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This article examines the rigid boundaries in relations between China and Turkey by applying social identity theory to international relations. It evaluates different networks of political alliance and external cultural-ethnic ties as rigid boundaries between the two countries. Turkey-China relations have been shaped by both inter-systemic and inter-state dynamics. Therefore, to show how social context and the permeability of social structure have affected the nature of bilateral relations, this article divides relations into two historical contexts of Cold War and post-Cold War periods. It concludes that it will be hard to go beyond rigid boundaries as long as each side has its own solutions to problems between the two countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do news media outlets react to an international crisis during a resurgence of populism at home? Led by President Erdoğan’s AK Party, Turkey’s military operations toward Syria provide fertile ground to examine how an increasingly polarized media industry has used populist framing to report on the conflict. Adopting a framing analysis method, this article analyses 2,166 examples of news coverage of the conflict by 3 mainstream national online news outlets with printed versions affiliated with certain political parties or sociopolitical camps—namely, the pro-government Sabah, the moderate/the pro-government Hürriyet, and the opposition/Kemalist Sözcü—as well as one alternative media outlet, Bianet. The findings reveal that the creation of a sense of crisis over Syria has precipitated a “rallyround- the-flag” effect. This prompted the ruling AK Party’s populist discourses to dominate the public sphere through the mainstream media, including opposition outlets, with detrimental implications for the state of democracy. It will likely serve as a baseline to make cross-country comparisons on the interplay among the media landscape, international crises, and authoritarian governments at a time of resurgent populism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Southeastern Anatolia Project (Güneydoğu Anadolu Projesi, GAP) is one of the largest regional development projects ever implemented in the Middle East. Launched officially in the 1970s to develop the water and land resources of southeastern Turkey, GAP has over time evolved from a predominantly technical, largely state-led and mainly infrastructural and economic development-oriented project into a primarily social, largely market-friendly and chiefly sustainable and human development-oriented project. Parallel to this evolution, GAP has grown more visible in political and public discourses. The implications of the project, for instance, on the ecology and cultural heritages, on the Kurdish Question, and on water issue among Turkey, Syria and Iraq have become clearer. However, despite growing academic and policy interest on GAP, there has been no attempt to provide a literature review on the project. Even more than 40 years after GAP was begun, a bird's eye view of researched and under-researched topics in the literature has not been introduced yet. This article seeks to present a qualitative review of GAP-related literature. In this way, it seeks to constitute an initial step to establish a base for more expansive reviews and to provide guidance to interested and involved researchers, practitioners and policymakers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Çagdas Türkiye Tarihi Arastirmalari Dergisi is the property of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Turkey's attempted military coup on 15 July 2016 provided an opportunity for China and Turkey to improve cooperative relations. After the military coup, Turkey experienced a severe internal political crisis. Structural contradiction with traditional Western allies forced Turkey to reconsider its allegiances and political positions. Several high-level Chinese delegations to Turkey played an important role in improving Turkey's political stability, economic development and national security. Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's re-election as president of Turkey, the strategic coordination between Turkey and China's Belt and Road Initiative and Turkey's Middle Corridor project all accelerated and promoted China–Turkey relations. This is a golden opportunity for China and Turkey to build the strategic cooperation relations that began in 2010. If Turkey can accommodate the core interests of and establish political ties with China, further cooperation between the two countries will not only benefit both, but also have a great impact on regional stability and global governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the evolving relationship between the European Union (EU) and Turkey following the 2015 refugee crisis. It argues that post-crisis relations have become predominantly functional, measured by strategic EU-Turkey partnership based on interdependence as well as the EU's relative retreat from political membership conditionality. This is particularly demonstrated by the March 2016 EU-Turkey 'refugee deal' whereby functional cooperation deepened amidst material and normative concessions that the EU granted Ankara. The article concludes that although functionalism is set to guide the relations beyond the question of Turkey's EU accession, a future EU-Turkey external differentiated integration arrangement remains uncertain due to pending challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political Islamist AKP (Justice and Development Party) has been in power in Turkey since the November 2002 elections. This era brought about significant changes and transformations in many aspects of state‒society and state‒economy relations. However, as far as the state's management of labour power is considered, the era represented a direct continuity with the post-1980 authoritarian neoliberal restructuring. The party's policies aimed to make the labour market more competitive, flexible, low-waged, precarious and de-unionized. Economic policies in this term also increased the indebtedness of labourers as a result of the detrimental developments in the labour markets for workers. The AKP also did not hesitate to use state power whenever possible in order to suppress workers' discontent and