsic to these marriages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

During the post–World War II boom, France implemented a comprehensive urbanism program intended to modernize and rationalize the nation by putting the city, the home, and the citizen in order. Local modernization efforts were part of the state’s broader postwar reconstruction initiatives implemented in both the metropole and the colonies. Local techniciens (technocratic experts such as urban planners and public health officials) were charged with assessing and classifying diverse populations in terms of centrally defined standards of need. By situating local modernization efforts in a broader imperial context, this article examines how government officials produced and reinforced social and racial hierarchies within developing postwar welfare institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Background: Although the French population comprises large and diverse immigrant groups, there is little research on smoking disparities by geographical origin. The aim of this study is to investigate in this country smoking among immigrants born in either north Africa, sub-Saharan Africa or French overseas départements.Methods: The data originate from the 2010 Health Barometer survey representative of metropolitan France. The subsample of 20,211 individuals aged 18-70 years (born either in metropolitan France or in the above-mentioned geographical regions) was analysed using logistic regression.Results: Both immigrants from sub-Saharan Africa and immigrants from overseas départements were protected from smoking compared to the reference population, and the former had a distinctive strongly reversed educational gradient in both genders. Returned former settlers from the French colonies in North Africa (repatriates) had the highest smoking levels. Natives from the Maghreb (Maghrebins) showed considerable gender discordance, with men having both a higher prevalence (borderline significance) and a reversed gradient and women having lower prevalence than the reference population.Conclusion: Immigrants from regions of the world in stage 1 of the cigarette epidemic had relatively low smoking levels and those from regions in stage 2 had relatively high smoking levels. Some groups had a profile characteristic of late phases of the cigarette epidemic, and others, some of which long-standing residents, seemed to be positioned at its early stages. The situation for Maghrebins reflected the enduring influence of gendered norms post-migration. Based on their educational gradients, immigrants from overseas départements (particularly men) and Maghrebin women may be at risk of losing their particularly low prevalence. Immigrants from sub-Saharan Africa could retain it. In-depth analysis of smoking profiles of immigrants' groups is essential for a better targeting of smoking prevention and cessation programs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is widely acknowledged and statistically demonstrated that, in recent years, there has been an increase in the number of doctors leaving Romania and settling in France, a country which has become the main destination of these specialists. The aim of this research was to investigate the associations between seven personal and professional variables and the migration phenomenon, taking into account the moderation effect of doctors' gender. The participants were 176 Romanian doctors working in France at the time of our investigation. The results showed that female doctors were more inclined to permanently reside in France with respect to fi ve of the seven variables, unlike men who seemed to be less inclined to choose permanent residence. Based on the results, a larger migration of Romanian doctors correlated with their choice to permanently reside in France is likely to affect the access of Romanians to high-quality medical services and this might further affect life quality in some areas of Romanian society. The article discusses the importance of this phenomenon to Romanian public administration and suggests potential policy/managerial implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]