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These four books on Sino-Indian relations provide new evidence and novel arguments about the origins of the border dispute, the Sino-Indian border war of 1962, and the evolution of the Sino-Indian rivalry. Three of the four books have made use of newly declassified archival material and have thereby challenged existing knowledge about various features of this contentious relationship. The books, nevertheless, are of varying quality. One or two of them represent the acme of dispassionate scholarship while at least one asserts some very partisan claims. That said, they all represent a new wave of scholarship on Sino-Indian relations and should be of value to those interested in this fraught relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author contends that Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi's government has not fundamentally changed the orientation of India's foreign policy despite his heightened emphasis on foreign affairs. Topics covered include his lack of input on the subject of nonalignment, how the governments of former prime ministers such as Jawaharlal Nehru insistence on nonalignment's viability in the world order, and Modi's policies towards neighboring countries such as Nepal, Bhutan and Bangladesh. Also mentioned are India's trade and investment with Southeast Asian countries, changes Modi has instituted in Indian-U.S. relations, and factors contributing to an increase in defense cooperation.

Foreign policy belief systems have received much attention. Yet nearly all work examines attitudes in western democracies, chiefly the United States. The current security environment requires that we ask whether the foreign policy views of individuals in other nations--particularly regional powers--are similar in structure to those found in the US case. This article does so for the Indian case. Drawing on studies of US opinion, we develop a set of claims and test them on an original data set on Indian elites. We make four contributions. First, we show that Wittkopf's framework applies to the Indian case. Second, we demonstrate how this framework can be made more generally applicable by revising its emphases on different types of internationalism and on rethinking the meaning of isolationist preferences. Third, we place the Indian case in comparative perspective. And last, we model the dimensions of Indian attitudes as a function of domestic ideology. Results of our analyses provide insights into the structure of foreign policy belief systems outside the Global North. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an essay on the emergence of several national security related threats in India and how the country's policy makers deal with it. Topics include the sources of the country's internal threats which include the resurgence of violence from the unsettled ethnic movement Maoist in the disputed state of Kashmir and Jammu, the challenges of the country's defense acquisition, and the dispute over legitimacy on its colonially demarcated Himalayan border.

The question of nuclear stability in South Asia is a subject of both academic and policy significance. It is the only region in the world that has three, contiguous nuclear-armed states: India, the People's Republic of China, and Pakistan. It is also freighted with unresolved border disputes. To compound matters, all three states are now modernizing their nuclear forces and have expressed scant interest in any form of regional arms control. These issues and developments constitute the basis of this special section, which explores the problems and prospects of nuclear crisis stability in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to explain India's foreign policy since independence, including its initial orientation and subsequent shifts through an analysis of the systemic, domestic political, and decision-making factors that shaped its foreign policy choices. India's foreign policy can be divided into three broad phases. The first phase that began with the country's independence in 1947 can be characterized as the most idealistic phase of India's foreign policy. However, India's disastrous defeat in the 1962 Sino-Indian border war ended New Delhi's idealism and marked the beginning of the second phase during which India increasingly adopted a "self-help" approach to international relations. The end of the Cold War and India's gradual embrace of the market in 1991 ushered in the third and the current phase of foreign policy making in New Delhi that is closely tied to the principles of Realism. India is currently on the threshold of great power status even as the country faces a number of challenges that include the maintenance of its high economic growth rate, ensuring energy security, and resolving the country's internal security problems within the framework of its democratic and secular institutions. How India manages its relations with its nettlesome neighbor Pakistan and the extraordinary rise of China, and the type of relationship it forges with the United States are the most important strategic questions confronting the Indian leadership today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the progress and implications of nuclear agreement between the U.S. and India as of June 2006. President George W. Bush has announced its commitment in securing congressional support to allow the sale of nuclear reactors and fuel to India. The implications of the nuclear agreement between the two countries in their present and future military affairs with China are discussed. The benefits of the nuclear agreement in the energy sector of India are also discussed.

Focuses the foreign relations of India and the U.S. Background of the history of U.S.-India relations; Impact of the 9-11 terrorist attacks on the countries' relations; Joint-military exercises conducted by both countries; Policies of India with regards to its volatile relations with its neighboring Pakistan; Prospects for the future of U.S.-India relations.

Based on the experience of the Cold War, some scholars hoped that the introduction of nuclear weapons into South Asia would promote peace between India and Pakistan. Instead, nuclear weapons made Pakistan less fearful of India's conventional military forces, and therefore help explain recent conflicts between them. Moreover, US expressions of concern about the possibility of inadvertent nuclear war in South Asia may have provided an incentive to both sides to be intransigent in order to elicit US intervention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Deals with the foreign policy in India. Information on the nonaligned foreign policy that India asserted during the Cold War; Actions taken by Indian policymakers to establish alliance with the U.S. and other western countries; Impact of the reorganization of India's foreign and security policies on its system.

Comments on the developing relationship between the U.S. and India as of March 2003. Benefits of the Indo-U.S. relationship; Historical background on the efforts of U.S. and India to improve relations; Views on the willingness of U.S. President George W. Bush administration to develop a military relationship with India.

Provides a detailed account of the historical origins of the 1989 Jammu and Kashmir insurgency in India, placing it within the context of Indo-Pakistani relations and regional security. Wars between India and Pakistan over the status of Kashmir; Political mobilization and institutional decay; Transformation of political order; Ancient hatreds theory of ethnic conflict.

Focuses on the agreement between India and Pakistan in June 1997 to resume bilateral talks with a view toward improving long-strained relations. Origins of the dispute between the two countries; Reference to the erosion of the secular features of the Indian state in the 1980s; Other information on the dispute.

Discusses the conflict between India and Pakistan over the state of Kashmir. History of the conflict; Competing visions of nationalism and state-building; Domestic and bilateral causes of the Kashmir crisis; Implications for India; India's options in resolving the problem.

Describes the three Indo-Pakistani conflicts in 1947-1948, 1965, and 1971. Conflicts' low threshold of violence, limited scope, and short duration; Factors for the limited extent of the conflicts; Reemergence of violence in Kashmir; Region's incipient nuclearization as deterrence for the resurgence of the conflicts.

The author argues that India must protect its security interest in Afghanistan in the advent of a U.S. withdrawal of its forces in the country. The author cites the argument of author Vishal Chandra that India has significant developmental and infrastructural investments in the country. It is opined that India must open talks with the U.S. and Russia on the future of Afghanistan without the Taliban. An increase in India's level of defense and intelligence cooperation with Afghanistan is also suggested by the author.