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Examines crypto-optimism in Turkish-Greek relations. Distrust between the two nations created by their 'living history'; Conflict between the two nations stemming from the fact that both Turkey and Greece have obtained their national identities by fighting against, and interacting with each other.

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Cumhuriyet Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi (CTAD) is the property of Ataturk Institute for Modern Turkish History and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Relations / Uluslararasi Iliskiler is the property of International Relations Council and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article offers world news briefs. Accusations from both sides of Greece and Turkey is afraid to start a war between the them while United States President Woodrow Wilson becomes irritated by letters from businessmen requesting delay of the anti-trust bill. An error in clearing papers of arms and ammunition shipment was cause by a misunderstanding between the Treasury Department and Department of Commerce.

Two NATO allies, Greece and Turkey, have also been considered potential threats to each other. Thus, these countries' military spending has been subject to many academic studies to observe if these potential threats trigger the military spending of both countries. Nonetheless, most regression results of those studies did not find a significant result supporting the arms race between the two countries. The current study provides an additional empirical evaluation of military spending of both countries by using an annual data set running from 1958 to 2004. The study is in spirit of Smith et al. (2000) employing a Markov switching approach, but utilizing a longer period. A Markov switching approach allows estimation of military spending of each country if both sides compete with each other to have higher spending or if they behave independently of each other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on the impact of the Cyprus Crisis and the Greek-Turk Cypriot violence to Turkish foreign policies. Claim of British Prime Minister Lord Home that the inter-communal fighting might grow into a Greco-Turkish war if it is left uncontrolled; Efforts of the British, Turkish, and Greek governments together with representatives of the warring factions for a settlement; Proposals of Greek Cypriot leader Archbishop Makarios for the expulsion of Turkish; Details of the plan for the unification of Greece with Cyprus; Negotiations between the Greek and Turkish governments on the settlement of the Cyprus question; Terms and conditions of the agreement reached by the Greek and Turkish government on the settlement of the issue.

Discusses U.S. mediation in Greek-Turkish disputes as of April 2005. Historical background of Greek-Turkish relations at the end of the Second World War; Emergence of the Aegean dispute and U.S. involvement after 1974; Discussion on the involvement of the U.S. in Greek-Turkish disputes in the post-Cold War era.

Drawing on interviews with Greek and Turkish policymakers and civil society leaders, this article analyzes how the context provided by Turkey's EU membership candidacy has facilitated and strengthened Greek–Turkish cooperation. I argue that Turkey's EU membership candidacy has empowered the domestic actors in favour of promoting Greek–Turkish cooperation, and allowed them to use the EU to legitimize their cooperative policies and activities. Thereby, since the Helsinki decisions, Greek–Turkish cooperation has gained an EU dimension, which has made a reversal in bilateral relations much less likely. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main contention of this article is that the recent thaw in bilateral Greek-Turkish relations is promising yet insufficient for the future stability and cooperation in and around the Aegean Sea. To the surprise of committed observers of Turkish-Greek relations, the two countries set into motion a cooperative interaction process in the middle of 1999 and since then have succeeded in sorting out some problematical issues between them. Taking stock of this process, some observers have rushed to conclude that this process is irreversible and as long as both preserve their aspirations to further 'Europeanize', neither the Cyprus dispute nor the Aegean problems would remain unsolved. Either sooner or later, they would come to an everlasting settlement over these issues lest their continuation hamper their desires to become true Europeans by taking their seats around the same EU table in Brussels. However, as this article argues, there do not exist ample reasons for feeling optimistic about the future. The main reason lies in the prevalence of instrumental-strategic thinking on both shores of the Aegean Sea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the 'security communities' literature has underscored the positive implications of collective identity for sustained peace and cooperation within the communities, it has overlooked the possible security implications of the discourses and practices of differentiation necessarily entailed in the construction of collective identity. Building on the case of Turkish-Greek relations, I argue that through these discourses and practices of differentiation, community-building can create and sustain discursive conditions conducive to conflict perpetuation, especially with and among states situated in liminal positions with respect to the community. Analyzing official and media discourse in Turkey and Greece between 1995 and 1999, I demonstrate, how by situating Turkey and Greece in different and also liminal/precarious positions with respect to 'Europe', the community-building discourse of the EU reinforced and legitimized in the two states representations of their identities as different from and also as threatening to each other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents an inquiry into the 1999 d é tente between Greece and Turkey. Background on the areas of dispute between the two nations; Views on the effect of the 1999 Turkish earthquakes on Greek-Turkish relations; Assessment of the main achievements resulting from the reconciliation process between Greece and Turkey.

Discusses issues related to democratic peace and the European security community as of January 2002. Concepts of security; Aims of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization for security; Factors that have given rise to tension between Greece and Turkey.

Assesses the effects of Turkey's democratization process on its behavior in relation to Greece, as well as its stance on the Cyprus issue. Reason for Greece's concession in granting Turkey the status of a European Union (EU) candidate country in December 1999; Risk of democratization on the international security of a country; Information on the European summit at Helsinki, Finland from December 11 to 12, 1999; Other issues that may influence Turkey's eligibility for EU membership.

Discusses how tensions between Greece and Turkey have fueled industrialization in the defense industries of the two countries. Levels of military expenditures; Reduction of dependence on foreign arms suppliers; Policies and progress in using defense procurement to advance local military industrial capacity; Threat of Greek-Turkish tensions to military stability of Europe.

Examines the relationship of the European Economic Community (EEC) with Greece, Turkey and Cyprus. Response of EEC to the Cyprus crisis of 1974; Effect of EEC decision to accept the Greek application for membership; Major aspects of the Cyprus problem.

Examines issues surrounding Mediterranean security in the 1990s. Focus of the foreign policy of the European Union; Analysis of security problems in the Mediterranean region; Conflict between Greece and Turkey; Concerns expressed by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization; Emphasis on security management.