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As global power shifts to east, the rise of new regional powers is creating a new poly-centric political and economic world. In this context, several emerging powers or the so-called global swing states' decisions will determine the axis of the world. This is particularly the case for Turkey's standing at the global fault line of the Middle East. In this light, this paper's main objective is to assess Turkish-American overlapping/contending visions on several regional hot spots - Palestine Issue, Iran, Iraq, and Syria - and it concludes that their long-term interests in the region will be aligned in the case that Turkey is not isolated from transatlantic dialogue and economic mechanisms such as TTIP [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Middle Eastern Studies / Ortadoğu Etütleri is the property of Turkmen Cooperation & Cultural Foundation Center for Middle Eastern Strategic Studies (ORSAM) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Middle Eastern Studies / Ortadoğu Etütleri is the property of Turkmen Cooperation & Cultural Foundation Center for Middle Eastern Strategic Studies (ORSAM) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

While the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) are undergoing rapid change, many domestic, regional and international actors are vying for space and influence as systems and customs evolve and adopt new forms. This paper characterises and compares the evolving foreign policy strategies of two such regional actors, Turkey and Saudi Arabia. It further assesses the motivations and activities of and challenges to Turkish and Saudi involvement throughout the region since the Arab uprisings. Ultimately these cases provide intriguing insight into the foreign policy purpose and methods of emerging states under conditions of uncertainty. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Çankırı Karatekin University Journal of the Faculty of Economics & Administrative Sciences is the property of Cankiri Karatekin University, Faculty of Economics & Administrative Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article describes and analyzes the first diplomatic gift presented by the States General of the Netherlands to the Ottoman Sultan Ahmet I in 1612/1613. The extensive and very costly assortment of items was presented to the Sultan in gratitude for capitulations, permitting the Dutch access to Ottoman ports and therefore direct access to trade in the Levant and Mediterranean. This paper describes the diplomatic gift, a long-neglected episode in Dutch material cultural history, and looks in particular at the role that wonder and wonders played in structuring this remarkable encounter between the fledgling Dutch Republic and the Ottoman court. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contends that Turkey's predominant geopolitical discourse of promoting its uniqueness in terms of its location, role and identity has been a result of its ontological anxiety over its sense of marginalization within the Western/European community. It argues that Turkey's 'recent' turn to the Middle East as well as the discourses that evoke Turkey's 'bridge' and 'central state' roles in the last decade show continuity in the logic of Turkey's foreign policy practices, rather than an axis shift or a break with the past. The article seeks to contribute to the debates on the shift of axis in Turkish foreign policy and Turkey's recent foreign policy activism in the Middle East by examining how Turkey's traditional goal of 'emerging as a respected member of the European community' as well as the course of its interactions with the West/EC/EU influenced Turkey's foreign practices and the ways Turkey represented its role and identity in time. The present paper also seeks to contribute to the constructivist studies on ontological security, by offering a preliminary conceptual framework in exploring how states may attempt to resolve their ontological anxieties in hierarchical situations through the assertion of their uniqueness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes data drawn from the 2006 and 2010 Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) surveys to compare how the attitudes of MEPs toward Turkey have changed. Through cross-tabulations, the paper presents some preliminary evidence that the Right in the current European Parliament (EP) is less friendly towards Turkey than was the Right in the previous EP, while the Left is friendlier towards Turkey than before. Although it needs further evidence to support this claim, one may suggest that the gap between the Right and the Left on the question of Turkish accession might be widening. Since no single group has the majority in the EP, the polarization on the question of Turkey may complicate consensus-building on Turkey, which is often necessary to vote down anti-Turkey proposals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Türkiyat Mecmuasi is the property of Istanbul University, Institute of Turkish Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The border dividing Turkey and Armenia has been sealed nearly for 20 years but since the beginning of 2000s the communication channels between Armenians and Turks on each side of the Mount Ararat has been intensified through civil society initiatives. In the pessimistic atmosphere of the current political relations after the rejections of 2009 protocols concluded between Yerevan and Ankara governments, these initiatives get less attention in academic