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The provided paper describes main features of the Turkish foreign policy towards Macedonia after the Cold War. The strategic character of the bilateral Turkish -Macedonian partnership has been underlined. This partnership has its roots in the pragmatic tendency of the Turkish foreign policy to strengthen its influence and provide stability in the Balkan Peninsula. It is also a part of the broader context of the Turkey's foreign policy which is determined by global factors and centuries -lasting history of bilateral relations. A particular dynamism of the Turkey's foreign policy under Justice and Development Party's rule has been underlined in this paper. It has been clarified that implementation of the "strategic depth" conception -- that forms a normative base for Turkey's foreign activities under prime minister R.T. Erdoan's rule -- has largely contributed to the deepening of bilateral relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkey is a negotiating candidate for the EU membership. Though the accession negotiations between Turkey and the EU continue in the official sense, in reality, the relations are in a deadlock. It is often argued that Turkey–EU relations have entered a new era since January 2013, and new optimistic comments have emerged. This paper argues that there exists a pull–push balance in the accession process for the EU that normally attracts candidates and makes them more vulnerable to the EU conditions. The success of the political transformation of eastern European states relied to a large extent on the balanced pull–push accession processes. It is argued here that this balance for Turkey has been deteriorated and this fact has made the EU ineffective in transforming Turkish politics and polity. Therefore, this paper argues for the re-establishment of the balance to improve and normalize Turkey–EU relations. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Vistula Scientific Quarterly / Kwartalnik Naukowy Uczelni Vistula is the property of Vistula University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Adam Academy Journal of Social Sciences / Adam Akademi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Adam Academy Journal of Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Focusing on the Turkish Middle Eastern foreign policy from the perspective of European Union (EU)–Turkey relations, this paper argues that Turkey's recent activism and attractiveness in the region is attributable to its dual reform and accession process both of which are tied to the EU's anchoring role and leverage over the country. Turkey has self-consciously taken the advantage of its domestic transformation by emulating the EU in its own neighborhood policy. However, to the current stagnation of the accession process and the deepening of Turkey's domestic crisis is now added the new context of the Arab revolutionary movements. The central thesis of this paper, however, is that Turkish foreign policy and rising actorness in the Middle East should not be, solely driven by an interest-driven pragmatism. It should also seek a normative reconciliation with the EU and its process of enlargement. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper examines Turkey's increasing involvement in the Israeli-Syrian and Israeli-Palestinian conflicts as a third party in the last decade. The paper first discusses the underlying reasons and motivations behind the change in Turkish foreign policy. In this section we answer the following question: While the traditional Turkish policy in the Middle East was non-intervention, what factors contributed to this recent change? We discuss these as systemic factors and domestic factors. In the second section of the paper we summarize the theoretical literature on third party intervention and mediation especially focusing on strategies, modes, activities, and tactics used. This section lays the background for the following section which classifies the various Turkish third party strategies and activities in the Israeli-Syrian and Israeli-Palestinian conflicts so far. In the final section we focus on the challenges to this new Turkish role from Turkish, Israeli, and Arab perspectives. We also discuss the crises between Israel and Turkey in the last year and how they constitute a barrier to Turkey acting in an effective third party role. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper tries to analyze the latest uranium-swamp deal signed between Iran, Turkey and Brazil in the context of Turkish foreign policy. In doing so, the paper first discusses whether this deal will contribute to the solution of the crisis between Iran and the West. Then an attempt is made at understanding to what extent singing of the deal accords with the nature of transformation in Turkish foreign policy. Afterwards, the paper tries to examine the potential impact of the deal on Turkey's relations with the key western actors. Finally, the paper contextualizes the deal within the framework of the changes taking place in global balance of power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The opening of accession negotiations between Turkey and the EU is a historic turning point for the European Union's foreign policy. This paper proposes that the EU needs to accept Turkey