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At the 2020 Tokyo Summer Olympics, South Korean archer An San received national attention for her short hair, when anti-feminists accused An of being a feminist. The anti-feminists' online assaults made national headlines and evoked a strong feminist countermovement. In this paper, we ground this incident in the context of Korean nationalism and its relation to sport, and South Korean feminist movements. Using social media and news sources as our data, we analyze the meanings of women athletes' hair length and styles, revealed in the case of An San. We explore meanings of hair in Korean women's elite sport, and within the context of the tal-corset feminist movement. We argue that the An incident sheds light on the complex interplay between nationalism, feminist movements, and physical cultures of hair, and see the An incident as one that drew increasing public attention and support for the feminist movement in South Korea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Beijing 2022 Winter Olympics, Eileen Gu attracted considerable attention and sparked numerous discussions on Chinese social media. Using the method of textual analysis, this paper examines the various responses of Chinese women, particularly Chinese feminists, to Eileen's achievements on Chinese social media, framing these responses within recent studies of neoliberalism's undoing of feminism as well as long-standing debates about the relationship between feminism and nationalism. This paper argues that discussions about Eileen on Chinese social media not only illustrate how neoliberalism is absorbed, reworked, and resisted in its transnational circulation but also demonstrate how nationalist narratives can be strategically used by Chinese feminists to validate their feminist positions. It further enriches existing scholarship on neoliberalism with a transnational perspective, reaffirms the importance of contextualizing the relationship between Third World feminism and nationalism, and highlights the significance of uncovering indigenous feminist resources in Third World countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gender as a concept is essential for understanding British/English national identity. Feminist and queer scholars note that gender and sexuality are central to politics, yet frequently omitted from political analysis. Some scholars have highlighted the hegemonic masculinities that underpinned Brexit campaigns, but the role of gender in the construction of national identity in Europe has not been analyzed in depth. Combining the literature on national and European identities with feminist theories of gender and nationalism, I outline four discourses of Anglo-British exceptionalism: (1) British sovereignty and military power; (2) the British as defenders of liberty; (3) Britain as a global trading nation; and (4) England as a white Protestant “island nation.” Constructed in relation the European “Other,” these discourses are underpinned by gender-based hierarchies that intersect with class, race, and sexuality. These findings demonstrate the need for feminist and gender analysis not only of the UK’s relationship with the European Union (EU) but also more broadly within political science and EU studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses a recent wave of anti-feminist cyber violence in China, which began with a dispute over indoor smoking. A feminist activist recorded a video of a man refusing to stop smoking in a restaurant, sparking a heated discussion about indoor smoking regulations. However, a male nationalist blogger accused the activist of being disloyal to the country due to her alleged support for Hong Kong's Umbrella Movement. The blogger then proceeded to dox and harass feminist activists and organizations, spreading anti-feminist disinformation online. The article argues that this disinformation campaign undermines Chinese feminism and discourages transnational collaboration. It also highlights the need for a more nuanced understanding of feminism's relationship with the state. [Extracted from the article]

In feminist research on religion, women and gender, the concepts of "lived religion" as well as "agency as doing religion" take a prominent place. Both include an intersubjective and mostly partial perspective. However, against the background of current developments concerning a global religious right, the paper argues for the inclusion of a critical perspective through the methodology of a double critique that includes both an analysis of power relations that marginalize women in religious groups and an analysis of women's reproduction of gendered as well as racialized power relations. This argument is embedded in the complexity of post-secular feminist research including research on women, gender and religion, feminist critiques of secularism (and of anti-Muslim discourses), feminist, queer and trans theologies, and research on the religious right and their anti-feminist politics. The paper suggests to take feminist theologies and feminist spiritualities/religious practices as reference point for such an analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through the analysis of memoirs, newspaper articles, and oral history interviews, this article explores the organizational efforts of Ukrainian women who found themselves in displaced person camps in postwar Europe. While they praised elements of domesticity and reiterated essentialized gendered roles of raising children and keeping houses, women nevertheless claimed an active involvement in political struggles, challenging the public-private distinction that relegates them to the domestic sphere. This case study enables the understanding of how discourses and institutions, both patriarchal and feminist, circulate in transnational milieus of nation-building, critically addressing the gendered logic through which the language of nationhood, belonging, and migration is not only constructed but also contested. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the hallmarks of Vox, a far-right political party associated with both the Latin American new right and the European radical right, is its anti-feminist discourse. Despite the media prominence of the "anti-gender" stance taken by the elites of this party --in other words, of its opposition to gender justice and sexual diversity--, we know little about how this frame resonates among the broader right-wing electorate, where Vox gains support. To address this gap, we conducted three focus groups with voters from Vox and Partido Popular, the main right-wing parties in Spain. We analyzed how the anti-gender interpretation of reality is expressed in four discursive fractions: (1) androcentric liberalism; (2) patriarchal conservatism; (3) misogynist reactionaryism; and (4) feminist-nationalist radicalism. Despite significant differences between these discursive fractions, there was a transversal resonance of the anti-gender frame that mobilized right-wing voters against gender equality and feminism. Patriarchal conservatism was the only discursive fraction that showed ambivalence, dissociating itself from the anti-gender frame at some points. Conversely, the androcentric liberal faction was consistent in its opposition to gender justice, aligning with misogynist reactionaryism and feminist-nationalist radicalism. It is important to note that androcentric liberalism poses a threat to feminist politics as it denies the inequality between men and women through legal arguments that are legitimized within democratic discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia 396 is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Valparaiso, Instituto de Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Western concept of modernity is closely related to the emergence of modern feminism in India. Its interaction with nationalism gave an additional dimension to it. In this roller-coaster ride nationalism played a dual role for women at the same time, both progressive and regressive. On the one hand it was instrumental in bringing women in public sphere and on the other, threat perception of colonial male prohibited the question of autonomy for women. Women's question very often was subsumed under larger nationalist agenda. Social ridicule, harassment and ostracism were the hurdles our foremothers had to cross to attain the level of political consciousness they did. While first phase ofcolonial rule found empathetic reformers for women in the end women had to forge their own fight for their rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the ongoing debate over "comfort women" memorials, especially one statue known as the Statue of Peace. Whereas Japanese ultranationalists and their foreign collaborators attack "comfort women" memorials for tarnishing Japan's reputation and spreading historical falsities, progressive scholars sympathetic to "comfort women" victims criticize these memorials for reinforcing female chastity and anti-Japanese nationalism. Examining these varying responses to "comfort women" memorials across the Pacific, this article analyzes how Japanese ultranationalism, anti-Japanese Korean nationalism, US imperialism, and transnational feminism collide in the representation of "comfort women." By pointing out the significance and limitations of "comfort women" memorials, this article concludes with a discussion of how socially engaged memorials can serve as critical sites for building transnational feminist coalitions in shared struggle against both wartime violence and postwar amnesia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the perceptions of Chinese users of social media on the invasion of Ukraine by Russia. Topics mentioned include the feminist analysis of digital misogyny and racism, the link between masculinity, race, and nationalism, and the criticism of white men's hegemony to challenge them in international geopolitics.

This review essay explores a number of key books published in transnational feminist sociology over the last 20 years, including Kamala Kempadoo's (2004) Sexing the Caribbean, Pei-Chia Lan's (2006) Global Cinderellas, Smitha Radhakrishnan's (2011) Appropriately Indian, Héctor Carrillo's (2018) Pathways of Desire, Oluwakemi Balogun's (2020) Beauty Diplomacy, and Rhacel Parreñas' (2021) Unfree. The review analyzes three key themes found in transnational feminist sociology: migrant domestic work, sexuality and migration, and gender and nationalism. It also points to the important contributions transnational feminist research makes to sociology through its focus on global-local processes, intersectional inequalities, and the relationship between structure and agency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of IC: Revista Científica de Información y Comunicación is the property of Universidad de Sevilla, Departamento de Periodismo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Postcolonial female-authored narrative is produced within contexts of inferiorization and intimidation. One consequence of operating within such contexts is "writing semblance," rather than difference, the production of a "docile" brand of writing which accepts the criteria of literary excellence put forth by male forebears and peers and avoids confrontation with hegemonic cultural practices and traditions. This article analyzes the forces underlying the production and consumption of "docile' writing, its advantages and limitations, and its problematic prioritization of the nationalist over the feminist. Following a theoretical grounding of the article's argument, Radwa Ashour's Granada Trilogy will be analyzed as a case study of "docile" female writing. Granada Trilogy has gained tremendous critical acclaim and won prestigious prizes. While carving a well-deserved place in the male-dominated canon, Granada Trilogy not only puts a feminist agenda on the backburner, it also unwittingly ignores and tolerates problematic practices women authors ought to denounce. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a growing body of feminist scholarship and literature exploring the ways in which Western patriarchal technologies of gender differentiation and sexual violence structure the racial categorisation and dehumanisation that define South Africa's history of slavery, colonialism and apartheid. In this article, I consider the gendered history of white Afrikaner nationalism in the context of these insights. Using the decolonial feminist lens of María Lugones, I interpret the historical and contemporary patriarchal subjugation of the white Afrikaner woman as a site of the production and maintenance of colonial racial categories and hierarchies. Gaining a better understanding of how gender operated as a colonial mode of organisation in the process of forging the ethno-racialised white identity of the Afrikaner in the early nineteenth century in opposition to the black indigenous majority population helps to explain how the continued patriarchal subjugation of white Afrikaner women by Afrikaner men in postcolonial/postapartheid South Africa works to reassert and maintain colonial racial categories and inequalities that continue to plague the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fang Junbi 方君璧 was a famous Chinese female painter of the twentieth century and a core member of the Wang Jingwei 汪精衛 clique. As an intellectual woman of both the old and new eras, she had fierce national affection and patriotic zeal and also held moral ideals on the lasting loyalty and unchanging nature of love and friendship. During World War II she experienced the loss of country and family and the course of Wang Jingwei seeking peace with Japan. While extremely pained internally, her feelings for Wang remained as strong as ever, and when he fell gravely ill she risked her life to travel to Japan to be with him. Wang gave her an inkstone as a parting gift, signifying that the affection between the two was as solid as stone. During the 1970s she accepted an invitation to return to China where she witnessed the historic achievements of New China and sincerely identified with the Communist Party of China and its revolutionary culture. Knowing herself and her home country was the deepest sentiment of her life, and these two sentiments cannot be fully accounted for using the narrative of "women's liberation" in Chinese revolution or Western feminist discourse. Through the winding path of affection in the deep spiritual connection between Fang Junbi and her sister Fang Junying 方君瑛, her husband Zeng Zhongming 曾仲鳴, and her teacher and friend Wang Jingwei, we can understand their personalities, values, and modes of behavior, enriching our knowledge of the world of affection, ethics, and souls of modern Chinese female intellectuals, and providing resources for reflecting on the personal growth of women today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the discussion on Feminist studies. Topics include reproducing through feminist alliances and loyalties with the new/old world order in line with the directives of capitalism, neoliberalism, and nationalism; and exercising racial terror through systems of slavery and other forms of unfree labour and subjugation.

This article seeks to position gender theory as critical to making sense of one of the First World War's largest remaining historical problems: the persistence of mass violence after November 1918. While Robert Gerwarth and John Horne's pathbreaking work on veteran violence has challenged the standard 1914-18 periodisation of the war, their focus on military defeat and revolution obscures the centrality of gender relations to the continuation of violence after the formal end of hostilities. By putting their work into conversation with that of feminist theorists, I argue that countries which experienced more extreme gender dislocation or 'gender trouble' witnessed the greatest post-war violence, chiefly in the former German, Austro-Hungarian, and Russian empires. In states where women's struggles were more successfully contained, patriarchal forces faced a less severe threat and thus responded with considerably less violence. Drawing on the work of Judith Butler, Laura Doan, Joanna Bourke, Klaus Theweleit, and Erika Kuhlman, this article shows how right-wing violence targeting 'red women' in this period was not a mere outgrowth of battles between competing nationalisms or communism and fascism, but, crucially, a military clash between feminism and anti-feminism. With revitalised feminist movements sweeping Europe today from Poland to Ireland, understanding the violent restoration of patriarchy in the early 1920s offers crucial lessons--and warnings--for our own dangerously promising political moment. Keywords: First World War, sexual violence, feminism, socialism, masculinity, Introduction When Hungarian military officer Miklos Kozma returned home at the end of the First World War in late 1918, he was appalled to find the streets full of communist [...]