strikes. However, the party also enjoyed a considerable amount of working class support as a result of the 'neoliberal social policy regime' which attempted to alleviate the detrimental effects in the labour market. Against this background, this article attempts to develop a critical appraisal of state‒labour relations and general trends thereof, and make sense of developments in the labour market during the AKP era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent Turkish foreign policy (TFP) under the successive AKP governments has seen different populist turns. A clear distinction can be made between the thin and thick populisms of TFP, based on the status of the West. The first decade of AKP rule, when foreign policy was thinly populist, was characterised by steady de-Europeanisation, increasing engagement with regional issues and a decentring of Turkey's Western orientation. The turn toward thick populism has been characterised by anti-Westernist discourses in which the West is resituated as the 'other' of Turkish political identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the Helsinki Summit of 1999, Turkey faced the impact of Europeanisation in the context of regional policy and structural funds. This impact challenged the long-established statist tradition of the Turkish administrative structure and led to the need for reforms in order to bring its regional policy in line with European Union (EU) standards. The polity effect of Europeanisation in Turkey in the post-Helsinki era has been a change in administrative relations between three different territorial tiers: supranational, national and subnational. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkey's humanitarian and development intervention in Somalia is unusually illuminating as a case study to investigate the relations between emerging and conventional interveners in conflict zones since, in this case, Turkey's intervention carries adequate impetus to resist assimilation with conventional North/Western counterparts. Our starting point is the observation that Turkish and conventional humanitarian and development interveners have struggled to coordinate or cooperate in Somalia. This article investigates what this uncooperative and uncoordinated organisational behaviour means, and we root our investigation in 21 face-to-face interviews with officials working inside the Turkish and conventional intervention in Mogadishu and Nairobi to inquire about how they understand and theorise this discordant behaviour. We use a parsimonious analytical framework of trustworthiness that questions the 'ability' and 'integrity' of counterpart organisations to explore the intentions behind organisational behaviours. Our analysis of interview narratives evidences challenges to conventional methods of intervention by Turkish organisations and the protection of the same by North/Western organisations. Our concluding discussion interprets these findings in relation to consequences for the status quo hierarchy of global governance and its promotion of liberal intervention norms, and for the utilisation of securitised and remote-control intervention methodologies in conflict zones such as Somalia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article draws on the contents of the Turkish Cypriot Museum of Barbarism and a Greek Cypriot elementary level schoolbook to show how the image of the home, both personal and collective, can be used as an evocative framework for commemorating the conflict on Cyprus. The inherent familiarity of this image, its deep connection to our identities and its ability to evoke feelings of nostalgia and grief, hope and pain, make it a powerful trope around which memories of the many lives lost in the conflict can be constructed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In January 2017, relations between Greece and Turkey were under severe strain when warships from both sides engaged in a brief standoff near a pair of uninhabited Greek 'islets' in the Aegean, whose sovereignty is disputed by Turkey. Theoretically informed by the literature of foreign policy analysis, we examine how the Greek diplomats, military officers and political analysts interpreted Turkey's behaviour at that particular time. The article considers the following research question: which factors, from a Greek point of view, explain Turkey's foreign policy in the Aegean in January 2017? Our theoretical expectation is that, in the aftermath of the coup attempt in Turkey, Greek diplomats, military officers and political analysts would ascribe domestic calculations into Turkey's activities. We employed Q- methodology to uncover socially shared perspectives on this topic. Based on our findings, we uncovered two viewpoints: (1) Turkey's diachronic strategy in the Aegean and (2) the strongman style. According to the former and most widely shared viewpoint, a consistent 'rationalist' strategy to change the status quo in the Aegean explains Turkey's behaviour. According to the second one, the belief system of Turkey's leadership legitimises the use of force in the conduct of foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There have been significant changes in Turkish foreign policy under President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, in particular since the 2016 military coup attempt. The changes have resulted in a strong focus on national security, an assertive style in policy implementation, a preference for transaction-based relations, and a quest for more strategic autonomy. Two main arguments are made: First, these features of policy represent both change and continuity when compared with earlier periods in Turkish foreign policy. The novelty under Erdogan is primarily in how the features are combined. Second, the changes do not represent a shift in Turkey's overall international orientation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since Heydar Aliyev, the father of the incumbent president Ilham Aliyev, became the country's president in 1993, Azerbaijan has been known for its staunch pursuit of a so-called "balanced" policy in its relations with the outside world, particularly Russia and the West. Whereas in the past this policy tended to be "balanced" more in favor of the West as far as Azerbaijan's strategic interests were concerned, Baku's political disposition has