studies on Turkey's relations with Armenia. However, second diplomacy efforts increasingly but quietly continue with various projects organized by different institutions despite the 'frozen' diplomatic relations. Within this context, benefiting from interviews and data gathered in Armenia in November, 2014, the paper aims to investigate to what extent second track diplomacy in the thorny relations has an impact on the normalization in the postprotocol period within the context of the centennial of 1915 events in 2015. It argues that second track diplomacy initiatives play an important role not only in strengthening rapprochement between two distant neighbours but also bringing peace and stability to South Caucasus region. However, this role is limited to change the current course of relations unless there is strong political will. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The official visit to Turkey of the Soviet Premier Aleksey Nikolayevich Kosygin was important in terms of reviving relations between the two countries during the Cold War period. The visit of the Premier Kosygin and of the accompanying Soviet delegation, held in 20-27 December 1966, found extensive coverage in the Turkish press. The focal point of the talks was the relations between the two countries and the problems related to the international agenda. In particular, Czechoslovakia's sale of weapons, a Soviet ally, to the Greek Cypriot leader Makarios, and the solution of the Cyprus problem were some of the main topics of the negotiations. Despite certain disagreements on international issues, the visit of the Soviet Premier, in the Cold War conjuncture, played a role in the revitalization of bilateral relations. The Turkish Press followed with great interest the Premier Kosygin's visit to Turkey. Utilising the coverage of mainstream newspapers like Cumhuriyet, Ulus, Tercüman, Akşam, Dünya, Yeni Tanin and Vatan, the paper used the content analysis method to evaluate the reflections of the visit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

the "axis-shift" discussions on Turkish foreign policy activism over the last couple of years have attracted remarkable international attention. Some pundits have attempted to place Turkey's increasing relations with its neighbors within the context of an ideological and identical reshuffling of Turkish foreign policy principles. While finding the "shift of axis" argument a rather crude characterization, the paper nevertheless argues that there are subtle shifts in Turkish foreign policy orientation. In this context, the paper aims to identify both the elements of continuity and rupture in the style and behavior of Turkish foreign policy. In fact, there are solid political economy fundamentals and legitimate reasons for Turkey to pursue a multi-dimensional and more assertive foreign policy in the emerging multi-polar world system. However, the present paper underlines that Turkey's multi-dimensional foreign policy activism with no firm axis may have potentially counterproductive consequences regarding Turkey's long-term national interests as well as its ability to play a stabilizing role as a pro-active and benign regional power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The historical solution to the security problem in the Persian/ Arabian Gulf, that is, the active military protection of a super power, is no longer sustainable as the unipolar world gives way to a multipolar one and the credibility of the United States to provide military security is being increasingly questioned. This paper addresses a question neglected by both international and regional analysts: can Turkey play any role in the future Gulf security architecture? The paper argues that Turkey can help the GCC states develop effective state institutions and build regional institutional mechanisms to solve potential crises and alleviate the security dilemma in the Gulf. It can deliver this public good to the region precisely because Turkey has strong economic and political interests to have good relations with all sides concerned with the Gulf security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Our analysis will discuss Turkey's changing direction, if any, in terms of its trade orientation. This paper argues that Turkey's trade sector has maintained its long-standing direction towards the major European Union (EU) member countries with only minor setbacks, while new dimensions in bilateral trade have emerged not only due to Turkey's changing foreign policy considerations but also global economic transformations. Moreover, this paper argues that Turkey's trade partners are subject to these changes, as the epicentre of the global economy shifts, i.e. to the East. In the first section, a brief introduction with regards to Turkey's foreign trade under the AK Party's administration -since 2002 will be provided. The second section will discuss the scope of regional and worldwide changes in trade patterns and analyze the recent shift in Turkey's trade orientation in the context of Asia's economic and political rise in early 21st century. The third section will focus on the role of political dynamics in Turkey's trade sector and structural issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I argue that a fuller understanding of the recent activism in Turkish foreign policy, and in particular the changing nature of relations with its neighbors, requires us to engage in the study of the increasing economic interdependence and the analysis of broadly redefined national interests. therefore, this paper aims to explain Turkey's relations with its neighbors through the neo-liberal theory model put forth by Robert O. Keohane and Joseph S. Nye, which underlines the importance of interdependence and cooperation among states. I argue that recent developments in Turkish foreign policy, particularly Turkey's relations with its neighbors, resemble the characteristic features of complex interdependence. The new activism in Turkish foreign policy facilitates international cooperation among regional actors and creates a "complex interdependence". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how Turkey has established and transformed particular norms as norm entrepreneur and norm transmitter toward the Middle East from constructivism perspectives. At first part, this study reviews previous studies about norm and norm spread, especially contributions of Florini, Finnemore and Sikkink, and Acharya. In second part, this paper presents framework of Turkey's norm entrepreneur and norm transmitter roles, and applies it to specific examples. As the examples of norm entrepreneur, Ankara Forum and Turkish model are taken. On the other hand, Turkey's activities in Democratic Assistance Dialogue and in OIC were examples of norm transmitter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Relations / Uluslararasi Iliskiler is the property of International Relations Council and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper argues that Turkey's accession to the EU has been securitised by the French and German right, according to the Copenhagen School's constructivist explanation of securitisation as a 'speech act'. Moreover, like other critical security schools, the Copenhagen School argues that security is not limited to the state or the military, but that securitisation may take place in other sectors, with the political, economic, environmental and societal spheres as its referent object. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is briefly dealing with the current situation in Afghanistan within the context of Turkey's increasing role in Afghanistan. Turkish- Afghani relations are examined in terms of politics and economy while Turkish foreign policies towards Afghanistan and the Turkish- Pakistani-Afghani triple summit attempts are analyzed. Additionally, Turkey's security and socio-economic contributions in Afghanistan are emphasized. Turkey's unwillingness to send troops to Afghanistan for operational purposes that is frequently debated in national and international circles has been evaluated by stating the advantages and disadvantages of such decision. Turkey's quiet approach between 2001 and 2004 towards Afghanistan, which have been energizing since 2005 and Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu's visit to Afghanistan on June 2009 have been dealt as well. By considering Davutoglu's policies, aiming to introduce Turkey as a global actor and as the term President of the UNSC (the UN Security Council), it seems that Turkey is preparing to play a more active role in Afghanistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Usually, the Armenian-Turkish relations are taken into consideration as they developed in the most recent and most tragic phase of their history-in the aftermath of 1915, the emblematic year of the Armenian Genocide under the last Ottoman rule. In all this phase those relations were branded by the awful shock of the Genocide. Notwithstanding these tremendous developments of the recent history, one cannot, however, ignore that Turks and Armenians had a long common history for nearly one millennium. It is not the aim of this study to draft a historical outline of the Armenian-Turkish relations. Such a task would require a collection of data and analyses going far beyond the limits of this paper. The author tries to give a more careful insight into the Armenian-Turkish relations, pointing at some of the major obstacles hindering a balanced and critically dialectical approach of them, free from passionate, biased, and stereotyped views and attitudes; the latter, in most cases, being the consequence of the bleeding trauma of the Armenians, and of the self-justificatory strategy of the Turks, which is also the result of a deep trauma even if due to different reasons than that of the Armenians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Hellenic Studies / Etudes Helleniques is the property of Centre for Hellenic Studies & Research Canada-KEEK and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article is based on a paper presented at the June 8-9, 2009 conference entitled "Israel and the Arab States: Parallel Interests, Relations, and Strategies," jointly held in Jerusalem by the Global Research in International Affairs (GLORIA) Center and the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung. The article discusses Israeli-Iraqi relations in the post-Saddam era, arguing that Iraq has distanced itself from its traditional radicalism and adopted a more pragmatic and moderate posture. Still, close ties between Iran and Iraqi Shi'a groups in particular threaten the chances for normalization between Jerusalem and Baghdad, while the U.S. ability or willingness to challenge Iran on this matter is limited. Also discussed is the positive Kurdish-Israeli relationship and areas of potential cooperation. At the same time, however, there exist Kurdish fears of negative reactions from non- Kurdish Iraqis and the Arab world and Israeli fears of antagonizing Turkey and jeopardizing its strategic partnership with