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Minority integration is a highly contested topic in public debates, and assimilationist actors appear to have gained discursive ground. However, it remains difficult to accurately depict how power relations in debates change and evolve. In this study, the public debates on minority integration in Flanders and the Netherlands between 2006 and 2012 are studied to ascertain changing power relations. We use a relational method to identify clusters formed through discursive contention and study polarization in the debates as well as several aspects of discursive power between and within clusters. In the Netherlands, a pattern identified in earlier research is reproduced, whereby a unified but small cluster of assimilationists with strong discursive leaders is able to dominate the debate on integration. In Flanders, group consolidation is too low, so the clusters cannot be viewed as cohesive groups. Another difference to the Dutch debate is that the volume of opinion articles is much lower and the actors in the Flemish debate are more often foreign opinion leaders. We conclude that the assimilationists have increased their discursive power in the Dutch debate, while the anti-assimilationists have lost power. The stark contrast between the Dutch and Flemish discursive landscape highlights the need for more research on the causal mechanism behind discursive struggles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ever since Putnam (2000) made social capital a concept that should be mourned for its decline in the USA, researchers and policy makers in some western countries have adopted it as a solution to what they believe to be the failed practices of multiculturalism. Instead of preserving their individual cultures and traditions, critics would have them build social capital by bridging to people and institutions in their new countries and adopt the ‘shared values’ of the host countries and become ‘integrated’. This study, based on a study conducted in the Netherlands in 2006, and supplemented with survey findings from Flanders at the same time, examines whether this perspective is accurate, focusing on women migrants who live in the Low Countries (Netherlands and Flanders in Belgium), of the networks they have built or not and the reasons for that, and of the role of media and the internet in that process. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This study investigated online and offline news consumption among Turkish (N = 539), Moroccan (N = 482) and Flemish (N = 753) youngsters between the ages of 12 and 19 as well as the motivations behind their news use. The potentially explanatory role of culture-specific and socio-demographic antecedents was examined. The results showed that news plays a more prominent role in Moroccan and Turkish youngsters' lives than in that of native Flemish youth. A striking finding was that Dutch television news is primarily looked at, particularly by the Moroccans, for its perceived credibility and for its function as a guide through the world. Flemish youngsters' most prevalent motives for news consumption on television are its intriguing content as well as the information it provides to talk about with peers and family members. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although Belgium's broadcasting history can be considered a perfect example of the overall situation in Western Europe, the country's specific cultural makeup and political shifts are also reflected in its media environment. The media system is characterized by a fairly high degree of cross-ownership, while major differences can be found in the degree of cultural protection. This article examines the stances being taken in the French- and Flemish-Speaking Communities: contextually, in terms of cross-ownership regulation; institutionally, as to the mission of the public broadcaster (pur sang or broader); and content-wise, with respect to home-grown, high identity value productions, as opposed to transnational productions from foreign players. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deals with ICT availability among ethnic minority groups in the Netherlands and Flanders. The rapid spread of ICT applications has affected various aspects of digital citizenship. The study results suggest that the world of ethnic minority youths in the Netherlands and Flanders, as with other western countries, is being digitized gradually. This is an irreversible evolution with tangible effects in new trends in communication and consumption. Ethnic minority youths orient themselves to the country where they live (bridging between cultures) as well as to their parents' country of origin (bonding of social capital).This article examines whether differences in information and communication technology access and use can be explained by culture-specific characteristics such as ethnocultural position, religion and language proficiency, apart from the usual sociodemographic characteristics (age, sex and socio-economic status). Examining the online activities of ethnic minority youths, it distinguishes between e-surfing, e-communicating, e-democratic citizens and e-cultural citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This explorative study seeks to provide insights into the ways young Muslim adults experience and cope with Islamophobia in Flanders. For this purpose, in-depth interviews with 14 Muslims aged 19 to 33 were conducted in the spring of 2020. Our interviewees defined themselves as Muslims and all had been confronted with racism or anti-Muslim sentiment in their daily life. Depending on reported intentions, we identified seven coping strategies in the face of such sentiment: relativization, avoidance, communication, oppression, conciliation, reaction and passive coping strategies. These forms of coping are not mutually exclusive. They are often used in combination, and they may be interchangeable in some situations. This study seeks to complement and deepen the existing literature on anti-Muslim sentiment in Flanders. Its findings should be considered as a starting point for further deductive testing of the identified typologies, meant to inspire follow-up research and serve as evidence for future policymaking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the COVID-19 pandemic, governments installed measures to contain the disease. Information about these measures was disseminated through news media. Nonetheless, many individuals did not abide by these guidelines. We investigated how perceived vulnerability to disease and personality characteristics related to support for public health measures. We analyzed survey data of 1000 Flemish (Belgium) adults, collected between March 17, 2020 and March 22, 2020. Older age, low educational attainment, gender (female) and work situation (no telecommuting) were associated with greater perceived vulnerability. Greater expectations of loneliness and more solidarity with our fellow men were associated with gender (female), younger age and work situation (telecommuting). Greater perceived vulnerability to disease was related to a greater belief that public health measures protect the population, but also to a critical stance towards the Belgian government's handling of the crisis. High agreeableness and high emotional stability were associated with respectively greater belief that health measures protect the population, and greater support for the government's crisis management. Watching television news was related to a greater belief that public health measures are necessary, and specifically consuming public television news increased support for public health measures. We discuss the implications for handling the COVID-19 pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]