as a member - subject to Turkey's ability to meet all the accession criteria - for the realization of its foreign policy objectives. The opening of accession negotiations with Turkey is a foreign policy decision for the EU with the aim of bringing about a transformation in Turkey as well as guaranteeing stability in the EU's borders in the region where Turkey is located. The paper argues that Turkey's accession is critical for the credibility of the EU's foreign policy and its enlargement process. In addition, Turkey's accession would significantly add to the EU's hard and soft power capabilities, enhancing its role as an international actor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the Turkish export and import flows with regard to regional clusters (RCs) and bilateral trade costs (BTCs) by using a panel data gravity model. We study the role of RCs and BTCs in two complementary parts: in the first part, we use an unbalanced panel data for 180 countries over the period 1960–2012, compiled from the DOTS database. We extend these estimations by running the data at four different time intervals, each representing different economic or political regimes in Turkey. In the second part, we repeat the same exercise at sectoral level for 176 countries over the period 1994–2010, using the BACI database. Aggregate estimates show that the gravity model is very effective in explaining the export and import flows of Turkey and that all close-by regions, including EU27, have a significant impact on trade flows of Turkey. We also find that the EU Customs Union has a negative effect on Turkish exports and a positive effect on imports. Estimates at selected time intervals reinforce aggregate estimates and sectoral level analyses indicate that while some regions contribute positively in all or the majority of sectors, others contribute negatively or produce mixed results. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Georgia and Turkey has become important partners in the Caucasus region after independence of Georgia in 1991. Two countries preferred to follow pro-West policies in their foreign policy against Russian factor. They have geopolitical importance and geostrategic location for Russia throughout history. This article analyzes foreign policies of Georgia and Turkey and examines Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan Crude Oil Pipeline as a common foreign policy between them. The paper found out that this kind of projects between Georgia and Turkey would make them important actors rising from regional level to global level in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several scholars agree that Turkey applied humanitarian diplomacy as part of its global opening, a consequence of which is that it has become a medium-sized global player. However, it is still not clear what Turkey's experience teaches us regarding humanitarian diplomacy. Additionally, what is unique in Turkey's application? In order to provide an empirically-backed response to such research questions, this paper initially studies what Turkey did with humanitarian diplomacy, what Turkey's objectives were in utilizing it, and how Turkey utilized it. The article concludes by moving to debate on the implications of such an application for humanitarian diplomacy literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper compares the EU's accession negotiations with Bulgaria and Turkey to assess the conditions under which their negotiations unfolded and the role of bilateral issues in that aspect. To do so, the paper highlights the role of the member state vetoes and bilateral relations in the EU negotiations. It needs to be noted that even though the European Commission condemns the impact of bilateral problems on the accession process, unresolved bilateral issues, nonetheless, emerge as major factors complicating the EU's enlargement process, its effectiveness as well as the pace and nature of the negotiations with multiple applicants and candidates. We look at role of individual member states as veto players on the EU accession negotiations, specifically becoming the most important factor in the Turkish case. We limit our focus to the lack of consensus and commitment among the EU member states towards Turkey as a complicating factor in the EU negotiations. We are able to ascertain that a key difference between Bulgaria and Turkey with regards to their EU accession was the member state vetoes for Turkey's negotiations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Being founded in the wake of the First World War, both Turkey and the Soviet Union followed revolutionary modernizing pathways. At the outset, one could trace many similar patterns in their radical modernization paradigms; however, their development models as well as political and social orders were radically distinct, which became more obvious with the passage of time. The paper discusses the external interpretations of Kemalism by observing the Soviet perspectives on the inception and evolution of Kemalism. Paying more attention to diplomatic, geopolitical and economic complexities of the Turkish-Soviet relations, scholars have rarely problematized the Soviet Union perceptions of Turkish ideological transformations. In reality, since the early 1920s, different state institutions, intellectual schools