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Rights‐based fisheries management (RBFM) seeks to create market incentives to reduce competition, avoid overexploitation, and increase economic efficiency. Particularly for artisanal fisheries, however, assumptions of RBFM may not be met and its use needs to be carefully considered. This study applies an existing tool (SEASALT) to evaluate the strength of RBFM based on attributes of security, exclusivity, fish mortality, scale, responsibility, limitations, and transferability. Results for 17 fisheries in Mexico show a positive (nonsignificant) relationship between the strength of RBFM and stock status, and no effect on prices or landed value. Real‐world fisheries governance systems are much more complex than the simple linkages between attributes implied in SEASALT, but results highlight pre‐existing monitoring and enforcement capacity as essential for successful RBFM. Transitions to RBFM may strengthen this capacity, but likely cannot create it where it does not already exist. Based on our findings, RBFM strategies may benefit from group quotas with limited transferability to avoid negative social outcomes from consolidation or rent capture by intermediaries; this could potentially build on the latent capacity of traditional community associations common in many artisanal fisheries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Co‐operation in the management of shared fish stocks is often necessary to achieve sustainability and reduce uncertainty. The United States of America (USA) and Mexico share a number of fish stocks and marine ecosystems, while there is some binational co‐operation in scientific research, unilateral management decisions are generally the rule. We present a case study using the giant sea bass (Stereolepis gigas, Polyprionidae) to highlight how these management and research asymmetries can skew national perceptions of population status for a fully transboundary species. Scientific publications and annual funding related to giant sea bass are 7x and 25x higher in the USA, respectively, despite the fact that 73% of the species' range occurs in Mexico. Conversely, annual fishery production and consumptive value of giant sea bass in Mexico are 19x and 3.5x higher than in the USA, respectively, while the non‐consumptive value related to dive ecotourism is 76x higher in the USA. These asymmetries have generated a distorted view of the population status of the giant sea bass across its entire range. This and other factors related to historical fishery dynamics and policy must be accounted for when assessing population status, and subsequent appropriate management responses, across geopolitical boundaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Effective fisheries management is necessary for the long‐term sustainability of fisheries and the economic benefits that they provide, but focusing only on ecological sustainability risks disregarding ultimate goals related to well‐being that must be achieved through broader social policy. An analysis of global landings data shows that average fishing wages in 36%–67% of countries, home to 69%–95% of fishers worldwide, are likely below their nationally determined minimum living wage (which accounts for costs of food, shelter, clothing, health and education). Furthermore, even if all fisheries in every country were perfectly managed to achieve their Maximum Sustainable Yield, a common sustainability target, average incomes of fishers in up to 49 countries—70% of fishers worldwide—would still not meet minimum living wages. Access to decent work and livelihoods are fundamental human rights, including for all fisherfolk around the world, and strategies to support their well‐being must therefore integrate a much wider set of perspectives, disciplines and institutions. Key first steps for fisheries researchers are to more fully recognize and estimate fisheries benefits to households—including income from women and/or alternative employment, unreported landings, or shadow values of subsistence catch—and to help identify and learn from economic equity outcomes in rebuilt fisheries around the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The magenta policy is the reactive policy (fishers increasing total effort when catch is low, decreasing to the minimum encountered in the data if the annual yield is negative). Our work highlights a new framework that embraces the complex processes that drive fisheries population dynamics yet produces simple and robust advice to ensure long-term sustainable fisheries. Our work thusoffersaninsightintoanewframeworkforfisheriesmanagement based on embracing the complex processes that drive population dynamics yet producing relatively simple and robust policies. Velarde,E.,Ezcurra,E.,Cisneros-Mata,M.A.,andLavín,M.F.2004.Seabird ecology, El Niño anomalies, and prediction of sardine fisheries in the Gulf of California. [Extracted from the article]