shifted decidedly towards Russia in recent years. Over the past decade, several developments on the national, regional, and global levels have worked to gradually alter the long-established regional dynamic and alignment patterns, bringing Azerbaijan back into the Russian fold. This article's objective is to critically examine those developments to shed more light on the nature of Azerbaijani-Russian relations today and their prospects for the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In spite of all previous efforts, the land border between Armenia and Turkey remains closed. Being one of the last reminders of the Cold War era, it significantly hinders the development of Armenia and eastern regions of Turkey. However, a closed border is more than a physical obstacle, as it also shapes the worldview and perceptions of the respective societies. Using the recent survey on "Public Opinion Poll: The Ways for Normalization of Armenian-Turkish Relations", we identify the determinants of respondents' attitudes towards the opening of the border. Among other results, we find that more awareness of the current Armenian-Turkish relationship increases the likelihood of the approval of the border. However, when selecting those respondents, who are either loyal to or approve the opening of the border, the awareness of the protocols' content decreases the likelihood of the approval of the opening border. Our findings are supported by the contact theory which we use as a conceptual framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the divisive commemoration of the battle of Erenköy, which has gained significance since the early 2000s in a resignifying of Turkish Cypriot history. Over time, the commemoration has shifted from a triumphalism symbolized in monuments to an act of mourning at the graves of the fallen. We show through this commemoration how actors have repurposed official narratives, deterritorializing them from the terrain of nationalist ideology and its countermemory and reterritorializing them in ways that look similar but are affectively quite different. We argue that this repurposing of the ritual produces an affect of agency among participants that is open-ended and future oriented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of DOMES: Digest of Middle East Studies is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cadernos Argentina Brasil is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The employment of diverse forms of security and control on territorial borders have led to the production of numerous events of border crossings, smuggling, banditry and death along with stories of separation, loss, mourning, pain, and yearning in the everyday life of border people. The Naqshbandi Khaznavi order has an expansive interpersonal social network across the political borders of Turkish and Syrian nation-states. This work analyzes the ways in which Sufis dealt with diverse aspects of the Turkish-Syrian border by unbinding shackles and orders of political system that were fabricated constantly from the 1920s to the early 1980s. The life stories and narratives of the Sufis document the existence of a religious-cultural landscape, diversifying the perception of place, time and fear which have transcended political borders for decades, contradicting official cartographic imagination and the modern-secular understanding of place and time. Besides, in addition to analyses of religious orders as social, economic and political entities, this work aims to elucidate emotional aspects of relations and faith that coexist between Sufis and their Sheikh in the context of spatial distance, political border and fear of death. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Dodecanese Islands became a subject of diplomatic negotiations both during and after World War II. This article examines the position of Turkish foreign policy on the sovereignty of the islands. It argues that the analysis of the subject necessitates a multi-faceted approach which takes both the concerned parties’ stance and Turkey’s post-war international status into consideration. This study shows that Britain and the US frankly favoured the Greek claims after 1940. Accordingly, it asserts that in the post-war period, Turkey constituted its diplomacy over the Dodecanese based on the rising Soviet threat against which it sought support from the Western powers. It also shows that Ankara sometimes made attempts to intervene in the process regarding the Dodecanese although they were short-lived and inconclusive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes to re-examine the Turkish–Iraqi Frontier dispute by observing the strategies and attitudes of local populations, in particular in the border areas, between 1918 and 1925, a time when the region became a battleground of British and Turkish agents seeking to secure the loyalties of the local community leaders. The latter played a relevant role in two fundamental and complementary ways. First, by playing different sides, local leaders helped to inform the discourse that served to justify the opposing claims over Mosul province. Second, borderlanders pushed British and Turkish authorities to come to the conclusion that an international agreement was the best solution for both countries. I argue the socio-historical process that led Turkey and Great Britain to accept the Brussels line cannot be fully apprehended without taking into account local players and their interactions with a variety of both state and non-state actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the Justice and Development Party came to power, Turkey has taken another direction in the international scene, based primarily on the ideas of Ahmet Davutoglu, architect of Turkish foreign policy. Different from Turkey's conduct during the Cold War, Davutoglu developed a new foreign policy with specific principles, with their implementation still open to debates. After Davutoglu's exit, it should be noted that Turkey found itself in another political context, and began recalibrating its foreign policy, as president Erdogan has undertaken a more active role under the essentials of a de facto presidential foreign policy. It is worth mentioning some shifts from Davutoglu's framework, such as: from soft power to hard power, from multilateralism to strategic security