The partition narratives of South Asian authors are testimony to the fact that women of all ethnic and religious backgrounds were the greatest victims of the newly created border between India and Pakistan in 1947. Women's bodies were abducted, stripped naked, raped, mutilated (their breasts cut off), carved with religious symbols and murdered to be sent in train wagons to the 'other' side of the border. Taking Bapsi Sidhwa's novel Ice Candy Man/Cracking India (1988) as a narrative example of the importance of women's point of view and as central figures of the violent conflict, we will examine the symbol of the female breasts, following Judith Butler's and Michel Foucault's theories on power and governmentality, framed in the rhetoric of Mother India, as the violence inflicted upon women was equivalent to a sacrilege against one's religion, family and country. Therefore, we will examine the passage of sacks of mutilated breasts as a terrifying testimonio about Partition history fictionally recalled, but also as a metaphor of the border crossing which threatens the stability of the nation. In the light of Julia Kristen's theory on the abjection, we will interpret the female corpses with mutilated breasts as abjects which blur the limits of a normative society, displaying its fragility. We will conclude by asserting that the novel discussed in this paper can be read as a harsh indictment of both a violent de/colonial process and local misogynist corruption (lessons from History) as well as a weapon of feminist resistance (doing Herstory). Women's mutilated bodies are uncovered by authors such as Bapsi Sidhwa in order to expose the tragedy and trauma so that the history/body dialectic (a tale of the violation of women's rights) can be, as a consequence, also uncovered. Keywords: Communal rape, Nationalism, Mutilated breasts, South Asia, South Asian literature, Introduction This paper focuses on Bapsi Sidhwa's novel Cracking India (1988) as an exploration of the treatment of female bodies in the discursive articulation of nationalism. The partition narratives of [...]

Copyright of Espacio, Tiempo y Forma: Serie V, Historia Contemporánea is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A number of media companies in the United States broadcast reality TV series that chronicle lives, conflicts and economic highs and lows in the primary sector of the economy. This is curious from a cultural standpoint because employment in the primary sector has plateaued, and, in many regions, is in active decline. This paper examines primary sector reality TV series about fishing, logging and mining televised to audiences in the United States by broadcast networks Discovery and National Geographic. Using discourse and visual analysis, we deconstruct prominent nature–society representations in a sample of 100 episodes systematically selected from 15 different series. Three points emerge from the data and are generalizable across the series. First, nearly all characters are male, and storylines suggest that successful men are competitive, strong and brave. Second, hegemonic masculinity is made legible in contrast to a feminized nature that is almost always suggested to be acting against male protagonists. Third, US symbolism is common, and Americans are presented as ideally skilled and situated to exploit natural resources within and beyond domestic borders. Overall, the series mediate a highly gendered nature–society relation that weaves together hegemonic masculinity and resource nationalism. We conclude that viewers – many of whom will have little personal experience of primary sector work – are invited to relate with concern for the 'real-life' characters and with anxiety for the future of a specific identity and associated set of labour and consumption practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper advances current debates about feminist methodologies in geography by attending to affectual intensities and their resonance. Affectual intensities emerge through encounters between different bodies and objects, and are deeply power‐laden, enabling, disabling, transforming, and restricting geographic research. We attend to three moments of resonance that surfaced in Elisabeth Militz's field research on nationalism in Azerbaijan. In each, we show how attending to affectual intensities reveals much about the work of power in nationalism and in the constitution of geographic knowledge about it. The paper calls for an affectual methodology, a process of critical writing, reflection, and rewriting about moments of resonance between different bodies and objects in the field, and as we analyse, present, and write up our data. This is a layered, dialogic, and collaborative writing strategy that, we argue, enables us to write through and with affect. In particular, our work contributes a nuanced and multi‐layered approach to uncover often‐neglected power structures of predominantly white and heteronormative geographic research practice. This paper adds to current debates about feminist methodologies in geography by noticing affectual intensities and their resonance. Through attending to three moments of resonance that surfaced in field research on nationalism in Azerbaijan, we show how addressing affectual intensities reveals much about the work of power in nationalism and in the constitution of geographic knowledge about it. The paper calls for an affectual methodology, a process of critical writing, reflection, and rewriting about moments of resonance between different bodies and objects in the field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the outbreak of armed conflict in 2014, Ukraine adopted a National Action Plan within United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 for the period 2016–20, the first country in conflict to do so. Ukraine's case demonstrates that in a situation of active conflict, the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda becomes strongly linked to military security. Drawing