Fishers' economic status is hard to assess because fisheries socio‐economic data, including earnings, are often not centrally available, standardized or accessible in a form that allows scaled‐up or comparative analyses. The lack of fishing income data impedes sound management and allows biased perceptions about fishers' status to persist. We compile data from intergovernmental and regional data sets, as well as case‐studies, on income earned from marine wild‐capture fisheries. We explore the level and distribution of fishers' income across fisheries sectors and geographical regions, and highlight challenges in data collection and reporting. We find that fishers generally are not the poorest of the poor based on average fishing income from 89 countries, but income levels vary widely. Fishing income in the large‐scale sector is higher than the small‐scale sector by about 2.2 times, and in high‐income versus low‐income countries by almost 9 times. Boat owners and captains earned more than double that of crew and owner‐operators, while income from fisheries is greater than that from agricultural work in 63% of countries in this study. Nonetheless, incomes are below national poverty lines in 34% of the countries with data. More detailed fishing income statistics is needed for quantitative scientific research and for supporting socio‐economic policies. Key gaps to address include the lack of a centralized database for fisheries income statistics and the coarse resolution at which economic statistics are reported internationally. A first step to close the gap is to integrate socio‐economic monitoring and reporting in fisheries management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Maximum Sustainable Yield (MSY) is a common target for fisheries aiming to achieve long‐term ecological sustainability. Although achieving MSY may ensure the long‐term sustainability of fish populations, we ask whether it will provide economic security for fishers. Here we use 16 years of daily landing records to estimate potential catches and revenues per capita if fisheries were exploited at MSY in 11 subregions across Mexico. We then compare fishers' estimated revenues per capita against national poverty limits at the household level. Our results show that even if MSY is reached in artisanal fisheries, the overcapacity of fleets and the dissipation of rents threatens the economic well‐being of fishers and their families, pushing revenues per capita below poverty levels. Our work demonstrates the importance of resolving the trade‐offs between achieving economic, social and environmental objectives when managing for the long‐term sustainable use of natural resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

No-take marine reserves can be powerful management tools, but only if they are well designed and effectively managed. We review how ecological guidelines for improving marine reserve design can be adapted based on an area’s unique evolutionary, oceanic, and ecological characteristics in the Gulf of California, Mexico. We provide ecological guidelines to maximize benefits for fisheries management, biodiversity conservation and climate change adaptation. These guidelines include: representing 30% of each major habitat (and multiple examples of each) in marine reserves within each of three biogeographic subregions; protecting critical areas in the life cycle of focal species (spawning and nursery areas) and sites with unique biodiversity; and establishing reserves in areas where local threats can be managed effectively. Given that strong, asymmetric oceanic currents reverse direction twice a year, to maximize connectivity on an ecological time scale, reserves should be spaced less than 50-200 km apart depending on the planktonic larval duration of target species; and reserves should be located upstream of fishing sites, taking the reproductive timing of focal species in consideration. Reserves should be established for the long term, preferably permanently, since full recovery of all fisheries species is likely to take > 25 years. Reserve size should be based on movement patterns of focal species, although marine reserves > 10 km long are likely to protect ~ 80% of fish species. Since climate change will affect species’ geographic range, larval duration, growth, reproduction, abundance, and distribution of key recruitment habitats, these guidelines may require further modifications to maintain ecosystem function in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fisheries management in northwestern Mexico must fully recognize fisheries as part of socio-ecological systems. This study describes the evolution and status of fisheries management, including the interaction dynamics of management institutions with conservation organizations, and highlights the opportunities and challenges involved in achieving ecological and social sustainability. In this context, recognizing artisanal fisheries as a social, as well as economic, activity would facilitate the evolution of governance and management systems towards greater alignment with social objectives. This approach allows us to fully address key issues, including the challenges that indigenous fishing communities face and the expected impacts of climate change. The scientific knowledge and experience accumulated over five decades provides a significant capacity to develop new strategies for transitioning towards greater system sustainability. The success of this process will depend on the ability to consolidate a unified vision of desired benefits, particularly for fishing communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Harmful fisheries subsidies contribute to overfishing leading to environmental and societal impacts. If only fisheries and ecosystems within the subsidising nations' jurisdiction were affected, then unilateral actions might be sufficient to help safeguard our ocean and the people reliant upon it. However, just as fish move between jurisdictions, so too do the subsidised fishing fleets that target them. As such, the impacts and solutions to subsidies-induced overfishing are often matters of international concern. Mapping the distribution and flows of harmful