alliances, from zero problems with neighbours to a policy of regaining friends, from strategy of active globalisation through multilateralism to strategic security alliances, and from civilisationalist realism of Strategic Depth to proactive moral realism. The article aims to shed light on how effective the principles of Turkish foreign policy devised by Davutoglu were, whether Turkey continues implementing his policies or has abandoned them and what the dynamics of the new Turkish Foreign Policy are (after Davutoglu's exit). This article argues that there has been a reorientation of the foreign policy of Turkey as a result of structural and contextual changes in the regional and international political landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of revolutions is at the forefront of the growing field of International Historical Sociology. As International Historical Sociology scholars have sought to uncover the spatio-temporally changing character of international relations, they have come a long way in overcoming ‘unilinear’ and ‘internalist’ conceptions of revolutionary modern transformation. In this article, I re-evaluate the extent to which the International Historical Sociology of ‘bourgeois revolutions’ has succeeded in remedying unilinear conceptions of the transition to modernity. I argue that ‘consequentialist’ approaches to the study of bourgeois revolutions tend to obscure the radically heterogeneous character of revolutionary transformations, both within and outside Western Europe. Drawing on Political Marxism and Robbie Shilliam’s discussion of Jacobinism, I first provide a non-consequentialist reading of the revolutions of modernity within Western Europe, and then utilize this reinterpretation to provide a new interpretation of the Turkish Revolution (1923–1945). My aim is to demonstrate that a non-consequentialist conception of ‘bourgeois revolutions’ will enable us to historicize and theorize more accurately the co-constitution of international relations and revolutionary processes, hence providing a stronger foundation for the International Historical Sociology of modern revolutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migration, asylum and visa policies can function as tools of foreign policy while also marking specific shifts in foreign policy choices. This study analyses the structural linkages of such policies with Turkish foreign policy through focusing on two distinctive foreign policy conceptions of two eras, namely during the ANAP (Motherland Party) and JDP (Justice and Development Party) governments. These eras present distinctive characteristics and noteworthy policy shifts for the instrumentalization of migration policies. This study argues that the nexus between migration and Turkish foreign policy manifests itself in three forms: (i) border and asylum policies as part of Turkey’s involvement in regional conflicts; (ii) visa policies for rapprochement; with target countries and (iii) co-ethnics and kinship policies for extending spheres of influence. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article assesses a claim by Khrushchev that warnings from the Soviet intelligence services enabled to him to deter a Turkish invasion of Syria in 1957. The article shows that the United States and Turkey did aim to overthrow the Syrian government, with the Turks massing an invasion force on Syria's border. Soviet intelligence detected this threat and was able to alert Khrushchev, who took diplomatic and military countermeasures. However, while the Soviet intelligence services did provide advance warning, Khrushchev overestimated the extent to which the United States was committed to a Turkish invasion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In social, economic and political terms, Turkey is playing a key role in the Syrian refugee crisis. The number of refugees crossing its border is now in the millions, which makes Turkey conspicuous as both a destination and a transit country. The social adaptation process is an important component of the refugee crises given that Syrian migrants are not temporary but permanent. Since Turkey has the largest number of refugees compared to any other (western) country, it is important to understand how Syrian refugees are perceived by Turkish citizens. By taking the significant influence of media on the integration process into account, the main purpose of this article was to document how Syrian refugees are represented in the media. To achieve the aim, 1,054 news articles published in the summer of 2015 by Turkey's three largest active news agencies were examined by conducting content analysis. We evaluated temporal milestones and spatial importance in Turkish pattern of reporting refugee-related news and compared the positions of the news agencies. Our findings highlight three issues. Based on the major three codes (refugee policy, illegal crossings, refugee as victim) it is obvious that Syrian refugees in Turkish media are represented as victims struggling to survive. While integration and migration policies are an important part of the solution for the Syrian migration crisis, these topics are the three most reported in the news. Last, but not least, the big chunk of news about humanitarian aid proves that Syrian refugees are evaluated by media in human terms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the independence of the Turkic World after disintegration of USSR in 1991, Turkey found an opportunity to fill the power vacuum in the Central Asian region left by the Soviets. Thus, in the early 1990s, the Turkish foreign policy towards the Central Asian States was hinged on the wishful ideas of Pan-Turkic World. It immediately faced outright resistance from the CARs as they craved to retain their newly found exclusive nationalistic identities. Consequently, later on, the Justice and Development Party (AKP) of Turkey relinquished their hitherto ambitious foreign policy towards the CAR and reoriented it on more pragmatic lines which allowed her to strengthen its bilateral relations with the CARs. Meanwhile, in light of the geopolitical developments in Ukraine and dramatic slowdown of the Russian economy, Turkey's balancing act in Central Asia was seen as beneficial by Moscow, which could find another partner in helping to stem some of China's swelling influence