it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is aimed at introducing the inter-war dimension to the debate on the history of Turkey's association with the idea of European integration. This association evolved in the context of two inter-war initiatives: Aristide Briand's European Union proposal within the framework of the League of Nations and Richard Coudehove-Kalergi's Pan-Europe idea. Although Turkey had been originally excluded from both, the inter-war great power rivalries in Europe rectified the situation, allowing Turkey's incorporation into both schemes. In the process, the Turkish leaders and public could relate to Briand's intergovernmental initiative far more easily than to Coudenhove-Kalergi's Pan-Europe ideal. This might be considered a manifestation of traditional Turkish emphasis on institutional, rather than ideational, aspect of European integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper introduces the two factors of temporality and interaction, which are not well-researched within the Turkey-EU relationship. I suggest that these two factors are important for understanding the process of Europeanization in Turkey and explaining the ups and downs in the long-lasting relationship. After briefly examining the two historical periods of the Turkey-EU relationship -- that is, from 1959 to 1970 and from 1970 to 1999 -- the paper mainly focuses on the more recent period following the Helsinki Summit of 1999 and shows how the factors of temporality and interaction operated differently between 1999 and 2004, and after 2004, turning from positive to negative. Having presented the historical evidence, the paper concludes by emphasizing the close interaction between the factors of temporality, interaction and the process of Europeanization in the Turkish context and suggesting that the analysis of these two factors opens up new possibilities for comparative research on other accession and candidate countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the impact of contested national identity on Turkish and Japanese foreign policies. Applying a modified constructivist theoretical framework, it seeks to explore the ways in which the national identities of Turkey and Japan are constructed, internalized and in turn externalized through their foreign policies. In examining the case of Turkey and Japan, the paper problematizes national identity as a contested space characterized by a clash of opposing sub-national identities with distinct readings of national interests and security. Hence foreign policy decisions emerge in the context of this contestation among opposing national identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkish-US ties came close to crisis in the run-up to the 2003 Iraq war, thereby defying the conventional analysis which views the relationship as essentially cooperative. This occurred because experts have based their assessment of the alliance on too selective a view of the historical relationship. This article focuses on a neglected but important issue from the recent past, the opium case of the early 1970s, which provides a more comparable analogy to the 2002–03 Iraq crisis. The paper adopts a thematically analytical approach to the two cases, identifying four factors – national sovereignty, systemic contestation, democratic legitimacy and clientelist reciprocity – as crucial in explaining why the expected cooperation was not forthcoming. More broadly, the article argues that such fundamental issues of domestic importance have to be taken seriously by US foreign policymakers if they wish to galvanize high profile cooperation, even with those regional powers that are already their allies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper endeavours to shed light on Turkey's historical partnership with the European Union (EU) from a critical perspective. This study asserts that, all along, Turkey conceived the EU from a predominantly political, ideological and civilisational perspective. This parochial outlook, the paper argues, has served to undermine Turkey's negotiation position vis-à-vis the EU. The Ankara Agreement (1963), the Additional Protocol (1970) and the Customs Union arrangement (1995) which have regulated the three stages of Turkey's official links with the EU pending eventual membership, have mostly operated to the detriment of Turkish interests and aspirations. This lack of balance has been visible in Turkey's ever-mounting trade deficit with member states of the EU and in the determined resistance of the EU to implement freedom of movement for Turkish workers in the EU countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This contribution suggests a framework for examining Turkish--European relations from the perspective of domestic and external inputs of foreign policy making in Turkey. In viewing the relationship as a unique part of overall Turkish foreign policy orientation, the study employs a multi-level, multi-causal approach and a contextual framework. Accordingly, the paper identifies and deals with three main structural inputs of Turkish foreign policy -- namely, the Ottoman experience and its long-lasting legacy; the geopolitical realities of Turkey; and the ideological foundations defined under the leadership of Atatürk As well as the effects of the recent systemic changes on Turkish foreign policy as an example of conjectural factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information about several papers based on Turkey's foreign relations with several countries including Iran, Iraq and Syria.

