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The report Africa Can Help Feed Africa (World Bank 2012) showed that increasing food staples1 supply can be met by better connecting African markets to each other. That report called for a stronger focus on removing trade barriers and building on the forces of regional integration. This report builds on the lessons of Africa Can Help Feed Africa by looking into the specific circum¬stances met in West Africa, home to one-third of the continent’s population and to some of its most vulnerable countries. Staple foods are the main source of calories in Africa and in West Africa. In that region, rice, followed by maize and cassava, provides the main source of calories in coastal countries, with millet and sorghum being an important source of food in Sahelian countries (Haggblade et al. 2012). The challenge of food supply is particularly acute in West Africa with some of the world’s fastest growing populations, including urban populations. West Africa’s 2011 population of 342 million is expected to increase to 516 million by 2030 and to 815 million by 2050 (United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division 2013); in this time frame, the region’s urban population will grow from 44 percent to 63 percent of the total population (United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division 2014). As this report will show, strong reasons exist to bring a more strategic focus on promoting regional trade. The first compelling reason is that there is already a sizeable amount of trade in the region, revealing existing important complementarities between countries in the ECOWAS space. Because a large share of this trade is informal, this reality is not always well taken into account. A second reason is that developing these complementarities by facilitating trade and creating the regional soft and hard infra¬structure to incite cross-border flows would further enable (a) the exploitation of comparative advan¬tages and economies of scale in the region; (b) access to and diffusion of better production technologies; (c) competitive access to inputs, research, and extension services; and (d) improved security in the face of shocks that lead to food crises. Finally, a third reason is that existing national policies that affect trade are, by and large, inefficient and incoherent at the regional level; therefore a better use of policy making and institutions is needed to achieve food policy objectives.

South Sudan is a fragile country beset by conflicts. The oil shutdown accompanied by a border closure in 2012 was resolved, but ongoing military clashes between factions of the ruling party have affected livelihoods since December 2013. Before the onset of these conflicts, large parts of the population were food insecure (2 out of 3 people) and lived in poverty (1 out of 2 people). This note estimates and juxtaposes the impact of the oil shutdown and the ongoing military conflict on livelihoods based on food price changes, predicted harvest losses and displacement. The resulting poverty estimates help to understand the structural implications of these conflicts. But to validate these numbers, test the underlying modeling assumptions and inform a policy response, new data needs to be collected urgently.

Mainly in developing countries, food loss and waste is a problem that is difficult to measure. Investigations have been conducted in industrialized countries; however, consistent evidence of how much is really being depleted is limited. The accessible data give the illusion of evidence, but are supported by very restricted facts. In recent years, food waste and loss have gained importance because more than 35% of food is wasted. Nevertheless, with this percentage of food, most of the 800 million people that go hungry every day in the world could be fed. This reflection paper aims to describe the different approaches and meanings of food waste, food loss and food wastage. Similarly, this article identifies the phases of the food supply chain where food is being lost and wasted. Based on the available data, developed and developing countries are compared. It was concluded that, in developed countries, the most important losses are in the consumption phase; in developing countries, the losses take place in the growing and harvesting phase. Changing consumption habits as well as the improvement of cropping and harvesting processes could be an option for reducing this problem, especially in developing countries.

Mainly in developing countries, food loss and waste is a problem that is difficult to measure. Investigations have been conducted in industrialized countries; however, consistent evidence of how much is really being depleted is limited. The accessible data give the illusion of evidence, but are supported by very restricted facts. In recent years, food waste and loss have gained importance because more than 35% of food is wasted. Nevertheless, with this percentage of food, most of the 800 million people that go hungry every day in the world could be fed. This reflection paper aims to describe the different approaches and meanings of food waste, food loss and food wastage. Similarly, this article identifies the phases of the food supply chain where food is being lost and wasted. Based on the available data, developed and developing countries are compared. It was concluded that, in developed countries, the most important losses are in the consumption phase; in developing countries, the losses take place in the growing and harvesting phase. Changing consumption habits as well as the improvement of cropping and harvesting processes could be an option for reducing this problem, especially in developing countries. Principalmente en países en desarrollo la pérdida y desperdicio de comida es un problema difícil de medir. Investigaciones han sido llevadas a cabo en países industrializados; sin embargo, evidencia consistente de cuánta comida está siendo realmente desperdiciada es limitado. El acceso a datos da una posible evidencia, pero son soportados por pocos hechos. En los últimos años las pérdidas y desperdicio de comida han ganado importancia porque más del 35% de comida es desperdiciada. No obstante, con este porcentaje de comida, más de los 800 millones de personas que pasan hambre cada día en el mundo, podrían ser alimentadas. Este artículo de reflexión busca describir los diferentes enfoques y significado de residuos de comida, pérdida de comida y desperdicio de comida. De la misma manera, identifica las fases de la cadena de abastecimiento de alimentos donde la comida está siendo perdida y desperdiciada. Basado en los datos disponibles, se comparan los países industrializados y los países en desarrollo. Se concluye que las más importantes pérdidas son en la fase de consumo en países industrializados, y en la fase de cultivo y cosecha en los países en desarrollo. Por otra parte, nuevos hábitos de consumo, así como el mejoramiento de los procesos de cultivos y cosecha podrían ser una opción para reducir este problema, especialmente en los países en desarrollo.