on interviews, documents, and narratives by feminist and public figures, I argue that the WPS agenda in Ukraine has taken a narrow militarized form as a result of a combination of three interrelated and mutually constitutive factors: the ongoing conflict, nationalistic feminism, and the role of international organizations. The open conflict has generated a militaristic and nationalistic discourse among mainstream Ukrainians with an emphasis on defending the country. This discourse has been translated by international organizations and national actors into the WPS agenda, which has prioritized security sector reforms. Implementation of the WPS agenda in Ukraine therefore seems to be at odds with this norm's feminist principles. It is not leading to peace but to militarization, neglecting broader insecurities, including socioeconomic inequalities that have, in turn, been exacerbated by the conflict and the state's institutional reforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The abolishment of women's and LGBTQ rights has become one of the main goals of the so-called "anti-gender campaigns" emerging on a global scale. This study investigates discourses and notions that reject the concepts of "gender" and "gender-based violence" in times of "anti-gender campaigns" in Bulgaria. Based on discourse analysis and data from social media comments, the study demonstrates how "gender politics of fear" in Bulgaria have been included in the heteronormative, political, religious, nationalistic, and anti-feminist discourses and how gender and LGBTQ equality policies are identified as a threat to the traditional Bulgarian values. Engaging with the concept of hegemonic femininity, the analysis identifies four main types of notions among women opposing women's rights policies and demonstrates how the socialist past of Bulgaria has strengthened these beliefs. Finally, the analysis discusses some possible directions towards a constructive and evidence-based dialogue in times of "anti-gender campaigns", taking into account the strategic "delegitimization" of gender studies globally and the potential of the progressive and feminist religious scholarship and "contextual reasoning". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In September 2006, Australia's most iconic feminist, Germaine Greer, wrote a controversial article in response to the death of celebrity wildlife presenter Steve Irwin. In the Guardian piece, entitled 'That sort of self-delusion is what it takes to be a real Aussie larrikin', Greer concluded, 'The animal world has finally taken its revenge on Irwin'. For hundreds of Australian readers, Greer's public response to the untimely demise of a purported national 'hero' represented a symbolic assault not just on the 'Crocodile Hunter's' grieving family but on the nation itself. Following the article's appearance, Greer's agents – Gillon Aitken Associates, based in the United Kingdom – received copious amounts of hate mail directed towards the controversial celebrity feminist; these emails are contained in the recently acquired Greer archive at the University of Melbourne and provide important insights into affective responses to this polarising figure. Tightly policing the boundaries of what constitutes 'Australian-ness' as well as mobilising problematic assumptions about the correct way of publicly doing femininity, these emails call into question Greer's authority to speak publicly not just about this matter but about any issue at all. In so doing, these emails – which include threats of violence – work to contest the 'newness' of the vitriolic, misogynistic hate speech commonly directed towards vocal women in the contemporary mediasphere (especially via platforms such as Twitter). Against the representation of Irwin as model Australian, Greer is dismissed not just as a 'bad' woman but as a 'bad' citizen. Accordingly, this article considers both the kind of 'Greer' and the kind of 'Irwin' being discursively constructed in these emails, and how the mutually constitutive discourses of misogyny and nationalism were deployed in these attempts to marginalise and silence Greer and to mourn and celebrate Irwin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I think through decolonisation from the place of praxis and cultural artistic exchange in Global South-South encounters. I base my thinking on the concepts of 'neighbouring' by the Argentine theorist, [Savigliano, M. 2009. "Worlding Dance and Dancing Out there in the World." In Rethinking World Dance Histories, edited by Susan Foster, 163–191. New York: Palgrave.] and 'the gift' by the French sociologist, [Mauss, M. 2011. The Gift: Forms and Functions of Exchange in Archaic Societies. London: Martino Fine Books.]. The paradox of being a 'good neighbour' or 'friend', lies in its offers of help and its implicit demands for a reciprocal counter-gesture. I work with the Melbourne based carnatic singer Uthra Vijay in a dialogic (auto) ethnography that explores our ongoing performance and collaboration since 2016, including our friendship and how we 'neighbour' with various intercultural partners including our ongoing work with Indigenous partners in Australia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cahiers des Dix is the property of Societe des Dix and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Indialogs, Spanish Journal of India Studies is the property of Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper asserts that we are currently experiencing an epochal shift equal to that which inaugurated modernity. If the Caribbean was central to the production of modernity and the subsequent dominance of the West, it is also central to the current epochal shift. By exploring two dimensions of this shift as experienced in Jamaica – the growing influence of China globally, and the challenge contemporary feminist and sexual activism are posing to gendered notions of racial respectability that had previously served as the backbone of nationalism – the paper reflects on how we are being required to imagine sovereignty in new terms. If we are, in fact, witnessing the death of the West, or at least the destabilisation of the dominant parameters of Western liberal governance, what can the space of the Caribbean, and particularly Jamaica, tell us about what sovereignty might mean now and into the future? Résumé: Cet article soutient que nous vivons actuellement un changement d' époque égal à celui de l' entrée dans la modernité. Si les Caraïbes étaient au cœur de la production de la modernité et de la domination par conséquence de l' occident, ils sont également au cœur du basculement historique actuel. En explorant deux dimensions de ce changement d' époque tel que vécu en Jamaïque – l' influence grandissante de la Chine dans le monde et le féminisme et l' activisme sexuel contemporaines militantisme tels qu' ils posent défi aux notions genrées de respectabilité raciale qui étaient auparavant présentées comme la colonne vertébrale du nationalisme – cet article s' interroge sur la manière dont nous sommes invités à repenser la souveraineté dans des termes nouveaux. Si vous assistons effectivement à la mort de l' occident, ou tout au moins au bouleversement des paramètres de la gouvernance occidentale libérale occidentale, que peuvent nous dire les Caraïbes et plus particulièrement la Jamaïque au sujet de la souveraineté aujourd' hui et à l' avenir? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the causes of criminalization of forced marriage in European countries. The first part of the article locates the debate on forced marriage within the wider discourse of immigration, national identity, and women’s rights. The second part uses qualitative comparative analysis to analyze 29 European nations, 20 of which criminalized forced marriage. Our findings indicate that criminalization of forced marriage emerges out of a complex set of conditions and the causal recipes differ for early (before 2013) and late adopters (after 2013) of the policy of criminalization. For nations in which criminalization policy was adopted before 2013, the intermingling of world cultural, feminist, and right-wing policies is the main causal mechanism. For the late adopters, a similar causal path fails to emerge indicating that criminalization became normative in European policy environment. In other words, late adopters simply mimic others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we bring together Billig’s notion of banal nationalism and recent feminist geopolitical examinations of fear in order to analyze two cases studies of fear among U.S. college students and U.S. soldiers experiencing sexual violence. Putting banal nationalism and feminist geopolitics into conversation, we argue, reveals both their compatibilities and important pathways for political geography and critical geopolitics to build on Billig’s work. In this regard, the paper makes three key contributions. First, we demonstrate how the insights and imperatives of banal nationalism intertwine in critical ways with the work of feminist geographers, as the banal is often rendered feminine and apolitical and as gender itself is often treated as banal despite its role in the reproduction of the nation. Second, we argue that the multi-scalar analytic of feminist geopolitics offers a valuable intervention into banal nationalism, as relational feminist approaches to binaries like intimate/global provide a useful model to account for hot and banal nationalism as a single, intertwining complex. Finally, through an analysis of fear in relation to sexual violence, the paper illustrates both the inseparability of banal and hot nationalism and how they are deeply gendered, as certain forms of deeply hot violence and fear are depoliticized through their banalization (e.g. sexual assault on college campuses), and as violence that is recognized as hot (e.g. war) is maintained through processes that are deemed banal (e.g. gender). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

“Ugly Betty Mania” has created numerous versions of this telenovela across the globe. This paper explores the representational schema within the franchise'sCinderella/Ugly Ducklingnarrative, whilst focusing on the exclusionary notions of beauty in Mexico's hit 2006 productionLa Fea Más Bella(“The Most Beautiful Ugly Girl”). By reading the slapstick comedy within this version through feminist theories of laughter, this paper identifies representational modes that challenge traditional Manichaean formulas within the Mexican telenovela, which are tied to notions of good (beauty) and evil (ugliness). Examining this telenovela's popularity through a cultural and industrial analysis, this paper uses data from interviews with industry professionals to consider how an increasingly disengaged Mexican telenovela viewership may have been recaptured through the slapstick gender dynamics ofLa Fea Más Bella. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper charts the articulation of feminist, gender, and nationalist concerns in the writings of Samirah 'Azzâm (1927-1967). It situates 'Azzam's oeuvre within the Palestinian literary canon, arguing through a series of close readings of her short stories that, though overlooked, 'Azzam's writings are in fact seminal. Writing in the wake of the Nakbah, 'Azzám was among the first to articulate many of the tropes and motifs that would become central to Palestinian literary production. While her overriding concern was with class critique, 'Azzam's writing simultaneously prefigures later Palestinian feminist literary social critiques. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented on feminist solidarities. The author talks about how to keep the strength of disciplinary machinery from inhibiting feminist solidarities and justice work. She also tackles a number of other relationships that provide the troubling subtext to their longings and affiliations including capitalism, nationalism, and heterosexism.