Copyright of International Relations / Uluslararasi Iliskiler is the property of International Relations Council and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines Turkey's Balkan policy in 2000s within the framework of cultural diplomacy and soft power. Turkey followed a security-oriented policy due to the conflicting dynamics of the region in 1990s while it chose a cultural diplomacy based soft power diplomacy due to the relative stability in the region in 2000s. In this context, the main research question of this paper was determined to be "what is the changing aspect of Turkey's Balkan policy in 2000s?" The fundamental argument within the framework of this question is that Turkey's Balkan policy during the AK Party reign is that the country mainly followed a strategy to increase cultural-social effectiveness in the region through a soft power policy on the basis of the publiccultural diplomacy. In this framework, the other two arguments of the study are as follows: Firstly, Turkey opted to develop its relations with the Balkans on the societal and cultural levels. The reason is the historical and cultural ties are the most significant ties of Turkey with the region. Turkey desired to revive these ties through cultural diplomacy. Secondly, Turkey followed a policy of being a soft power in the region. Therefore, Turkey opted to implement the instruments of the public and cultural diplomacy. The Yunus Emre Institute, TİKA, TRT and Anatolian Agency were introduced in 2000s as the instruments that generate the soft power of Turkey in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the case of Turkey, competing foreign policy perspectives have always represented a central issue in the ideological clash between Kemalism and Islamism, revolving around the definition of Turkey's identity and its future in the international arena. This paper analyzes the foreign policy writings of two dissimilar figures of Turkey's political Islam, namely Necmettin Erbakan and Sezai Karakoç, both considered central for the development of the Islamist ideology in Turkey. This study explores their texts and detects similitudes revealing their common connection with Turkey's expression of the Pan-Islamist trend that reemerged during the Cold War. The analysis of these two authors concludes by pointing out the nationalist element characterizing Turkish Islamism -and Turkish Pan-Islamism- in comparison with analogous non-Turkish expressions of this ideology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study attempts to identify possible new roles for intermediary actors in the changing global architecture by focusing on Turkey’s middle power capacity in the nascent middle power network of Mexico, Indonesia, South Korea, Turkey, Australia (MIKTA). It looks at an overarching embedded analytical triad of goals, means, and impact, superimposed over positional, behavioural, and ideational sublayers. It tests the assumption that the more a state holds together its middle power goals, means, and impact in a combined way, the more leverage it can have as a middle power in the changing international political economy. After reviewing the existing literature on middle powers, the first part of this paper outlines this embedded analytical framework. The second and the third parts seek to operationalize this framework, in particular at institutional and state levels in the example of MIKTA and Turkey. The fourth part delves into the opportunities and challenges that Turkey faces in its MIKTA trajectory (in the light of the conclusions drawn from the second and third parts). The study concludes that while Turkey possesses fairly compatible goals and impact with those of MIKTA, it is still far from channelling all of its capabilities to this new network due mainly to the domestic and regional impediments it faces—as well as the lack of a comprehensive roadmap in relation to MIKTA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International relations theories have sometimes been criticized as being focused on a narrow set of ideas and values. This article provides a means by which this problem can be addressed by examining the theories of former Turkish Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu, who, prior to joining the government, was an international relations scholar. The article argues that gaining a greater understanding of Davutoğlu’s academic and professional publications is valuable not only to scholars interested in studying Turkey, but also to the study of international relations. Distinguishing him from other thinkers, Davutoğlu’s models are a combination of Islamic values, civilizational theories, and constructivism. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper studies Turkey's strategic interest in the Syrian conflict in response to the 'Arab spring'. It examines the impact of the Syrian crisis on Turkish foreign policy at the regional level, including the impact of Turkey's leadership, 'Erdoganism', during the Arab spring, and the simultaneous shift from an 'idealist policy' of 'zero problems' in response to the outbreak of changes. Turkey's 'strategic depth' and its idealistic 'zero problems' policy shifted with the outbreak of the Arab spring and the Syrian crisis, in particular, which posed a number of challenges both domestically and regionally. Domestic politics, history and leadership have played a significant role in shifting the tactics and techniques of Turkey's foreign policy in terms of the Syrian crisis. I include an examination of the relationship between Turkey and non-state actors during the crisis. Despite geopolitical interaction between the two countries, Turkey's foreign policy in Syria has failed to enable the 'free Syrian army' to impose a security zone in northern Syria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