in the region. Moreover, after the failed military coup attempt in Turkey (July 2016), Russian and Turkish leadership have showed friendly overtures to each other which can strengthen their relations and both these players can play constructive role towards the development of Central Asia region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the period between the two World Wars, Turkey played quite an important role in the security system of the Second Republic of Poland, especially after the May Coup in 1926. Poland promoted the establishment of the Central European Bloc, which in some variants would also include Turkey. Furthermore, the state played an important role in the Polish Promethean politics because it had borders with the Caucasus, and in addition there was the large Caucasian emigration. As early as in the 1920s Poland initiated intelligence cooperation with Turkey against the USSR, as a result of which Polish intelligence missions operated in the Turkish territory and Turkish intelligence officers underwent specialized training in Poland. The more Turkey approached the Western countries before the outbreak of World War II the more this cooperation intensified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study proposes a conceptual model that depicts middle power mediation as a foreign policy strategy in the context of asymmetric alliance dynamics. It expands on Touval's (2003) mediation-as-foreign policy perspective and argues that once mediation is conceived of as a viable political option in the conduct of foreign policy, engaging in mediation activity enables middle powers to create an extra space of political power not otherwise available. The article introduces an analytical model that explains the dynamics of mediation-as-foreign policy approach and the mechanisms that translate mediation engagement into political leverage. The analysis focuses on aspects of Turkish mediation efforts between 2002 and 2009 in the context of Turkish- US/EU relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of All Azimuth: A Journal of Foreign Policy & Peace is the property of Ihsan Dogramaci Peace Foundation, Center for Foreign Policy & Peace Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The existing literature on Turkish foreign policy (TFP) asserts that under the rule of theAdalet ve Kalkınma Partisi(AKP), Turkey’s foreign policy shifted from caution and uni-dimensionality to relative activism and multi-dimensionality. This study aims to test these arguments through a systematic analysis of the international agreements ratified by the Turkish Parliament between 1984 and 2015. By looking at the number, content and signatory parties of these international agreements, it aims to empirically show the change in the activism, orientation and instruments of TFP. Using this original data set is not only used to trace the change under the AKP but also across all ruling governments that came to power between 1984 and 2015. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

European officials veer towards exceptionalism in their policy communications concerning the EU’s global role, particularly in terms of African development. This article poses a rejoinder to such tendencies through examination of the rise of ‘virtuous power Turkey’ in Africa. It examines how Turkish elites constructed a moralised ‘neo-Ottoman’ foreign policy in wake of stalled EU accession. It then underscores how elites framed humanitarian interventions in sub-Saharan Africa in contrast to the perceived neo-colonialism of an EU ‘other’. In this vein, the article explores the meaning of normative ‘neo-Ottomanism’ for ostensible beneficiaries in Africa, for the EU, and for Turkey itself. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article attempts to understand the properties, potentials and limits of middle-power activism in a changing global order. Extensive debate on the rise of emerging powers notwithstanding, the potential contributions of emerging middle powers in regional and global governance, and the imminent challenges they face in their struggle for an upgraded status in the hierarchy of world politics, is an understudied issue. This study aims to fill this gap by offering a broad conceptual framework for middle-power activism and testing it with reference to the Turkish case. In this context, the authors aim to address the following questions: What kind of roles can emerging middle powers play in a post-hegemonic international system? What are the dynamics, properties and limitations of emerging middle-power activism in regional and global governance? Based on an extensive study of the Turkish case, the authors’ central thesis is that emerging middle powers can make important contributions to regional and global governance. Their ultimate impact, however, is not inevitable, but depends on a complementary set of conditions, which are outlined in this study. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article investigates the relationship between trade and politics, particularly the effect of improved or deteriorated political ties upon economic relations with particular reference to the bilateral trade and diplomatic relations between Turkey and Israel. The study attempts to identify under what conditions bilateral trade is affected by any significant change in political relations. It finds that economic relations were relatively bolstered at times of enhanced political relations whereas visible deterioration or decline was observed in the volume and state of trade relations at some critical points when diplomatic relations worsened. However, this does not refer to a constant and steady decline and is limited to some severe diplomatic crises experienced in bilateral relations. Some major premises of Realist and Liberal theories are employed to analyse the findings in this study. These findings are at least partially against the main arguments in the literature of the Liberal approach that trade determines politics. However, the course of trade relations between Israel and Turkey appears to be consistent with the tenets of the Realist theory which pays greater attention to security than it does to trade relations and argues that trade may not be relevant to improved bilateral political relations. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]