of thought and research in the Soviet Union closely observed the domestic transformations in Turkey by providing valuable insights on the perspective and the implications of the Kemalist transformation. The article also looks at the question of how the incorporation of Soviet perspectives can enrich the historiography and our understanding of Kemalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Caucasus has attracted the interest of the neighboring powers in the post-Cold War era due to its geopolitical and geo-economic significance, as well as these powers’ deep-rooted affiliations with the peoples of the Caucasus. The current paper focuses on Russia’s and Turkey’s historical objectives in the region, how these objectives were met during the last 25 years and the debate behind the use of historical narratives as instruments of soft power. Both Moscow and Ankara felt the need for legitimizing their presence in the Southern Caucasus, where three new independent states were established after the Cold War. On the one hand, already since 1994, Moscow has been regarding the ex-Soviet republics as its “near abroad” protected by its “nuclear umbrella.” On the other hand, Turkey has never stopped to be a presence in the region under the cloak of soft power means. These means are based on the exploitation of Turkish or Islamic identity and the resulting relationships, being vigorously cultivated both by Ankara itself and various nongovernmental organizations (NGOs)—such as Fethullah Gülen’s Organization, which has been active until recently. The purpose of this kind of ideological construct is to strengthen Islamic and Turkish influence in the countries that are involved in the search for a new post-Soviet identity, free from the protectorate of Moscow. The correlation and blending of hard and soft power are analyzed; a number of findings are made at different levels in the context of long-term historical narratives and the desire of the participants to assert their respective geopolitical roles. The efforts of Russia and Turkey resulted in “ideological battle” around the issue of historical ties of each of the countries with the newly created states. For this reason, the core of the research is aimed at examining Russia’s and Turkey’s grand strategies with regard to the Southern Caucasus, as well as whether and how they are influenced by historical narratives. Accordingly, we are trying to examine how the rhetoric of both countries is transformed into one of the components of their power or, in other words, how it is included in the set of their strategic instruments. To this end, the author applies the multi-level theoretical analysis to the situation in the region and tries to clarify the relevant typology of historical narratives and strategic objectives of the two countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last several years, the political will of the governing AKP in Turkey to make the historic compromises necessary to complete the peace process with the Kurds has sharply declined. This paper will examine the causes of the breakdown in the Turkish-Kurdish peace process and the Turkish government’s lurch in a nationalist direction in its approach towards the Kurdish minority from the standpoint of ‘securitization’ theory. The key catalysts, it is argued, for the re-emergence of a securitization paradigm in Turkey’s handling of the Kurdish issue are: (1) Turkey’s stalled bid for accession to the European Union; (2) the intensifying electoral competition between AKP and the Kurdish movement parties, coupled with the instrumentalization of the Kurdish peace process to serve President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s quest to install a dominant presidential system and (3) the spillover effects of Syria’s civil war on Turkey’s relations with its own Kurdish populace. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The relation between Syria and Turkey transformed from enmity in the 1990s to détente in the early 2000s, grew into amity after the rise to power of the Turkish Justice and Development Party (AKP, Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi) in 2002, and reverted to enmity in the aftermath of the Arab Spring. This research suggests that a combination of structural and identity-based factors, at regional and domestic levels, induced the collapse of the decade-long amity. This paper builds on the notion of a “structure-identity nexus”; and determines the orientation of foreign policy outcomes from the 1990s until 2011. The discussion outlines the merits of a hybrid theoretical perspective by elaborating on Barkin’s idea of ‘realist constructivism’, which draws on two rival traditions, realism and constructivism. The structure-identity framework explains the double transformation in the relationship, considering the return to inter- and intra-state conflict in 2011. The research draws on extensive primary and secondary sources, as well as interviews carried out with key figures. In addition to the relationship between Syria and Turkey, the structure-identity nexus provides potential broader explanations that fuel the shift from amity to enmity in the complex network of states found in the Middle East. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Turkey has thus far been generally neglected in most IR studies on power categorisations, such as middle or middle-range power, regional power or rising/emerging power, despite its rising regional power status in the past decade. This paper attempts to understand Turkey’s regional power together with its rising power status using an integral approach. In doing so, it empirically tests whether or not Turkey fits Daniel Flemes’s ‘regional power’ category, which seems to be proposing a more complete and integral framework through the fulfilment of four basic preconditions: claim to leadership; possession of necessary power resources (material and ideational); employment of material, institutional and discursive foreign policy instruments; and acceptance of leadership by third parties. Based upon these analytical tools, the article will discuss Turkey’s performance in creating a regional impact in its neighbouring regions of the Middle East, the Balkans and the Black Sea and Caucasus. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper examines the political relations between Poland-Lithuania, the Ottoman Empire and the Crimean Khanate--taking into account France and the Habsburg Empire as other actors--to demonstrate how a pan-European context of war, equilibrium and security policy can be understood as a transnational network. The focus on Poland-Lithuania makes it clear that a pan-European understanding of Austro-Ottoman relations--all too often presented as pars pro toto for the entire Ottoman-European relationship--requires an appropriate consideration of eastern Europe. On the one hand, focusing on Poland-Lithuania and the Crimean Khanate places the conflict between the Ottoman Empire and Vienna in a broader context. On the other, this also explains how in 1790, with the benefit of hindsight, Mehmed Raşid, the person responsible for Ottoman external relations, was able to state that 'the Poles are our oldest and best friends'. Ultimately the common procedures and explicit constructions developed as part of the communications process addressed cultural (in)difference. An assessment of the respective communication partner is fundamental to such an approach: Both Poland-Lithuania and the Ottoman Empire--as well as the dominions between these two states--were linguistically and religiously very heterogeneous. They were characterized as multi-ethnic empires that were founded on the practices of transgresssing (trans)cultural and ethno-confessional boundaries, without assuming that this precluded conflict or required an anachronistic and allegedly principled tolerance. This article traces such practices between the empires, in particular in the sphere of peace treaties. It shows that researchers need to modify the view that the Ottoman Empire did not enter into an explicitly perpetual peace with a Christian power until the 18th century, as the case of Poland demonstrates. The case of the Crimean Khanate also clarifies that it was not at all unthinkable in the repertoire of Ottoman foreign policy, including that of the Ottoman vassal, to enter into perpetual peace with Christian powers. Obviously, however, this strategy was not specifically applied in the Austrian context, but was very much used elsewhere in other Ottoman-European relations. Rather than an ideological 'aversion' to perpetual peace with Christians on the part of Ottoman dignitaries, it is more appropriate to call this a deliberately chosen strategy of taking different approaches to the respective partners in the European balance of power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to analyze the impact of ideology and foreign policy of Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (Justice and Development Party, JDP) on incoming tourist volume to Turkey from the Middle East. Turkey has been one of the destinations enjoyed rapid tourism growth for the past 15 years both in number of arrivals and tourism income. Meanwhile almost all major Muslim countries in the region increased their share on arrivals to Turkey. JDP, the party in power in Turkey since 2003, is a conservative party, which seeks for close relations with the Middle East region, as part of its ideological attitude and new foreign policy outlook. Therefore, Turkey is an ideal domain to study the relationship between ideology, foreign policy and international tourist arrivals. The paper argues that the conservative identity and new foreign policy of the JDP resulted in a significant increase on incoming tourist volume from the Middle East. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Foreign Policy Journal (CFPJ) is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Codrul Cosminului is the property of Codrul Cosminului and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