This paper makes the case for why safety nets are an important tool for managing the risk of natural hazards. The use of safety nets is advocated both ex ante, to prevent and mitigate the impact of natural disaster and ex post, to cope with the impacts of natural shocks. Firstly, the paper explores the implications of contextual factors to be taken into account in the design of an effective safety net system to respond to the needs generated by natural disasters. Learning from the responses to a number of recent natural disasters, a typology of the different types of natural hazards which require different approaches to reduce their risk is introduced. Secondly, the paper considers some 'guidelines' for improving the design and implementation of safety nets either to prevent and/or to recover from natural disasters. Finally, some conclusions and recommendations for more effective safety net and suggestions for addressing key issues are outlined.

A longitudinal and seasonal study was designed to examine the relationships between, at one hand, coping with food insecurity and socio-economic characteristics at household level and, at the other hand, food consumption, time allocation and nutritional status at individual level in a unimodal climate in north-western Benin.Body weight of men and women was frequently measured during two consecutive years. Body weight fluctuations of 5-6% occurred but variation in seasonal body weight fluctuation could not be explained by socio-econornic household characteristics. Neither a relationship was found between household cereal stock, indicating the level of household food security, and individual seasonal body weight fluctuation. It appeared that households with sufficient and insufficient cereal stock differed in their coping behaviour pattern. However this was not reflected in differences in seasonal body weight loss. Households with insufficient cereal stock made more use of coping behaviour such as gathering wild foods, selling livestock, seasonal migration and reduction of number of meals or fasting. Dietary changes at individual level during the preharvest period were characterized by a decreased cereal intake, an increased consumption of pulses and tubers and an increased consumption of food gifts, purchased foods and wild foods. Children seemed to be protected in times of seasonal food insecurity by a more favourable food allocation. Gender differences in subsistence task distribution showed more working hours for women compared to men, combining home production with field production tasks. Men were mainly responsible for food production and assistance at work parties. In times of seasonal food insecurity women were more engaged in coping with this adverse situation than men.It may be concluded that household food insecurity does not necessarily lead to food insecurity at individual level since it can be favourably counterbalanced by local coping behaviour. Ibis conclusion confirms that development projects to promote household food security should take seriously into consideration an enforcement of existing local coping behaviour patterns rather than a replacement by innovations from outside.

A longitudinal and seasonal study was designed to examine the relationships between, at one hand, coping with food insecurity and socio-economic characteristics at household level and, at the other hand, food consumption, time allocation and nutritional status at individual level in a unimodal climate in north-western Benin.Body weight of men and women was frequently measured during two consecutive years. Body weight fluctuations of 5-6% occurred but variation in seasonal body weight fluctuation could not be explained by socio-econornic household characteristics. Neither a relationship was found between household cereal stock, indicating the level of household food security, and individual seasonal body weight fluctuation. It appeared that households with sufficient and insufficient cereal stock differed in their coping behaviour pattern. However this was not reflected in differences in seasonal body weight loss. Households with insufficient cereal stock made more use of coping behaviour such as gathering wild foods, selling livestock, seasonal migration and reduction of number of meals or fasting. Dietary changes at individual level during the preharvest period were characterized by a decreased cereal intake, an increased consumption of pulses and tubers and an increased consumption of food gifts, purchased foods and wild foods. Children seemed to be protected in times of seasonal food insecurity by a more favourable food allocation. Gender differences in subsistence task distribution showed more working hours for women compared to men, combining home production with field production tasks. Men were mainly responsible for food production and assistance at work parties. In times of seasonal food insecurity women were more engaged in coping with this adverse situation than men.It may be concluded that household food insecurity does not necessarily lead to food insecurity at individual level since it can be favourably counterbalanced by local coping behaviour. Ibis conclusion confirms that development projects to promote household food security should take seriously into consideration an enforcement of existing local coping behaviour patterns rather than a replacement by innovations from outside.

De "grote hongersnood" van 1943 in Bengalen is een van de best bestudeerde hongersnoden. De Indiase fytopatholoog Padmanabhan verklaart het ontstaan van de catastrofe uit het optreden van een schimmelziekte in rijst, de Helminthosporium vlekkenziekte. De econoom Sen kijkt naar de achterliggende sociaal-economische oorzaken

De "grote hongersnood" van 1943 in Bengalen is een van de best bestudeerde hongersnoden. De Indiase fytopatholoog Padmanabhan verklaart het ontstaan van de catastrofe uit het optreden van een schimmelziekte in rijst, de Helminthosporium vlekkenziekte. De econoom Sen kijkt naar de achterliggende sociaal-economische oorzaken