No country has waited at the front door of the EU as long as Turkey. In addition to Turkey’s different status compared to the EU membership candidacy processes of other countries, there is also an awkward relationship between the EU and the UK, and inevitably the British media. Therefore, this article seeks to present an analytical framework which draws on the notion of ‘a positive Other’ while explaining the representation of Turkey’s EU bid in the British media. The research discusses the inadequacy of Orientalism and the Self/Other nexus to understand the context in the British coverage and highlights the ‘essentialist’ and ‘functionalist’ approaches in its attempt to explain the differences within the EU in exploring the fundamentals of the EU and the view on Turkish membership. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article introduces a Special Issue dedicated to applying international relations theories to Turkish foreign policy. More specifically, it contrasts structural or neo-realist approaches with ideational or constructivist ones, suggests general strengths and shortcomings in each, and briefly suggests how both might apply to TFP. It also introduces the eight substantive articles in the Special Issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a rising power, China, by following globalizing policies, has strengthened its place through industrial production with cheap labor and has become an important actor through investments regional and overseas, noticeably reaching an effective position. In this frame, by this study, China's "One Belt One Road", which constitutes the most known example of international expansionism policy and is called as "Silk Road", was put under the scope, and the investments and constituted policies were examined. With that being said, the probability of the armament phases of the project and Turkey's position in this project were analyzed from the perspective of China's changing naval force strategy, and predictions about possible emergent opportunities for Turkey-China relations were made. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines Republic of Turkey's relationships with Western world in general, and with EU in special. Putting forth the relationship betweeen EU and Republic of Turkey in a clear manner, underlying factors of Republic of Turkey's accession to the EU has been discussed in accordance with the main problem of Republic of Turkey, including overpopulation and unemployment rate. However, it is essential for EU to consider geostrategical position of Republic of Turkey bringing Europe and Asia continent together and taking place amidst Caucasus and therefore Turkish nations. After all, if Republic of Turkey's full membership will not materialize, Republic of Turkey should seek another unions to join or form a new one. In any case, EU like Republic of Turkey is well aware of that the reasons of Republic of Turkey's efforts in joining to the EU greatly depend on Republic of Turkey's westernization policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the new Turkish foreign policy, besides the great interests in the Caucasus, Central Asia, Middle East and Africa, the Western Balkans are also important. Turkey is making great efforts to play a greater role on the international scene and creates its area of interest, especially where the links of Ottoman legacy can help. Although it is defined as a peaceful power in the region, some describe it as neo-ottoman, a term rejected by the Turkish authorities because of its possible soft imperialist connotation. Indeed, European prevarications about its accession to the European Union (EU) reinforce the belief of Ankara to open up towards other parts of the world. Through the diplomatic initiative, mediation, privatization of strategic sectors and cultural exchange, Turkey has emerged as a real player, making the Western Balkans the only region where the principle of "zero problems with neighbors" gives the most tangible results. However, the new Turkish influence also found some limitations concerning the fact that people living in the Western Balkans have not erased the days of Ottoman rule from their memory. Moreover, despite cooperation between Ankara and Brussels in areas such as peacekeeping or conflict mediation, the EU, which continues to maintain its leading authority in this close area, seems challenged somewhat by the assertive presence of Turkey. This paper aims precisely to study the return of Turkey to the Western Balkans. Our central question is: is the Turkish projection in the Western Balkans a challenge or an opportunity for the EU? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]