The formation of a feminist consciousness in Egypt ran parallel with the country's rapid development as a modern state at the start of the 19th century. Technological advancements within Muhammad Ali's increasingly capitalistic, secular country were accompanied by burgeoning intellectual thought among all sections of society, including women. By the end of the century, a middle-class female literary culture had become indelibly associated with a nationwide feminist awakening. The feminist element to the wider independence movement was both vocal and powerful, as women rallied under the 'Egypt for the Egyptians' slogan. Elite women who had organised themselves politically had first taken part in nationalist demonstrations in March 1919, and were to become a critical force in achieving the partial removal of the British from Egypt in 1922. Nationalism also became a vehicle for specific feminist demands. So it was that two dynamic and overlapping ideologies -- nationalist and feminist -- combined to create a formidable campaigning force which would have a compelling effect on the progress of Egyptian society. Radical calls for change being made by a pioneering women's movement strengthened the nationalist cause. In turn, feminists gained from their close association with the nationalists, using their connections to build up their own power base. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A collection of reflections is offered on the scholarship of Canadian feminist historian and intellectual Veronica Strong-Boag. Topics discussed include Strong-Boag's doctoral dissertation "The Parliament of Women: The National Council of Women of Canada, 1893-1929," Canadian nationalism, women's history in Canada, and the historical periodization of feminism.

This article reviews recent anthropological scholarship of Arab-majority societies in relation to geopolitical and theoretical shifts since the end of the Cold War, as well as conjunctures of research location, topic, and theory. Key contributions of the subfield to the larger discipline include interventions into feminist theorizing about agency; theories of modernity; analyses of cultural production/consumption that destabilize the culture concept; approaches to religion that integrate textual traditions with practice, experience, and institutions; and research on violence that emphasizes routinization and affect. Emerging work in the areas of race and ethnicity, secularism, law, human rights, science and technology, and queer studies has the potential to strengthen anthropology of the region as well as to contribute to the discipline more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the construction of gender roles in the independent Irish Free State of the 1920s and 1930s. It focuses on the discrepancy between the fluid nature of gender roles in the revolutionary period and the very rigid traditional gender roles that emerged in the post-revolutionary period. During the revolutionary period, there were the alternative gender roles of the male rebel hero and the female citizen/comrade-in-arms. After the revolution, the traditional gender roles of male as paterfamilias and woman as homemaker returned in a rather rigid and uncompromising manner. While the Irish example follows the general experience documented in women's history of the opening of gender roles during periods of turmoil and then their closing up again, this article will explore the particular circumstances that allowed the retraction and contraction of gender roles in so complete and absolute a manner in the Ireland of the 1920s and 1930s. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper revisits the Rufa'a revolt/riot (1946) in the Sudan led by Mahmoud M. Taha, the elderly Islamic, modernist reformer executed by President Nimerie in 1985, to abolish legislation against female circumcision imposed by the British. Although revered as a martyr for his courage facing death for his beliefs, Taha has been unrelentingly castigated for opposing a measure that intended allegedly to rescue women from this barbarous custom. Not even Taha's subsequent unprecedented labor for women's rights took the edge off this criticism of his stand on female circumcision in 1946. The paper will argue that this conflicted view about Tahas' feminist legacy arose from a sorrowful dichotomy in scholarship about the Sudan. The culturally sensitive feminist writings about female circumcision in the country failed to influence the narrative of Sudanese nationalism. In this narrative colonial modernity's claim to civilize the 'natives' (like rescuing colonial women from their male oppressors) has been widely accepted. Worse, this rescue mission is currently missed and nostalgically remembered as a golden past by both scholars and laymen who were turned off by the disarray of independent Sudan. Drawing on postcolonialism, the paper will seek to bridge the gulf between Sudan feminism and nationalism scholarships to rehabilitate the feminist outlook and praxis of Taha, a consummate, different nationalist. The colonial rescue concept, or modernity, will be viewed as a form of a 'colonial nonsense' as developed by Homi Bhabha. This nonsense is an evidence of the sterility of colonialism, an alleged modernist project, torn between the demands of the metropolis raised in the custom of democracy, and the administrative constraints of the colony mired in the custom of power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Malak Hifni Nasif (1886-1918), one of Egypt’s early feminist writers, stood at the crossroads of many political and social tensions of her day. Situated between the potential contradictions of Egyptian nationalism, Islamic reform, and Westernization, Nasif provides an important lens through which to examine the relationship between feminism and colonial enterprise in the tumultuous milieu of the early twentieth century. This paper contends that, in order to understand Nasif ’s construction of her own feminist agenda, one must first examine the pervasive presence of the “colonial” as a distinct site of inquiry—one that must be extracted from the larger and more ambiguous category of “European.” By teasing out the difference between European versus colonial interactions with feminism, we get a clearer view of the process by which Nasif was able to negotiate an indigenous feminist agenda within and against the power structures of both Egyptian society and colonial rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this edited interview, Vron Ware talks honestly about the political inspiration and personal engagement that flows through her entire body of work. From Beyond the Pale (1992) which introduced a new and challenging approach to the intersecting discussions on feminism and anti-racism, to Out of Whiteness (2001) which was written with sociologist Les Back and critiqued what the field of critical whiteness studies had become, to Ware's latest work on Britishness (Who Cares about Britishness? 