subsidies is therefore key to understanding these concerns, informing multilateral reform, and empowering impacted nations to strengthen the terms of access to their waters and resources. Here we quantify the amount of harmful fisheries subsidies that supports fishing in the high seas, domestic and foreign waters. We estimate that between 20% and 37% of all harmful fisheries subsidies support fishing in foreign waters or the high seas, that is outside the jurisdictions of the subsidising nations. We show that harmful subsidies primarily originate from nations with high-Human Development Index (HDI), strong fisheries management capacity and relatively sustainable fish stocks, yet disproportionately impact nations with low or very low-HDI, lower management capacity and more vulnerable fish stocks—40% of the harmful subsidies that support fishing in very low-HDI nations waters originate from high-HDI and very-high HDI nations. We show that Asia, Europe, and North America, are net subsidy sources; they provide more harmful subsidies to their fishing fleets than their respective ecosystems are impacted by; while Africa, South, Central America and Caribbean, and Oceania are net subsidy-sinks. This discrepancy between the source of harmful subsidies and the nations that are ultimately impacted is unsustainable and unjust. Prohibiting all harmful subsidies to distant-water fishing and fishing in the high seas—with narrow exceptions for Small Island Developing States—should be prioritised to support the advancement of sustainable and equitable fisheries worldwide. • We quantify the amount of harmful subsidies supporting fishing in the high seas, domestic and foreign waters. • Between 20% and 37% of harmful subsidies support fishing in foreign waters or the high seas. • Harmful subsidies unequally affect low or very low-HDI nations, with low management capacity and vulnerable fish stocks. • Asia, Europe and N. America are net subsidy sources; providing more harmful subsidies than their ecosystems are affected by. • Marine ecosystems within Africa, Oceania, South, Central America, and Caribbean, are net subsidy-sinks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Subsidies can directly support unsustainable fishing practices that harm both ecosystems and long-term social and economic benefits. Global fishery subsidies are substantial, yet their impacts on fishing dynamics are specific to given regions or fisheries at local scales. Subsidies thus have markedly different effects when applied to artisanal versus industrial, or managed versus open-access conditions, as shown for Mexican fisheries. Subsidy reform strategies are critically assessed, drawing on a review of over 30 case studies worldwide to determine patterns in their usefulness and conditions for implementation. Strategies with best relative results are reorienting subsidies away from capacity-enhancement, and/or conditioning them on specific sustainable performance metrics. Decoupling subsidies from fishing (e.g. providing direct aid to fishers) has unpredictable and unclear results, whereas buyback programs tend to have poor outcomes. Eliminating subsidies is perhaps the simplest strategy, but is the most difficult to implement from a social and political perspective. Key factors for any policy to succeed are clear short- and long-term goals; creative design; transparent implementation; and strong socio-political will. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Canada's ocean ecosystem health and functioning is critical to sustaining a strong maritime economy and resilient coastal communities. Yet despite the importance of Canada's oceans and coasts, federal ocean policy and management have diverged substantially from marine science in the past decade. In this paper, key areas where this is apparent are reviewed: failure to fully implement the Oceans Act , alterations to habitat protections historically afforded under Canada's Fisheries Act , and lack of federal leadership on marine species at risk. Additionally, the capacity of the federal government to conduct and communicate ocean science has been eroded of late, and this situation poses a significant threat to current and future oceans public policy. On the eve of a federal election, these disconcerting threats are described and a set of recommendations to address them is developed. These trends are analyzed and summarized so that Canadians understand ongoing changes to the health of Canada's oceans and the role that their elected officials can play in addressing or ignoring them. Additionally, we urge the incoming Canadian government, regardless of political persuasion, to consider the changes we have documented and commit to aligning federal ocean policy with ocean science to ensure the health of Canada's oceans and ocean dependent communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Harmful fisheries subsidies have historically contributed to fleet overcapacity and continue to be allocated to the fishing industry to artificially maintain its profitability. However, in this contribution we show that removing harmful subsidies and reducing overfishing will help to recover the resource biomass, subsequently leading to increased levels of sustainable catches, income and well-being of fishers, and reduces inequities in income and consumption when fish stocks are not effectively managed. Maintaining harmful fisheries subsidies is socially and economically inefficient. Taking the example of the EU fishing fleet, one of the largest fishing fleets in the world, we use the total factor productivity to show that small-scale fishing fleet's productivity is almost two-fold in the North Atlantic and 16% higher in the Mediterranean and Black seas compared to large-scale vessels. This result is explained because the harmful fisheries subsidies disproportionately allocated to large-scale vessels introduce distortions in the efficient allocation of inputs. With critical WTO negotiations ongoing regarding the global rules on fisheries subsidies, the EU must take advantage of the opportunity to lead a desirable transformative change while also supporting developing nations to truly achieve global sustainable and equitable fisheries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