As a regional power, Turkey aspires to become an influential international actor. As a small state, Qatar seeks to enhance its security and sovereignty and become an indispensable regional middle power. The Arab Spring protests have created an ideal context for both actors to realize their geopolitical goals. However, adverse political developments have turned most Arab Spring countries into battlegrounds wherein old geopolitical rivalries deepened and new regional alliances were constructed. Taking Gaza, Syria and Egypt as cases in point, this paper investigates how Ankara and Doha's evolving practical geopolitical reasoning and its domestic and international representations converged to create venues for cooperation and promotion of relations to a level of political alignment. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Turkey has expanded the horizons of its foreign policy in geographical terms, as well as in terms of Ankara's involvement in global issues and in international organizations. Turkey's new foreign policy and line of geopolitical thought marks a considerable degree of discontinuity with the previous era. Turkey's ambition is to take on a central role in world politics under the guidance of the foreign policy vision of former Foreign Minister and current Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu. This paper analyses the extent to which Turkey's Foreign Ministry has been able to transform itself in accordance with the new geopolitical thinking under Davutoğlu. It focuses on the capacity building and reform of the Foreign Ministry to understand how policymakers bridge the gap between ideas and institutions to ensure that the geopolitical perspective is an enduring and long-term project. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The argument of this paper is that the new foreign policy orientation of Turkey under the AKP (Justice and Development Party) government is a constitutive component of a new nationalist project, constructed and carried out by the AKP over the last decade. The article expounds the ways in which the AKP has reformulated the notions of nation, national history, homeland and national interest and demonstrates the role foreign policy has played in this reformulation. Our point of departure will be the patterns we have observed in the statements and political practices of the AKP government and its officials, particularly the incumbent minister of foreign affairs Ahmet Davutoğlu, whose book, Strategic Depth, presents a more systematic explanation of the major principles and assertions of AKP nationalism and foreign policy. We will also argue that after the Gezi protests in June 2013 this new conception of nation and nationalism has faced with a deep crisis, which has also exacerbated the problem of pursuing an ambitious foreign policy strategy in international arena. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper investigates the bilateral relationship between two Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) member countries - Turkey and Malaysia - in terms of economic cooperation. Although their cultural, political, and social relationship goes back to the thirteenth century, their current economic relationship has not yet reached the desired level. Although it has grown steadily over the last decade, the annual turnover is not as much as it should be. In 2000 the volume of trade between them was a modest USD 242 million; by 2006 it increased to USD 994 million, which made Malaysia Turkey's seventh largest trading partner in Asia. The following year, the trade volume exceeded USD 1.3 billion, an increase of 34 percent. Despite this growing trade, the trade balance has long been in Malaysia's favour. Turkey's trade deficit amounted to USD 1.2 billion dollars, an increase of 33%, in comparison with the corresponding figures for 2009. Surprisingly, by 2010 Turkish exports to Malaysia had risen to USD 93 million and imports from Malaysia had doubled to more than USD 498 million. Expectations are that bilateral trade in 2012 will rise to USD 2.5 billion, with Malaysian exports making up a large portion of that figure. Since it reached to this expectation it would be USD 5 billion by 2015. As Turkey and Malaysia belong to the OIC, they need to develop a bilateral strategic partnership. For this reason, Ankara has introduced such initiatives as "A Strategy to Improve Commercial and Economic Relations with Asia Pacific Countries," "The Turkish and Malaysian Joint Economic Commission (JEC)," The Turkish-Malaysian Business Council," and others. This research will try to find ways to increase their bilateral economic cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Turkish Journal of Middle Eastern Studies / Türkiye Ortadoğu Çalışmaları Dergisi is the property of Sakarya University, Middle East Institute and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The challenges of the Arab Spring and of Syrian unrest in particular have generated scholarly debate on Ahmet Davutoğlu's broadly appreciated ‘zero problems with neighbours’ principle in Turkish foreign policy. This paper presents an assessment of the viability of the Davutoğlu vision and the changing parameters of foreign policy in a new era. It concludes with a discussion of a crucial question: ‘Is this the end of Davutoğlu's foreign policy vision?’ [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper discusses Turkey’s relations with Libya, especially after the latest ground-breaking and rapid developments that took place in Libya such as Khalifa Haftar’s attempt to invade Tripoli, the signing of two memoranda of understanding between Turkey and the Government of National Accord (GNA) and the dramatic change in the military situation of the country. It argues that Turkey’s military support changed the positions of many domestic and external actors in Libya by tilting the balance of power in favor of the GNA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With high interdependence, politicization, and unlikely enlargement, alternative options for EU–Turkey relations beg for consideration. This article argues that, first of all, conceptualization of a new model of EU–Turkey relations must thoroughly account for the evolution of the European project away from uniformity and towards more differentiation as a result of both integration and disintegration pressures. Secondly, an extended model of external differentiated integration has a potential to foster new, more dynamic EU–Turkey relations. However, its practical implementation is constrained by a number of challenges and scope conditions related to preferences and interests of key actors, namely EU institutions, member states and Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Cumhuriyet Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi (CTAD) is the property of Ataturk Institute for Modern Turkish History and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

At the end of the First World War, the Ottoman Empire collapsed and the Great Powers came to take the control of its territories. Having a strategic position at the southern gate of Europe, all of Turkish lands were very important for the First World War winners, both to secure European borders and to develop the trade between Europe and Middle East. On the other side, under Mustafa Kemal Atatürk command, a new Turkey with a strong nationalist way decided to fight for emancipating. Winning the war with the Great Powers not only in a military way, but also from a diplomatic perspective, the new Turkey became a modern regional power, having institutions and laws that assured its prosperity and security. Taking into consideration the independence war evolution, this paper wants also to show the diplomatic capability of Turkish leaders to balance between powers involved in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An important component of Turkey's 'pivotal regional power' status was its nonpermanent seat at the UN Security Council in 2009-11. By focusing on two cases - the 2010 flotilla incident and the Iranian nuclearization - this study examines (1) Turkey's regional and global leadership role at the UN Security Council and (2) how the 'rhythmic diplomacy' principle of Turkey's foreign policy is exercised internationally. This paper also demonstrates that Turkey's policy of cooperation with other pivotal states signals possible future alliances among rising middle powers that might challenge western preferences on important issues. This study is timely as Turkey is seeking, again, non-permanent membership in the Security Council for the 2015-16 term. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Sociologia e Política is the property of Revista de Sociologia e Politica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bilge Strateji is the property of BILGESAM and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Çagdas Türkiye Tarihi Arastirmalari Dergisi is the property of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The rise of brics presents a major challenge to the existing global order. A second category of emerging powers, which may be labelled near-brics, have also displayed increasing pro-activism in recent years in terms of influencing the regional balance of power politics, in addition to their growing presence in international organisations and global affairs. It is in this context that we aim to examine Turkey as a striking example of a ‘near-bric’ power, a country that has adopted an increasingly assertive and independent style of foreign policy with aspirations to establish itself as a major regional actor. Using the Turkish experience as a reference point, this paper aims to understand the extent to which near-bric countries possess the economic capacity, sustainable growth performance and soft-power capabilities needed to establish themselves as significant regional and global actors. The recent Turkish experience clearly highlights both the potential and the limits of regional power activism on the part of emerging powers from the ‘global South’. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Cumhuriyet Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi (CTAD) is the property of Ataturk Institute for Modern Turkish History and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

While the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) are undergoing rapid change, many domestic, regional and international actors are vying for space and influence as systems and customs evolve and adopt new forms. This paper characterises and compares the evolving foreign policy strategies of two such regional actors, Turkey and Saudi Arabia. It further assesses the motivations and activities of and challenges to Turkish and Saudi involvement throughout the region since the Arab uprisings. Ultimately these cases provide intriguing insight into the foreign policy purpose and methods of emerging states under conditions of uncertainty. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Journal of Middle Eastern Studies / Ortadoğu Etütleri is the property of Turkmen Cooperation & Cultural Foundation Center for Middle Eastern Strategic Studies (ORSAM) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)