2007) and the British military (forthcoming). Ware's political, feminist and anti-racist engagement not only keeps her alert and attuned to the undercurrent of racist attitudes in multicultural Britain, but also informs her methodology and her approach to doing research and to thinking through conversations with colleagues all over the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rural Japanese women have been overlooked or misrepresented in the academic and nationalist discourses on Japanese women. Using an anti-colonial feminist framework, I advocate that centring discussions on Indigenous knowledges will help fill this gap based on the belief that Indigenous-knowledge framework is a tool to show the agency of the 'colonized'. In this paper, I attempt to answer the following question: What is the role of Indigenous knowledges in the context of rural Japanese women? I first discuss my epistemological approach by exploring the notion of Indigenous knowledges and my location within it. This process led me to employ autoethnography as the central methodology of this paper. Second, in order to better situate rural Japanese women, I look at Japanese history, especially the Meiji period (1868-1912) when Westernization began to exert a major influence on the Japanese nationalist movement via its control over knowledges carried by rural Japanese women. Third, in order for me to reclaim these subjugated Indigenous knowledges, I introduce my lived experience through autoethnography as a starting point to explore the possibilities that lie in the Indigenous-knowledge framework. Fourth, I further discuss the interlocking nature of the issues surrounding nationalism, representation, knowledge production and identity emerging from the discussion on rural Japanese women and my reflexive text. This leads us to an assessment of how an Indigenous-knowledge framework may shift discussions/perceptions of rural Japanese women in particular. Lastly, I conclude by noting the potential implications and applications of further research on this topic in other parts of the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In her novel Amor de tango (1992) Maria Xosé Queizán frames the Second Republic and the Civil War of Spain within an original perspective, which can be viewed as feminist insofar as the novel highlights masculine violence and the struggle of women to liberate themselves in a patriarchal society. My first objective in this article consists of explaining Queizan's feminist perspective regarding Galizan nationalism. In contrast to the blind allegiance of many Galizan nationalists, both men and women, to their cultural heritage, Maria Xosé Queizan aggressively reveals the reactionary elements that this heritage contains and proposes a new nationalist canon, ideology, and praxis. In my analysis of the novel I elucidate the different strategies that conform Amor de tango's feminist pedagogical project, which offers a heuristic model through which readers can acquire a new ideological framework for re-articulating memory of the Civil War and reconfiguring Galizan national identity. I furthermore analyse the ways through which the novel demonstrates the necessity of memory for life. The protagonist of the novel, Margot, becomes a role-model because of her determination to remember the past tragedies caused by fascism: and her memories do not hurt her, but rather they fortify her and put her life into perspective. Those characters in the novel who repress the memory of their life tragedies become mentally ill. Remembering for Margot is depicted not only as a way for her to maintain her mental health, but it is even portrayed implicitly as a force for defeating fascism in the present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines the Eastern Women's Congresses in Damascus (1930) and Tehran (1932) to show how Middle Eastern women attempted to stake their own claim to modernity within the established terms of nationalist and international feminist discourses. I argue that in organizing across national boundaries, in seeking recognition from the international women's movement, and above all in articulating a uniquely ‘Eastern‘ framework in which to ground women's rights, the delegates tried to create an autonomous women's movement that was allied with but independent from both Middle Eastern male nationalists and Western feminists. Simultaneously drawing inspiration and seeking autonomy from Western models, theirs was an attempt to define feminism in their own terms–one that defied the presumption of male reformers who tried to arrogate to themselves the task of modernizing Eastern womanhood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Data from a survey of 1,048 Americans conducted in summer 2003 are used to demonstrate the existence of a "televised masculinist sport-militaristic nationalism complex" that contributed support for the U.S. invasion of Iraq. Involvement in televised masculinist sports is robustly correlated with support for invading Iraq, the doctrine of preventive attacks, and strong patriotic feelings for the United States. Critical feminists and figurationalists posit a linkage between war and masculinist sports that is grounded in a macho or hypermasculinity found most in combat sports such as football. Using Lakoff's study of the conservative worldview and Lamont's work on moral boundaries, the author develops an alternative conception of "masculinist moral capital" that better explains the gender and racial patterns of correlation between different types of televised sports and support for invading Iraq. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]