November 2021 could see members of the World Trade Organization (WTO) reach an agreement to prohibit harmful fisheries subsidies, culminating over 20 years of negotiation and discussion. This commentary highlights strengths and places where the current draft text can be improved to ensure the agreement truly contributes to sustainable and equitable fisheries. Overall, conditionalities and exemptions are better streamlined and defined, time periods to enter into compliance are allowed yet reasonably short, types of subsidies to be particularly avoided are clearly noted, and appropriate emphasis is placed on reducing impacts from distant-water and transboundary fishing fleets. Key places for improvement relate to unspecific language on supporting fisher incomes, the uniform handling of illegal, unreported, and unregulated fisheries (IUU), and transparency in distant water fisheries, issues partly stemming from historical definitions that are useful for some fisheries but may not capture the complexity of others. Capacity-enhancing subsidies should be avoided, and it is important to avoid further negative impacts on marginalized fisher populations. Given the importance of reaching an agreement without further delay, we urge members to proactively and inclusively formalize their fishing definitions and practices to prevent inequitable outcomes for vulnerable fishers during the implementation stage of a new agreement. A WTO agreement to prohibit harmful fisheries subsidies is an opportunity to catalyze the design and funding of improved and cooperative national and international fisheries policy and management strategies, to the benefit of fishers, global seafood production, and indeed all who hold relationships with our oceans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The demand for fish maw (i.e., dried swim bladder) has apparently intensified during the past decades in Hong Kong and mainland China; currently, maw has similar annual import volumes but far higher mean unit values than other important seafood delicacies like shark fins and sea cucumber. Escalated demand for seafood delicacies can significantly contribute to the depletion of marine resources; yet a comprehensive understanding of maw value and the fisheries that supply it is lacking. We review available information on eight important maw-supplying species in major and largely undocumented source countries to examine the susceptibility and exposure of fisheries to the maw trade, which primarily serves Chinese demand. Comparing ex-vessel price ratios of maw to flesh (USD/kg), the overall mean price of maw can be as much as 72 times higher (range between 12:1 and 8389:1). Catch, price and export trends demonstrate that demand for maw is likely intensifying in countries already supplying it, shifting or expanding to new species, and emerging in new regions. We find that most maw-supplying species are under high fishing pressure, poorly or not protected. Those that yield the highest maw prices exhibit spawning aggregations, making them exceptionally vulnerable to overexploitation. While management interventions are needed to sustain fishery resources and capture economic benefits, their effectiveness will be challenged by the high value of maw. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite worldwide demand for tuna products and considerable conservation interest by civil society, no single global dataset exists capturing the spatial extent of all catches from fisheries for large pelagic species across all ocean basins. Efforts to spatially quantify the historical catch of global tuna fisheries have been restricted to the few taxa of major economic interest, creating a truncated view of the true extent of the fisheries for tuna and other large pelagic fishes. Individual Regional Fisheries Management Organizations (RFMOs) have given varying degrees of attention to minor taxa and non-target species only in more recent years. Here, we compiled and harmonized public datasets of nominal landed catches, as well as spatial data on reported catches of large pelagic taxa reported for the industrial tuna and large pelagic fisheries by tuna RFMOs for the last 60+ years. Furthermore, we provide a preliminary estimate of marine finfishes discarded by these fisheries. We spatialized these data to create a publicly available, comprehensive dataset presenting the historical reported landed catches plus preliminary discards of these species in space for 1950–2016. Our findings suggest that current public reporting efforts are insufficient to fully and transparently document the global historical extent of fisheries for tuna and other large pelagic fishes. Further harmonization of our findings with data from small-scale tuna fisheries could contribute to a fuller picture of global tuna and large pelagic fisheries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]